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The 'informal' economy - economic activity and income outside government regulation, taxation and observation - is difficult to quantify. Recent estimates suggest it accounts, in OECD countries, for around 13% of national income (in the UK, the equivalent of £150 billion) and in developing nations it can make up as much as three-quarters of all non-agricultural employment. Whatever the exact figures, it is clear that the informal economy plays a significant role in national incomes and affects a large share of the global workforce. Colin C. Williams provides an authoritative introduction to the topic, explaining what the informal economy is and how it can best be measured. Taking a global perspective, he examines its characteristics in developed, developing and transitional economies, and looks at its role as a driver of economic growth. The theoretical underpinnings are explored, from conceptual origins in the development models of the 1950s, through to present-day discussions, which question whether a formalised economy is always the ideal. The book considers the economic motivations of the informal economy workforce, which may include tax evasion, circumventing regulations and maintaining state benefits, and assesses the different policy options available to governments to combat them, whether a punitive policy of deterrence, or one of accommodation that recognises the value of the sector in generating income and in meeting the needs of poor consumers. The book provides a masterly summation of the published research on the informal economy and an expert assessment of the key areas for research going forward

Structure, context, and dynamics; various countries; 10 articles. Partial contents: Female participation in the informal economy: a neglected issue, by Michele Hoyman; Developing economies and the informal sector in historical perspective, by Chris Gerry; The second economy of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, by Steven L. Sampson.

The main purpose of this paper is to assess the size of the informal sector of the economy in Albania by using indirect approaches: national accounts discrepancies, simple currency ratio, electrical energy consumption and some evidence by the labor market developments. A few studies have attempted to estimate the size of the informal economy in Albania in the previous years and there's no evidence of recent estimates of informality (at least they are not publicly available), especially after 2007. Also, there are some other available studies which give some point assessments of informality in Albania but without information on its development over time. Using indirect measurement approaches we found that informality still accounts for a large share to GDP, but, differently from findings in other studies we found lower figures. This may be the result of vast reforms and a formalization process undertaken by the Albanian governments over time. Despite these results, it's important to highlight the fact that the average ratio of the informal sector of the economy to GDP presents a declining trend over the period 1996 – 2012. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2013.v2n8p212

The aim of this paper is to discuss the interconnections between informal economy and Value Added Tax (VAT), as well as measures applied in the European Union (EU) Member States and other countries to counter VAT evasion and VAT fraud related to informal economy. It is shown in the article, that VAT and informal economy are strongly interconnected. VAT may be the cause for growth of the informal economy. But on the other hand, some VAT-related measures may be introduced to reduce or at least stop further growth of informal economy. Examples of such measures conclude the findings. ; Celem artykułu jest omówienie wzajemnych relacji między szarą strefą gospodarki a podatkiem od wartości dodanej (VAT), a także środków stosowanych w państwach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej (UE) i innych państwach w celu przeciwdziałania uchylaniu się od opodatkowania i oszustwom VAT związanym z szarą strefą gospodarki. W artykule wykazano, że wzajemne zależności między szarą strefą a VAT są silne. VAT może być przyczyną rozwoju szarej strefy. Z drugiej strony, pewne rozwiązania z zakresu VAT mogą zostać wprowadzone, aby zmniejszyć lub przynajmniej zatrzymać rozwój szarej strefy. Przykłady takich środków zamykają konkluzje.

The aim of this paper is to discuss the interconnections between informal economy and Value Added Tax (VAT), as well as measures applied in the European Union (EU) Member States and other countries to counter VAT evasion and VAT fraud related to informal economy. It is shown in the article, that VAT and informal economy are strongly interconnected. VAT may be the cause for growth of the informal economy. But on the other hand, some VAT-related measures may be introduced to reduce or at least stop further growth of informal economy. Examples of such measures conclude the findings. ; Celem artykułu jest omówienie wzajemnych relacji między szarą strefą gospodarki a podatkiem od wartości dodanej (VAT), a także środków stosowanych w państwach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej (UE) i innych państwach w celu przeciwdziałania uchylaniu się od opodatkowania i oszustwom VAT związanym z szarą strefą gospodarki. W artykule wykazano, że wzajemne zależności między szarą strefą a VAT są silne. VAT może być przyczyną rozwoju szarej strefy. Z drugiej strony, pewne rozwiązania z zakresu VAT mogą zostać wprowadzone, aby zmniejszyć lub przynajmniej zatrzymać rozwój szarej strefy. Przykłady takich środków zamykają konkluzje.

A report on a study of the informal economy based on 1981 interviews with a national probability sample of approximately 2,100 US families, asking about purchases they made from vendors who were selling goods & services on the side. Questions were asked to verify that vendors were indeed functioning as informal suppliers. Although not all characteristics had to be present for any single supplier, informal suppliers were characterized as individuals who had casual record-keeping systems, lacked a fixed place of business, & relied on word of mouth & other casual means of advertising, eg, automobile mechanics operating in a home garage, produce sellers with roadside stands, & craftsmen operating from a pickup truck or in a home workshop. It was found that about $42 billion in informal economic activity took place in 1981, & that 80% of US families purchased something from an informal vendor, especially home repairs & food. 11 Tables. HA

This article presents results from a study of the informal economy carried out by interviewing a national probability sample of approximately 2100 families. Each family was asked about purchases it had made from vendors who were selling goods and services on the side. A number of questions were asked about each vendor to help verify that vendors were indeed functioning as informal suppliers. Although not all characteristics had to be present for any single supplier, informal suppliers were characterized as individuals who had casual record-keeping systems, lacked a fixed place of business, and relied upon word of mouth and other casual means of advertising. Typical of such vendors are automobile mechanics operating in a home garage, produce sellers operating from a roadside stand, and craftsmen who operate from a pickup truck or in a home workshop. It was found that about $42 billion in informal economic activity took place in 1981 and that four out of every five American families purchased something from an informal vendor. Home repairs, accounting for over $12 billion, constituted the largest form of informal economic activity. The second most important was food sales.