Suchergebnisse

Frank-Lothar Kroll ; Literaturverz. S. [ 253 ] - 294 ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVA 2001.3903

In the context of philippinische Historiographiegeschichte as Ideengeschichte, the Filipino Pantayong Pananaw would be defined; then, illustrated as the times´ philosophy, methodology, and perspective of history, which begun the country´s new history and historiography, Bagong Kasaysayan. PP and BK embody therewith the Filipino historians´ emic indigenization movement --- pag-aangking mula sa loob, which proceeded towards the start of an actual Filipino historiography, Pagsasakasaysayang Pilipino.The ancient Filipino concept for history is kasaysayan, meaning significant story(ies); chosen, important narratives --- orally transferred through folklore, genealogies, songs and rituals --- of the communities. Political colonization and intellectual compartmentalization starting 1565 discontinued this. Concept kasaysayan was repressed; placed in its stead was historía, narratives of colonizing foreigners, who had contacts with the native inhabitants --- the eventually recognized Philippine history and historiography. Historía was continually perpetuated by Filipino (foreign) educated historians; which, in turn, led to the average Filipino´s foreign conception of his own history. However, this trend was broken starting the 1970´s. Pantayong Pananaw was introduced. For the historian, this is a metaphorical return to himself and to his people. For the discipline, this is the operational Filipino written historical discourse´s start. The historian must methodologically create a significant Filipino history, Bagong Kasaysayan. This meant, creation of history, about, by, for the Filipino, in Filipino; the commencement of Pagsasakasaysayang Pilipino; the realization of disciplinal indigenization --- a political stand; part of the people´s exertions in independently determining their pride and person, in regaining mastery of their probable future, especially in the midst of today´s mythos globalizing community.

Tous les lecteurs de Thucydide savent combien l'historien est discret sur ses politiques. À part quelques lignes à la fin du livre VIII (97, 2) où est bien visible son estime pour le régime des 5.000, rien ne nous est explicitement révélé de ses sentiments sur le gouvernement des cités. .

Impressive and authoritative, this essential book brings together a collection of essays in honour of Peter Groenewegen, one of the most distinguished historians of economic thought of a generation. His work on a wide range of economic theorists such as Adam Smith, François Quesnay and Alfred Marshall approaches a level of near insuperability.

Diskursanalyse mittels des Cambridge Modells (Quentin Skinner, John Pocock) und insbesondere dessen Anwendung auf die politische Ideengeschichte, so lautet die Aufgabe, die der Autor sich hier stellt. Er schlägt ein allgemeines Modell vor, dessen Verwendbarkeit am heutigen Liberalismus veranschaulicht wird. ; The author discusses the discourse-theory of the so-called 'Cambridge School' (Quentin Skinner, John Pocock), which is favorably compared to alternative approaches in the field of the intellectual history of political thought. Some conceptual problems of this kind of discoursetheory are discussed and some remedies proposed, resulting in the formulation of a general model, which could be applied to contemporary debates, exemplified by a short analysis of the discursive situation of modern liberalism. ; L'auteur discute l'analyse de discours selon le modéle dit de Cambridge (Quentin Skinner, John Pocock) et, en particulier, son application à l'histoire des idées politiques. Il propose un modèle général dont il donne un exemple d'application portant sur le libéralisme contemporain. ; Peer Reviewed

Dietmar Herz ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVA 99.2857

Sönke Neitzel ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVA 2000.2217

This paper discusses macroeconomic and monetary policy-making at the European Commission, covering the period from the Rome Treaties to the Hague Summit. It is based on an analysis of public documents, archival research and interviews with former policy-makers. The paper starts with an overview of the economic philosophy of the Rome Treaties and senior macroeconomic policy-makers at the Commission, followed by an analysis of economic developments in the 1960s. Thereafter, the focus is on three crucial macroeconomic policy documents of the period: the European Reserve Fund project in 1958, the Commission's Action Programme for the Second Stage of the EEC of October 1962 and the Barre Memorandum of October 1969. The Commission's objectives tended to be both defensive, preserving the "acquis communautaire", especially avoiding recourse to the safeguard clauses, and pro-active, stimulating the process of European integration. From an analytical point of view, the Commission focussed on the compatibility of policies between the Member States. Gradually, a typical Commission analysis developed, based on a blending of German convergence ideas with the French medium-term approach. The paper further illustrates the ascent of the Commission as an actor in the monetary area, notwithstanding the relatively limited provisions of the EEC Treaty.

Sigrid Thielking ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 2009.57837

Die Eine Welt, die zunächst noch als großartiges Zukunftsprojekt der Menschheitsgeschichte vorgestellt wurde, wird nun als konfliktreiche Realität erfahren, die durch Politik und Erziehung nicht mehr hervorgebracht, sondern bewältigt werden muß. Fern aller idealistischer Utopien, die sich um sie rankten, ist die Weltgesellschaft unversehens als irreversibles Schicksal der Menschheitsentwicklung zutage getreten. Doch die Beschreibung dieses Sachverhaltes bleibt ambivalent, in der Rede von der "Einen Welt" bleibt die Feststellung von der tragischen GIobalität menschlicher Lebensverhältnisse in der Gegenwart überlagert von den Hoffnungen auf eine ganz andere "bessere" Einheit dieser Welt. An die Stelle der Vision des Friedensreiches treten im Verlaufe der sechziger Jahre neue Einheitsmythen, die gleichwohl das Erbe der verschütteten Vision bewahren. Der zweite Teil dieses Beitrages (im nächsten Heft) möchte diese wirksamen Implikationen der hier zunächst nur ideengeschichtlich erinnerten Eine-Welt-Metapher genauer betrachten. (DIPF/Orig.)