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How to break the identification of 'scientific' with quantitative? Introduction
How to break the identification of 'scientific' with quantitative? Introduction
Teachers in qualitative methods feel that their courses do not break students' quantitative idea of scientific research and scientific knowledge. Why is that? And what can be done to break this misidentification? Three prominent lecturers in qualitative methods give their opinion. With a comment by Fijgje de Boer.

In contrast to US voters, whose behavior is explained in terms of party identification, controversial issues, & degree of trust in public officials, the behavior of Dutch voters is best analyzed in terms of their position on a Left-Right ideological continuum. Analysis of election data from 1970 studied in C. P. Middendorp's Progressiveness and Conservatism: The Fundamental Dimensions of Ideological Controversy and Their Relationship to Social Class (The Hague/New York: Mouton, 1978), as well as data from 1975, 1980, & 1985, reveals a difference between the actual position on this continuum & voter self-identification, dependent on internally defined philosophical variables. The Left-Right continuum can be expressed along two axes: (1) socioeconomic equality/inequality, & (2) libertarianism/authoritarianism. 6 Tables, 3 Figures, 43 References. M. Meeks

An approach to the content analysis of evaluative discourse is proposed that is based on identification of meaning objects -- including actors, empirical variables, attributes, norms & values, & abstract philosophical entities -- & of two place predicates -- ie, verbal statements about the relation between one meaning object & another. This relation is interpreted in graph theoretical terms. This technique is applied to political texts & demonstrated to generate reliable content analyses. 11 Diagrams, 1 Appendix, 13 References. Modified HA

What is qualitative in qualitative research?
What is qualitative in qualitative research?
Most qualitative research does not follow the methodology of grounded theory (GT). In methodological literature, however, qualitative research is defined in terms of GT. This leaves much qualitative research methodologically poorly defined in the first place. Secondly in the identification with GT the meaning of 'qualitative' is blurred and mixed with ideology. The essay pleads to take quality literally in defining empirical qualitative research methods and in the distinction with quantitative research.

The development of a sense of national belonging is problematic in a sociopolitical environment where children are confronted with multiple national identities. Analysis of survey data obtained from a sample of 1,000 Flemish secondary school pupils, ages 17-18, reveals that most Flemish respondents hesitated between claiming a Flemish vs Belgian identity. It is suggested that this lack of a single evident fatherland results in an absence of genuine patriotism. Also, identification with the local community takes precedence over allegiance to the nation. The political socialization process apparently does not effect an emotional attachment to either the Flemish or the Belgian political system. 10 Tables, 3 Graphs. Modified HA

Changes in the post-WWII organization & structure of the Belgian political party system are discussed, focusing on the emergence of the welfare state. The prevalent trend of subcontracting social services to private firms, under the general direction of the sponsoring parties, is noted. The linguistic fractionalization of the major parties, the dynamics among the Catholic majority concentrated in Flanders, the socialist opposition centered chiefly in Wallonia, & the "balance" liberal parties are examined. Shifts in party identification & function, eg, toward clientelism & a dominant role in public policy formulation, are detailed, along with the role of TV in disseminating party propaganda. The declining role of party volunteers & grassroots activism is also discussed. Modified HA.

The relationship between voters' perceptions of party leaders' personality traits & their subsequent party identification & voting behavior was examined in the Nov 1981 Belgian national elections based on evaluations made by 201 voters of 4 well-known leaders of the main Flemish political parties. Factor analysis reveals 3 main dimensions of personality traits -- reliability, expertness, & self-control -- & 4 types of voters -- convinced, policy-oriented, routine, & indifferent. Party leaders' personality traits variably affected voting behavior depending on voter type. Overall, the personality profiles of each leader were quite similar; however, Rs identified with a certain party tended to rate politicians from that party more favorably, particularly on reliability & attractiveness dimensions. 6 Tables, 1 Figure. Modified HA

Additional information is offered on research on identification of a set of attributes that characterize Dutch political parties for the voters. One group of people was confronted with 12 unipolar adjectives & a subset of 5 parties; the 2nd group was confronted with 13 issues & 5 parties. The main result of analysis of the adjective group was that for some adjectives, the perception of parties changed, but remained invariable for others. 2 dimensions of the multidimensional representation were pointed out. The 3rd dimension however, could not be connected with any attribute; it can be considered as a kind of generalized evaluative dimension. The importance of these results for further research in this field is stressed. 10 Tables. Modified HA.

One of the most important problems in political science is party choice. Choice problems of a general nature have been studied by psychologists & market-researchers. Models from these fields are applied to political choice behavior. Research here was based on the principles of the 'attitude-model', which incorporates cognitive & affective aspects, integrated by means of combination rules. Focus is on identification of central attributes that characterize the 14 Dutch political parties in parliament. This was done by utilizing multidimensional scaling representations & by presenting a set of prespecified attributes to a group of individuals. The investigation pointed out 3 dimensions representing the 14 parties: the leftist-religious & government dimension, the nongovernment group, & a 3rd dimension, which could not be labeled. Discrepancies between these results & those of earlier research are due to differences in methods of data collection. The need for additional information is stressed. 3 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA.

The article deals with the proper identification & localization of the effect of election predictions on voting behavior. As a revision of the "traditional bandwagon concept" stemming from the 1930's & 1940's, which is still in use despite its conceptual fallacy, new lines of thought are merged into the definition of the "modern bandwagon concept:" the relative & subjective bandwagon effects, together with the relative & subjective underdog effects & the slack effect, constitute the declaration effect as a resultant. Using matrices based upon party preferences, upon exposure to, perception of & interpretation of election predictions, & upon possible voting behavior, the several effects are localized. The real existence of effects is briefly discussed in relation to favorable or neutralizing conditions from the fields of pol'al sci & of mass COMM's. A warning is issued, on methodological & pol'al grounds, against too quick an acceptance of US res findings as valid for the Netherlands. IPSA.

Data are presented on 3 groups of factors in the pol'al recruitment of Dutch members of Parliament sitting in the Spr of 1968: (a) pol'al orientation & activity of fathers & other members of the representative's fam; (b) the development of soc & pol'al interests during the member's younger yrs; & (c) the cursus honorum through which members moved before nomination to Parliament. Within each of these groups the following tables are presented: (1) Fam milieu: degree of interest & pol'al activity of fathers & mothers of members; fam relationship between soc stratification & pol'al activity of father & other fam relations; degree of pol'al heredity in pol'al choice; the relation between pol'al identification & pol'al activity in parental circles & crossing of traditional party lines by members; diff's between the parties in pol'al activity of members' fam's. (2) Activities during youth: province & type of community in which members grew up; members' assessments of factors which influenced their pol'al choice; activity in various types of youth assoc's; extent of membership in certain traditional student fraternities & other student assoc's; party vote at first election in which member participated; age at which they began to show interest in pol'al office. (3) Cursus Honorum: membership of party executives at central & local level; membership of lower representative bodies; experience in other pol'al roles; factors in nomination; assessment of importance of certain desirable qualities in a member of Parliament. Certain diff's between Upper & Lower House, & between the major Dutch parties are summarized. These diff's can be partly attributed to diff's in the instit'al arrangement of the 2 Houses (eg, diff's in size, in nomination & election procedures, in demand on members' time, in party composition), & partly to historical & org'al diff's between the Dutch parties. IPSA.

The development of a strict methodology of observation & analysis in soc sci has always met with resistance. In the current debate on this topic in the US, 2 positions can be distinguished. There are the 'theorists,' who find their inspiration in the work of recent philosophers such as H. Marcuse & J.-P. Sartre; they rate the formation of a pol'al theory as a 1st priority. Then there are the 'behaviorists,' whose first care is for sci'fic method. This contrast is reviewed on the basis of the document, "Political Science at Berkeley, An Invitation to a Discussion," which was published anonymously by a group of students. The criticism of these students can be summarized under the headings 'commitment' & 'relevance.' As far as commitment is concerned, the critics reproach the behaviorists for not taking stands in important contemporary moral issues, & for identifying with the status quo. It is argued here that what leads to acceptance of & identification with the existing pol'al order is not behaviorist methodology as such, but rather the mood of the behaviorists. As far as 'relevance' is concerned, the critics are impatient with the futile detail analysis & data collecting of the behaviorists. The behaviorists' use of a strict methodology of explanation by generalization leads to a reduction of the scope of analysis. Then only the 'easy' aspects ('easy' to quantify, 'easy' to collect, etc) are analyzed, & discontinuous developments are neglected. The argument presented here is that the lack of a dynamic theory of the pol'al process is an impediment indeed for pol'al sci, but that, again, behaviorism as such cannot be accused of being 'conservative' or 'conformistic': the refutation of race theories, for example, was rather a radical undertaking. It is concluded that for the time being it is not necessary to lay other bounds on pol'al sci than those that follow from the claims of rational debate & intellectual honesty. HA.