Suchergebnisse

Nacija predstavlja oblik političke organizacije povezan s modernosti. Nacionalne države su gradile standardne jezike i obrazovne sustave kako bi se formirala nacionalna identifikacije, budući da država teško može postojati bez nekog oblika kulturne bliskosti među svojim građanima. Bez zajedničkog identiteta, društvo je često podijeljeno i nedostaje mu solidarnosti. Europska unija je izgrađena na ekonomskim i političkim temeljima; no pokušava krivotvoriti osjećaj zajedničke pripadnosti i identiteta. Kao u slučaju nacionalne integracije, postoje dvije mogućnosti - europski identitet na temelju zajedničke kulture i europski identitet temeljen na zajedničkim političkim načelima. Prvi tip identiteta je teško krivotvoriti, s obzirom na europske kulturne i jezične raznolikosti. Drugi tip identiteta teško može biti osnova političke zajednice, a također se teško može postići zbog nepostojanja europskog medijskog prostora i zajedničkog javnog mnijenja. Stoga, autori ovog rada zaključuju da se Europska unija temelji na nestabilnim osnovama. ; Nation represents a form of political organization connected with modernity. National states had been building standard languages and educational systems in order to form national identification, since a state can hardly exist without some form of cultural closeness between its citizens. Without a common identity, a society is often divided and lacks solidarity. European Union was built on economical and political grounds; however it tries to forge a sense of common belonging and identity. As in the case of national integration, there are two possibilities – European identity based on the common culture, and European identity based on common political principles. The first type of identity is hard to forge, due to European cultural and linguistic diversity. The second type of identity can hardly form a basis of spolitical community, and also can hardly be achieved due to non-existence of European media space and common public opinion. Therefore, the authors of this paper conclude that European Union is based on unstable grounds.

Cilj je ove studije dvostruk: prvo, želimo istražiti poseban identitet koji se pojavio kao posljedica mnogih promjena povezanih s Europskom unijom (mobilnost, IKT, rastući broj različitih EU programa i novih EU politika); drugo, želimo testirati ulogu društvenih medija u građenju ovog novog identiteta koji mi nazivamo EUens. Provodeći dubinske intervjue s 25 EUensa, pronašli smo kako pojedine kategorije koje su obično smatrane važnim faktorima u građenju europskog identiteta, kao što su klasa i politički stavovi, ne igraju važnu ulogu u građenju europskog identiteta među pripadnicima naše grupe. Drugo, rezultati našeg istraživanja pokazuju kako društveni mediji imaju potencijal da postanu važan pokretač europskog identiteta. ; The goal of this study is twofold: firstly, we want to explore specific identity that has been emerging as a consequence of many EU-related changes (e.g. development of transport, ICT, increasing number of different EU programs and new EU policies); secondly, we want to test the role of social media in building this new identity that we call EUens (European Union citizens). Conducting in-depth interviews with 25 EUens we find that some issues which are commonly seen as important factors in European identity construction, such as class and political attitudes, do not play any significant role in constructing European identity for members of our group. Secondly, our analysis suggests that social media have potential of becoming important driver of European identity.

U radu se na temelju empirijskog istraživanja (intervjui), provedenog u Bjelovaru 2017. g., analiziraju stavovi Albanaca u Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji o njihovom dolasku te integraciji u lokalne zajednice i u hrvatsko društvo, kao i o oblicima i uspješnosti te integracije. U Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji, u zadnja tri popisa stanovništva (1991., 2001., 2011.), udio Albanaca kreće se od 0,4% do 0,6% u ukupnoj populaciji županije, a njihov broj iznosi 608 (1991.), 755 (2001.) i 743 (2011.). U novom i drugačijem sociopolitičkom i kulturnom ambijentu, migranti uglavnom čine manjinsku populaciju, a njihov nacionalni identitet dolazi pritom u različita iskušenja. U slučaju Albanaca, postoje neke specifičnosti koje otežavaju integraciju u lokalne zajednice, ali doprinose unutargrupnoj koheziji i očuvanju nacionalnog identiteta. Najveća brana asimilaciji u njihovom slučaju je jezična različitost, a zatim set tradicionalnih vrijednosti i patrijarhalnih obrazaca, koji u sinergiji ovu nacionalnu zajednicu čine zatvorenijom u odnosu na većinu drugih takvih kolektiviteta. Provedeno empirijsko istraživanje (polustrukturirani intervjui), kao svoje ciljeve imalo je spoznaju stavova pripadnika albanske nacionalne manjine u županiji, te spoznaju o njihovom nacionalnom identitetu, problemima integracije u lokalno društvo (i šire, hrvatsko), te njihovu organiziranost u cilju sprječavanja asimilacije i očuvanja nacionalne posebnosti. Intervjuirano je ukupno osam ispitanika, pripadnika muške populacije, u dobi od 34 godine do 68 godine. Intervjuirani su rođeni u sljedećim naseljima: Prizren, Đakovica, Bobovac (Kosovo), Pakrac (Hrvatska), dok su njihova mjesta življenja: Drljanovac, Bjelovar, Velika Pisanica, Predavac (Bjelovarsko-bilogorska županija). Odgovori ispitanika pokazuju da su Albanci uglavnom uspješno integrirani u naselja i gospodarski segment Bjelovarsko-bilogorske županije. U Hrvatsku dolaze najviše iz socioekonomskih razloga, rješavanja posla i poboljšanja vlastite egzistencije u odnosu na mjesta i kraj iz kojeg su stigli u županiju. Načini dolaska su najčešće individualni i porodični, koji rezultiraju u konačnici lančanom migracijom, postupnim dolaskom članova uže i šire porodice. Integraciju u društvo su im olakšala i neka specifična zanimanja u kojima su Albanci vrlo umješni, kao što su pekari, slastičari i zlatari. Albanci su organizirani u Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji, u kulturnoj i političkoj sferi, a važan činilac očuvanja njihovog nacionalnog identiteta je i obrazovanje, što se na prostoru županije manifestira kao korištenje C modela u obrazovanju učenika njihove nacionalne manjine. ; Based on the empirical research (interviews) conducted in Bjelovar in 2017, the paper analyzes the standpoints of the Albanians in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County on their settlement and integration in both local community and Croatian society, as well as on the forms and success thereof. In the last three censuses conducted in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County (in 1991, 2001, and 2011), the share of the Albanians ranged between 0.4% and 0.6% in the total county population, their number having amounted to 608 (in 1991), 755 (in 2001), and 743 (in 2011). In the new and different socio-political and cultural environment, migrants mainly form minority populations, whereby their national identity is tested in various ways. As the Albanians are concerned, there exist certain specificities, which, despite making the integration in local communities complicated, have contributed to the cohesion within the group and the preservation of national identity. The strongest hinderances to assimilation are – in their case – primarily linguistic diversity, and secondly a set of traditional values and patriarchal patterns; together, they have led to a larger-scale closeness of this national community in relation to the majority of other communities of this kind. The objective of the conducted empirical research (semi-structured interviews) was to determine the standpoints of the members of Albanian national minority in the county, awareness of their national identity, problems of integration in the local community (and Croatian society), and their high level of organization with the aim of preventing assimilation and preserving their national specificities. Eight respondents – members of male population between 34 and 68 years of age – have been interviewed. The respondents were born in the following towns/settlements: Prizren, Đakovica, and Bobovac (Kosovo), and Pakrac (Croatia); whereas their places of residence are as follows: Drljanovac, Bjelovar, Velika Pisanica, and Predavac (in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County). The responds have shown that the Albanians have to the most part been successfully integrated in their places of residence and the economic segment of the Bjelovar-Bilogora County. Their settlement in Croatia has mostly been due to socio-economic reasons, with the aim of finding employment and advancing their own existence in comparison with the life they had had in their previous places of residence. The Albanians usually arrive in Croatia individually or as close families; this eventually results in chain migration – i.e. gradual arrival of members of wider families. The integration of the Albanians in the society has been made easier thanks to several specific professions they have mastered, such as bakers, pastry cooks and goldsmiths. The Albanians are in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County involved in both the cultural and the political spheres; a further major factor in preserving their national identity is education, manifested in this county by using the C model in the education of students – members of their national minority.

U suvremenim se teorijama pojmu identiteta pristupa kao konstitutivnoj kategoriji, pa se tako i europski identitet u tekstu propituje kroz njegove konstitutivne elemente. U tekstu se konstrukcija europskog identiteta prikazuje kao traženje nove vrste identiteta, gdje tradicionalne nacionalne spone, kao što su teritorij, povijest, kultura i politička tradicija, nemaju jednaku ulogu kao u identificiranju s nacijom. Stoga se i postavlja pitanje "temelja" europskog identiteta. U članku se propituje izgradnja "novog" europskog identiteta koji bi trebao biti utemeljen na snažnom kolektivnom identitetu koji se očituje u lojalnosti građana prema Europskoj Uniji. U tom kontekstu dosadašnje suvremene kritike, kao i analitičke primjene pojma europskog identiteta, dotiču ne samo pitanje političkog legitimiteta, već sve više uzimaju u razmatranje dublje elemente koji su vezani uz njegovu "političko-emocionalnu" legitimaciju. ; The concept of identity in modern theories is studied as a constitutive category, so the European identity in the text is explored through his constitutive elemente. Construction of European identity is displayed in the text as a search for new kinds of identity, where traditional national bonds such as territory, history, culture and political traditions have the same role as the identification with the nation. Therefore raises the question of "foundations" of European identity. The article examines the construction of the "new" European identity, which should be based on a strong collective identity, and which is reflected in the loyalty of the citizens of the European Union. So far, context of contemporary criticism, and analytical application of the term European identity, is dealing not only with a question of political legitimacy, but increasingly take into consideration the deeper elements that are related to the "political and emotional" legitimacy.

Ovaj rad nastoji istražiti koje su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade koje pridonose izgradnji europskog identiteta i europske solidarnosti. Europski programi volontiranja mehanizam su povezivanja i osnaživanja mladih europskih volontera. Kroz aktualni program Europske snage solidarnosti mladi neosporno rade na svojim vještinama. Ipak, naglasak je na preventivnom ili kurativnom, a uvijek solidarnom djelovanju. Volontiranje je usmjereno na krizu zajednice i tako dotiče mnogobrojne dimenzije ekspresije europskog identiteta. Proces provedbe volonterskih programa za mlade prolazi višestruku koordinaciju između europske i nacionalne razine. Uredba Europske unije temelj je za provedbu programa, koji uvelike djeluje po načelima europske Strategije za mlade, čime se pokazuje da legislativna i provedbena strana europskih programa volontiranja zajednički djeluje na koncepciju europskog identiteta. Istraživanje putem intervjua sa stručnjacima, provedeno za potrebe ovog rada ukazuje na brojne sličnosti i komplementarnost koncepata koji čine odrednice europskih programa volontiranja i europskog identiteta, poput osjećaj pripadnosti zajednici, međunarodnih bliskih, prijateljskih odnosa, zajedničkih aktivnosti, kao i standardizacije te regulacije politika za mlade na europskoj razini. Dijeljenje iskustava mladih Europljana koji su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade i europskog identiteta praktično povezali i primjenili u vlastitim životima može imati dugoročno pozitivne učinke na budućnost EU. ; This paper seeks to explore what are the determinants of the European youth volunteering programs that contribute to the building of the European identity and European solidarity. European volunteering programs are the mechanism for connecting and empowering young European volunteers. Through the current program, the European Solidarity Corps, young people are indisputably working on their skills. However, the emphasis is on preventative or curative, but always solidarity action. Volunteering has focused ...

Identitet je skup značajki koje određuju posebnost pojedinca ili skupine u smislu različitosti ili pripadnosti u odnosu na druge pojedince ili skupine pa, susljedno tome, identificirati se znači (samo)odrediti se. Budući da je prostor ključni tvorbeni element u procesu formiranja identiteta, osobito nacionalnog, regionalnog i lokalnog, zanimljiv je i geografima, pa se njime najviše bave politički i kulturni geografi. U radu je iznesen model geografskog proučavanja identiteta izraženoga u imenima ulica i trgova devet gradova u Sjevernom hrvatskom primorju. Ciljevi rada su: potvrditi činjenicu da se u urbanom pejsažu identitet može iščitati kvantitativnom i kvalitativnom značenjskom analizom imena ulica i trgova, utvrditi razliku u prisutnosti hodonima koji izražavaju regionalni identitet (tzv. regionalni hodonimi) i onih iz kojih se iščitava nacionalni identitet (tzv. nacionalni hodonimi) na Kvarneru i u Istri te ispitati u kojoj su mjeri u gradskoj toponimiji Istre izraženi talijanski utjecaji. ; Identity is a group of characteristics which determine the distinctiveness of an individual or a group in terms of differences from or affiliation with other individuals or groups; accordingly, it follows that to identify oneself means to (self)determine the self. Whereas space is an essential formational element in the process of shaping identity, particularly national, regional and local, it is of interest to geographers and is mostly pursued by political and cultural geographers. This paper presents a model of geographical research of identity manifest in the names of streets and squares in nine towns of the North Croatian Littoral. It has three main objectives: to corroborate the fact that identity in the urban landscape can be observed through quantitative (statistical-mathematical) and qualitative (interpretative) semantic analysis of street and square names; then to establish the difference in the presence of hodonyms which reflect regional identity (the so-called regional hodonyms), and those which reflect national identity (the so called national hodonyms) in Kvarner and Istria; and finally to examine the level of prominence of the Italian influence in the urban toponymy of Istria.

Odlukom Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva da napusti Europsku uniju, kao i usporavanjem procesa proširenja Europske unije na zemlje Zapadnog Balkana i Tursku, pojavila se nova fraza u europskom političkom rječniku: Europa izvan Europske unije. Ta fraza, koju promoviraju tvorci britanske vanjske politike, vraća na dnevni red raspravu o europskom identitetu. U ovom članku analiziraju se kompleksni i različiti odgovori na pitanja kao što su tko je, što je, kad je i gdje je Europa, gdje je njezina granica i tko su Drugi u odnosu na nju. Pitanju identiteta Europe pristupa se iz konstruktivističke perspektive, kroz analizu definiranja Sebstva i Drugosti. Iako je Europa nakon Hladnog rata proklamirala kao svoj cilj ujedinjenje i emancipaciju od Drugih, ona je ostala vezana uz Sjedinjene Američke Države kroz koncept euroatlantizma, a u nekim aspektima i uz Rusiju kroz ideju o Euroaziji. U suvremenim okolnostima Europska je unija sve udaljenija od ideala o jednoj i ujedinjenoj Europi. Umjesto toga, ona više liči na lȕk, sa svojim jezgrom, unutarnjom i izvanjskoj periferijom, kao i s vanjskim akterima koji su polupovezani s Europom zbog povijesnih i strateških razloga. Zbog toga se postavlja pitanje je li Europu uopće moguće definirati kao cjelinu u odnosu na njezine susjede i na druge zainteresirane aktere (Rusiju, SAD i Tursku) ili je njezin identitet određen upravo nemogućnošću takvoga jednoznačnog definiranja. ; Following the decision of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union and in the light of the slowing down of the EU enlargement in the Western Balkans and Turkey, a new phrase emerged in the European political vocabulary – Europe outside the European Union. This phrase, promoted by British foreign policy designers, brings the issue of the European identity back on the agenda. Who, what, when and where is Europe, and who are the Others in relation to Europe? In this article, we analyse the complex and mutually divergent replies to the question of the European identity by using a constructivist approach, based on the definitions of the European Self and Other. Despite proclaiming an ambition to unite and emancipate itself from the Others, Europe remained connected to the United States after the Cold War through the concept of Euro Atlanticism. The competing concept of Eurasia – marking a link between Europe and Russia – is also becoming popular in the areas of European inner and external peripheries. Contemporary Europe is far from being "united in diversities" – it looks more like an onion instead with its core countries, internal and external peripheries and influential external stakeholders that are semi-detached to it for historical and strategic reasons. The author therefore puts forward a question of whether it is at all possible to define Europe as the Other to its neighbours and other external stakeholders such as Russia, the US and Turkey. Would it not be more appropriate to define Europe through a permanent notion of being in-between its own Others, rather than through its own clearly marked and defined Self?

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito "baskijskim" smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još "prozor mogućnosti", koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im "prozor mogućnosti" za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. ; In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization ("devolution") as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, "proto-states" of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as "subversive institutions" towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco's dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques' grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no "autonomic" institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton's problem), a "new governance" with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce' s theory of "subversive institutions", which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been "defined", the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new "nations-in-the-making", took advantage of the situation ("window of opportunity") and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a "segment-state", in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal ("subversive") institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner's "language of high culture" (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as "only Basques", 21% as "more Basque than Spanish", 35% "equally Basque and Spanish", 3% "more Spanish" and 3% "only Spanish". As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a "Basque direction" of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for "regional languages" to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by "dictate", as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel "only Basques", 5% "more Basques", 24% "equally Basques and French", 16% "more French and 36% "only French". In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no "Basque direction" or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites' building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a "Basque direction", e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more "Basque direction" of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi's Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a "Basque direction". In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes' directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi's Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a "free association"(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish "carte blanche" for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the "velvet divorce" of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a "new Ibarretxe Plan" leading to a "velvet divorce" and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a "window of opportunity" (Bunce, 1999). But if the "window" opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak "velvet divorce", an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a "Basque direction" and an intensive "basquization" within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French "new governance", initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the "subversive institutions". They have become increasingly "Basque" and have taken a "Basque direction". However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any "Basque direction". The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a "window of opportunity" to grow.

Nova euroatlanska civilizatorska misija u hrvatskom prostoru objašnjava se nesposobnošću hrvatske političke vlasti da sama upravlja svojim prostorom, s obzirom na unutarnje etničke netrpeljivosti i nejedinstvo te posljedični manjak samosvijesti zbog koje joj je nužna zaštita Europske unije i NATO-a. Sistemska regulacija međudržavnih odnosa u hrvatskom prostoru tako se je ponovno zatekla u škripu hrvatskog identitarnog bipolarizma, koji počiva na dvama naizgled oprečnim hrvatskim idealima (vjerskom i nacionalnom). Stoga se dobiva dojam da dvije hrvatske tendencije, pripadnost oksidentalnoj vjerskoj, ali slavenskoj zajednici naroda, ne mogu djelovati simultano, nego samo naizmjenično. Iako je upravo jednostrana, naizmjenična eksploatacija hrvatskog dualnog identiteta izvor je svih tragedija Hrvata modernog doba. ; The paper deals with the complexity of international relations regulation in the globalization context and in the cramp iron of Croatian identitarian bipolarism, by the systemic method in the path of Edgar Morin's complexity thought. The author proves that insufficient synchronization of the two opposing and complementary identities of the Croatian space, Latin and Slavophilic, is the product of systemic crisis and the producer of identity crisis. An autonomous foreign policy concept that clearly defines the boundaries of the Croatian regulation system within the European and global regulatory regime, as well as the institution of a strong president acting as an external regulator of Croatian identitarian specificity, are key preconditions for the sustainable development of the Croatian space. In the exit period of the current globalisation cycle (1990-2020), the required variation of the Croatian governing system is diminishing, and external threats are more numerous after the mutation of the Anglo-American regulation system, which defines a new direction for the forthcoming globalization cycle. Without increasing the required variation, insufficient regulation of the Croatian space leads to a new general crisis.

Critical reception welcomed Lidija Dimkovskaʾs novel A Spare Life (2012) as an allegory of political and social events in ex-Yugoslavia in the last decades of the twentieth century. The essay sets aside the allegorical perspective of the novel and focuses on the analysis of the state of exile as a key point of identification of the novel's main character, conjoined twin Zlata. The analysis is based on the concepts of desire, otherness and fear of the unknown through which main characters (mostly women) of the novel are represented, as well as on manners of their internalization of socially promoted standards and stereotypes from the perspective of Julia Kristeva's theory of oneself as a stranger.

Cilj je rada ustanoviti je li u Europskoj uniji i Republici Hrvatskoj došlo do smanjenja broja građana koji se identificiraju kao građani Europske unije te koji elementi utječu na dinamiku kreiranja europskoga identiteta. Razlog se istraživanja tematike vidi u rastu populističkih narativa u Europskoj uniji koji su npr. vodili izlasku Velike Britanije iz Europske unije. Međutim, za razliku od uobičajenih politoloških analiza koncepta europskoga identiteta u radu se nastoji dati uvid u interdisciplinarni okvir proučavanja. U prvome se dijelu rad donosi pregled teorija kolektivnoga identiteta u psihologiji i antropologiji. Psihološke se teorije identiteta interpretiraju socijalnom i kulturalnom psihologijom. Antropološke se teorije identiteta dijele na ranije i postmoderne antropološke interpretacije. Fokus je rada na interpretiranju kategorije europskog identiteta, proizvoljno odabranim elementima psihologije i antropologije. Metodološki dio rada obuhvaća analizu i interpretaciju statističkih podataka na temelju niza longitudinalnoga istraživanja Eurobarometer Standard. Kod analize podataka pravi se razlika između razine Europske unije i razine Republike Hrvatske. Rezultati provedene analize upućuju na rast hibridnoga oblika identiteta koji se sastoji od nacionalnoga identiteta na prvome mjestu i europskoga identiteta na drugome mjestu. Isto tako, građani Europske unije smatraju da im je identitetski bliža lokalna razina države, grada ili sela. Konačno, elementi koji kreiraju dinamiku razvoja europskoga identiteta nisu isti za sve građane Europske unije te ovise o široj društveno-političkoj situaciji. ; The main goal of this article is to establish whether in the European Union and Croatia there has been a decrease in the number of citizens who identify themselves as citizens of the European Union, and what are the elements that contribute to the dynamics of creation of the European identity. The reason for exploring this particular topic is the growth of populist narratives in the European Union that potentially led to the UK's exit from the European Union. However, unlike the usual political analysis of the concept of European identity, the article tries to provide an interdisciplinary insight. The first part of the article provides an overview of the theories of collective identity in psychology and anthropology. Psychological identity theories are interpreted through social and cultural psychology. Anthropological theories of identity are divided into earlier and postmodern anthropological interpretations. The focus of the article is on interpreting the European identity through arbitrarily selected psychological and anthropological elements. The methodological part of the paper covers the analysis and interpretation of statistics based on the Eurobarometer Standard series of longitudinal surveys. When analyzing data, a distinction is made between, on one hand, the European Union and, on the other hand, the country of Croatia. The results of the analysis indicate the growth of a hybrid form of identity consisting of national identity in the first place and European identity in the second place. Furthermore, citizens of the European Union consider that their local, national or rural, level is closer to their identity. Finally, the elements that govern the dynamics of European identity development are not the same for all EU citizens and depend on the wider socio-political situation.

U radu autorica prati početak procesa izrastanja bosanskohercegovačke sociokulturne politike 60-ih i početkom 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća, čiji su inicijatori i protagonisti – političko rukovodstvo Bosne i Hercegovine i njemu bliska inteligencija – imali za cilj unutar idejno-političkih restrukturiranja koja su zahvatila Jugoslaviju u tom razdoblju i u kojem su republike, kao društveni i politički entiteti, zadobile puni legitimitet, političkom tijelu Bosne i Hercegovine, kao faktor njegove stabilnosti, osmisliti kulturni identitet. Fokus rada je na razvoju, idejnim metamorfozama i analizi diskursa kojim se nastoji utemeljiti zaseban jezični identitet bosanskohercegovačkoga društva i republike kao temelj njegova kulturnoga identiteta i emanacija njegove povijesne društvene osobitosti. Autorica u radu donosi prikaz povijesnoga konteksta iz kojega izrasta bosanskohercegovačka sociokulturna politika, tj. jezična politika kao njezin najvažniji segment, prikaz partijskih foruma te organizacijskih formi javnih rasprava preko kojih se utemeljuje, razvija i (pre)oblikuje idejni govor o bosanskohercegovačkoj društvenoj i kulturno-povijesnoj zasebnosti. ; In the 1960s, Bosnia and Herzegovina was a peripheral Yugoslav republic, lacking a distinctive cultural identity. In fact, advocates of Serbian-Croatian cultural unity perceived it as a mini Yugoslavia, the central part of the so-called Serbian-Croatian cultural space, in which the process of cultural rapprochement and integration of the Serbia and Croatian nations was to occur. The political leadership that came to power in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1960s wanted to change this ideological perception of their republic and establish its distinctive cultural identity as a support to its political identity and socio-political stability. Therefore, in the mentioned period, the cultural intelligentsia was encouraged towards a systematic, organised, and institutional production of discourse on the historical, cultural, literary, and linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the national identity of Muslims. All of this represents the inception of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian socio-cultural policy, whose important segment was literary-linguistic policy, initiated with the publication of the 'Declaration' and 'Suggestion', which intensified the Serbian-Croatian cultural dispute in Yugoslavia and highlighted the concept of national cultural unity. In this way, Bosnia and Herzegovina was threatened with destabilisation and social and cultural disintegration. Therefore, the republican leadership initiated the process of forming literary-linguistic principles, the most important of which was the existence of only one language in the Republic that was shared by all nationalities living inside its borders, and of standardising the Bosnian-Herzegovinian norm in public space. Public discussions about the linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina were organised (e.g. the 'Symposium on Linguistic Tolerance'), a language institute was established as an institutional starting point for the scientific grounding of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian standard language expression and a discourse about it was developed, the publication of orthography manuals was planned, etc. The dynamics of Bosnian-Herzegovinian linguistic policy followed the dynamics of the Croatian linguistic and cultural separation. After the end of the Croatian Spring, a certain impasse regarding the realisation of this policy ensued, partially due to the repositioning of the power relations of the conceptual forces, thanks to which the linguistic centralists who advocated Serbian-Croatian unity regained their influence. The Council of Mostar, which was organised with the goal of evaluating the achieved results, pointed to the fact that, in the 1967–1973 period, the linguistic policy of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian leadership had had a very weak impact on the socio-political reality of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as on the creation of a separate cultural identity of the central Yugoslav republic.