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The article describes narrative construction of identity by immigrants settled in Poland, who do not want to apply for citizenship of the receiving country. The reasons of their disinterest in the Polish citizenship include: obtaining an intermediate status (permanent residence), prohibition of dual citizenship in the country of origin, administrative difficulties associated with naturalisation in Poland. The lack of Polish citizenship does not exclude new national identity connected with the receiving country. Status and biographical experiences of the explored group do not support a static, stable vision of national belonging. In the denizens' narratives, it is the cultural competences and length of stay in the country that decide about identity and connection to the sending or receiving country. Being an immigrant, even in the cases of long-term migration, means continuous negotiation between the connection with the country of origin and the new identity developed in the receiving country. ; Artykuł opisuje narracyjne konstruowanie tożsamości przez osiadłych w Polsce wieloletnich imigrantów, którzy spełniają kryteria naturalizacji, ale nie chcą starać się o obywatelstwo państwa przyjmującego. Wśród przyczyn rezygnacji z polskiego obywatelstwa najczęściej wymieniają uzyskanie statusu pośredniego (karty stałego pobytu), a także zakaz posiadania podwójnego obywatelstwa w państwie pochodzenia oraz trudności biurokratyczne towarzyszące naturalizacji w Polsce. Nie wyklucza to jednak nowej tożsamości narodowej związanej z krajem przyjmującym. Status i doświadczenia biograficzne badanych nie wspierają stabilnej, statycznej wizji przynależności narodowej. W narracjach denizenów to kompetencje kulturowe oraz okres pobytu w danym kraju ujmowane są jako czynniki kształtujące tożsamość i przywiązanie do państwa wysyłającego lub przyjmującego. Bycie na emigracji, nawet wieloletniej i osiedleńczej, oznacza jednak stałe negocjowanie pomiędzy utożsamianiem się z krajem pochodzenia a nową tożsamością wynikającą z zakorzenienia w społeczeństwie przyjmującym.

The subjectivity of human - being and the "J" consciousness have been the subject of reflection for many moralists, theologians, philosophers, psychologists and sociologists as well. One of the reasons of using the word "identity" in the political science language, among others, is its usefulness in many analyses of interactions among subjects of political life. The "national" identity plays a special role in this process. The determinants of identity are symbols, rules, and behaviour, which are a requisite of the sense of community. One year after the EU accession the author analyses some phenomena in Poland in the context of national feelings and their possible transformations in the direction of European society. Analysing the origins of Polish identity and its factors in a new geopolitical situation, the author estimates the essence and character of changes in the Polish society, and studies the possibility of changes in the Polish national consciousness - "a citizen of united Europe".

International audience ; The supranational identity concepts and their perception among nations constitute one of the determinants of the integration and disintegration processes in the post-Soviet area. One of these concepts is Turkism – an attempt to create identity foundation for the integration of the post-Soviet states under the aegis of Turkey. This paper analyzes the evolution of its principal assumptions and goals, dimensions of its realization, as well as determinants of its further development in the post-Soviet area. The idea of Turkism as a concept of ethnic-cultural community evolved from the nineteenth- century Pan-Turkism which postulated political integration of the Turkic nations. Among the determinants that limited political ambitions of Turkey after the collapse of the USSR, therecan be indicated: nationalisms as an expression of ruling elites' interests, lack of supranational community feeling among the societies, concerns about the possible reaction of Moscow and fears raised by the Turkish hegemonic ambitions. As a result, Turkey started to put emphasis on bilateral relations with the post-Soviet partners and concentrate on cooperation in economic and social sphere, including cultural and educational activities. Although, even there the success of Turkey was incomplete, the viability of this pragmatic approach was proved by the revival of political dimension of mutual contacts in 2006–2008 and their institutionalization. In the coming years the following factors may determine the development of Turkism in the post-Soviet area: growing ambitions of Turkey as a regional player, dynamics of relations between Ankara, former Soviet republics, the West and Moscow, domestic policy challenges in the post-Soviet states, their developmental needs in the globalized world, and last but not least: the role of Ankara in strengthening the post-Soviet states' multi-vector foreign policy as a method to maximize benefi ts from international cooperation. Divergent national and elites' interests of the ...

Podlasie has long been the place where cultures and politics met: Latin-Polish and Byzantine-Russian. The result of co-existence of Catholicism and Orthodox Church in this area was inter alia the Church Union. In the 19th century, tsarist Russia, with its political expansion, sought to arouse the Great-Russian national spirit. In contrast, the centuries-old strong traditions of the influence of Polish and Latin culture were conducive to the development of Polish national consciousness. The clash between Polish and Russian influences hindered or marginalized the initiatives for the development of Belarusian or Ukrainian national consciousness both in northern and southern Podlasie. ; Artykuł nie zawiera streszczenia w języku polskim ; Podlasie has long been the place where cultures and politics met: Latin-Polish and Byzantine-Russian. The result of co-existence of Catholicism and Orthodox Church in this area was inter alia the Church Union. In the 19th century, tsarist Russia, with its political expansion, sought to arouse the Great-Russian national spirit. In contrast, the centuries-old strong traditions of the influence of Polish and Latin culture were conducive to the development of Polish national consciousness. The clash between Polish and Russian influences hindered or marginalized the initiatives for the development of Belarusian or Ukrainian national consciousness both in northern and southern Podlasie.

The article addresses the problem of shaping the centuries-long relationship between Polish people and Ukrainians from Galicia, and discusses the factors influencing the process of shaping the national identity of the inhabitants of Lvov. The publication underlines the historical and ethnic backgrounds influencing the people living in Lvov region and in Lvov itself. The article also refers to the issue of identifying Lvov residents as Europeans. The author of the article also highlighted obstacles preventing the creation of solid foundation between the inhabitants of Lvov to build a common regional identity despite centuries of co-existence. The destabilizing elements were primarily claims to the same territory. Despite the complicated history, there is one common feature of the Lvov residents which has been preserved – as the author of the article points out – namely, their European identity. This belief has risen to the rank of myth. The article has made a synthetic analysis of the mutual relationship between Polish people and Ukrainians from the 15th century up to the present day, taking into account the influence of elements of collective memory. The current relations between the two nations are relatively well formed. After joining the EU, Poland acts as a Ukrainian supporter, regularly defending its interests. This, as well as the Orange Revolution, Euro 2012 and the Revolution of Dignity contributed to the untightened relations between these two nations. However, despite these positive actions in common relations, the attitude of a decisive part of the intellectual elite of modern Lvov residents is more and more influenced by the mythology of the multiculturalism of this city and its membership "ever since" to Europe, with the dominant Ukrainian language, and simultaneous marginalization of thousand years of belonging to the Polish state, which in effect creates a fake image of the city and its inhabitants.

The situation during the current pandemic caused by COVID-19, this time of isolation, difficult health situations, and often familial and social trouble, increasingly provokes a reflection on the literature that is offered in the curriculum for pupils at early school age. My focus in this article is texts of audiovisual literature that use the code of new media and address the issue of dysfunction in the home, which can also be exacerbated in these difficult times. I am referring to the loneliness of a child, adults' disregard and misunderstanding of children, and domestic violence, but also the needs of people with mental disabilities and the situations of their relatives, especially the youngest ones. It is worth noting that guidelines formulated by the government for early literature classes were not based on or preceded by conversations with children in order to explore the aforementioned issues. Meanwhile, literature defined as a kind of thought laboratory, among other things, stands in opposition to governmental regulations. Especially in the current situation, students need literary works which speak to them through relevant content and through the media poetics to which contemporary children and adolescents are accustomed. A reflective teacher can use such books to guide the children to make a discovery about the world, find their own place the texts of identity audiovisual literature which, in building a narrative, fits into the categories of audiovisuality proposed by Adam Regiewicz and deals with the forementioned problems. ; Sytuacja związana z aktualnym czasem pandemii spowodowanej wirusem COVID -19, czas odizolowania, trudnych sytuacji zdrowotnych i niejednokrotnie społecznych, rodzinnych wywołuje ze zwiększoną siłą przemyślenia dotyczące literatury proponowanej uczniom w wieku wczesnoszkolnym oraz możliwości jej lektury na pierwszym etapie zorganizowanego kształcenia. Chodzi o teksty literatury audiowizualnej, wykorzystującej kod nowych mediów i koncentrujące się wokół tematyki związanej z problemem, który w czasie pandemii może być zwielokrotniony. Jest nim dysfunkcja domu rodzinnego, w której mieści się samotność i niezrozumienie najbliższych, potrzeby osoby dotkniętej upośledzeniem umysłowym, a nawet domowa przemoc. Jak dotąd, ministerialnie konstruowane wytyczne dla początkowej komunikacji literackiej nie proponują rozmów z dziećmi zgłębiających przywołane wyżej zagadnienia. Tymczasem literatura definiowana między innymi jako swoiste laboratorium myślowe stoi na stanowisku a contario do urzędniczego. Dodatkowo lektura młodszego ucznia wspólnie z dzisiejszą rzeczywistością upomina się o takie utwory, które za pośrednictwem medialnej poetyki, własnej treści i refleksyjnego nauczyciela pozwoli dziecku dokonać rozpoznania w świecie i jednocześnie uporać się z życiowymi trudami. Artykuł akcentuje teksty literatury audiowizualnej, tożsamościowej, korzystającej w budowaniu narracji z rozwiązań technologicznych oraz zajmujące się wspomnianą tematyką.

Taking under consideration Remi Brague's point of view in a discussion of the European identity, the author of the article searches for a new insightful consideration on the problem of 'being European'. In the cultural perspective the individual sense of belonging, creating an identity, depends on both historical and conscientious mechanisms, thus on the changeable factors affecting the individualities entangled in a struggle for 'being European'. Therefore Brague introduced, instead of a 'stable idea of Europe' which European-to-be can relates to, the cultural form of 'Roman attitude' which remains crucial for creating the 'European identity'. Actually, to put it bluntly, becoming an 'heir of Rome' is indispensable to become 'European', to exercise 'Roman attitude'. ; Taking under consideration Remi Brague's point of view in a discussion of the European identity, the author of the article searches for a new insightful consideration on the problem of 'being European'. In the cultural perspective the individual sense of belonging, creating an identity, depends on both historical and conscientious mechanisms, thus on the changeable factors affecting the individualities entangled in a struggle for 'being European'. Therefore Brague introduced, instead of a 'stable idea of Europe' which European-to-be can relates to, the cultural form of 'Roman attitude' which remains crucial for creating the 'European identity'. Actually, to put it bluntly, becoming an 'heir of Rome' is indispensable to become 'European', to exercise 'Roman attitude'.

The objective of this paper is to analyze the factors responsible for the delegitimization process of the Third Polish Republic, in particular in the period from 2001 to 2005, when power was in the hands of the coalition of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Polish People's Party (PSL). The analysis applies the concept of discursive structures of possibilities which identifies which properties of the political context made the delegitimization efforts of the right wing credible. The opposite mechanisms applied, and delegitimization messages sent by the SLD are the object of interest here as well, as are the results of these activities, that is the ideas which Civic Platform (PO) used to build and legitimize their own identity before the 2005 parliamentary elections. ; The objective of this paper is to analyze the factors responsible for the delegitimization process of the Third Polish Republic, in particular in the period from 2001 to 2005, when power was in the hands of the coalition of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Polish People's Party (PSL). The analysis applies the concept of discursive structures of possibilities which identifies which properties of the political context made the delegitimization efforts of the right wing credible. The opposite mechanisms applied, and delegitimization messages sent by the SLD are the object of interest here as well, as are the results of these activities, that is the ideas which Civic Platform (PO) used to build and legitimize their own identity before the 2005 parliamentary elections.

The objective of this paper is to analyze the factors responsible for the delegitimization process of the Third Polish Republic, in particular in the period from 2001 to 2005, when power was in the hands of the coalition of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Polish People's Party (PSL). The analysis applies the concept of discursive structures of possibilities which identifies which properties of the political context made the delegitimization efforts of the right wing credible. The opposite mechanisms applied, and delegitimization messages sent by the SLD are the object of interest here as well, as are the results of these activities, that is the ideas which Civic Platform (PO) used to build and legitimize their own identity before the 2005 parliamentary elections.

Following the 2004 expansion of the European Union (EU), Polish migrant workers began arriving in the United Kingdom on an unprecedented scale. Londoners (Londyńczycy, 2008-9) was a response to this. Exploring the lives of Polish migrants in London, the series became an instant success on Polish television, regularly attracting around four million viewers. This article explores how Londoners represents Britishness and Polishness to its target Polish audience. It will argue that the series negotiates questions of Polish national identity, which over the past 20 years has been undergoing fundamental redefinition as a result of the ending of the Cold War and Poland's accession to the EU. ; 'Great Britain, Great Expectations': The Representation of Polish Migration to Great Britain in Londyńczycy/LondonersFollowing the 2004 expansion of the European Union (EU), Polish migrant workers began arriving in the United Kingdom on an unprecedented scale. Londoners (Londyńczycy, 2008-9) was a response to this. Exploring the lives of Polish migrants in London, the series became an instant success on Polish television, regularly attracting around four million viewers. This article explores how Londoners represents Britishness and Polishness to its target Polish audience. It will argue that the series negotiates questions of Polish national identity, which over the past 20 years has been undergoing fundamental redefinition as a result of the ending of the Cold War and Poland's accession to the EU.

The article quotes, as a context for the problematics defined in the title, demographic data indicating systematic decrease of Polish population in Zaolzie. The publication referred to, Wizja 2035. Strategia rozwoju polskości na Zaolziu [Vision 2035: Strategies for the Development of Polishness in Zaolzie] (2015), suggests that national and regional awareness are two fundamental values of collective identity which consolidate the community in question. According to the mentioned study, amongst the major positive factors that have to be accounted for while considering the future of the Polish national identity, Scena Polska Tĕšínského divadla w Czeskim Cieszynie is prominent. The repertoire choices presented in the article were made as early as in 1951 by the said professional theatre company run by Polish autochthons in Těšín Silesia, and those choice ought to be perceived as both the carriers of Polishness and an important indicator of regional identity. They prove unambiguously that the only Polish-language professional theatre operating outside Poland may be considered a benchmark of rejuvenating and embedding the national and regional awareness of the Polish minority in Zaolzie.

The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.

The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.

The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.

The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.