The national identity of Poles living in the Grodno region began to manifest itself in the early 1990s as a continuation of the tendency to promote national movements, encouraged by the Soviet Union. After Belarus became independent, Poles have had more opportunities to develop their national culture, and they have began to actively set up numerous minority organizations, open Polish schools and Polish houses, etc. Poles were the most numerous, yet one of many minorities living in the Grodno region, and they have harmoniously integrated with this highly ethnically diversified society. The conflicts emerging within the Union of Poles of Belarus, which receive so much attention in the Polish media, reflect internal conflicts in one of numerous Polish organizations operating in the Grodno region, and they should not affect the situation of all Poles in Belarus. ; The national identity of Poles living in the Grodno region began to manifest itself in the early 1990s as a continuation of the tendency to promote national movements, encouraged by the Soviet Union. After Belarus became independent, Poles have had more opportunities to develop their national culture, and they have began to actively set up numerous minority organizations, open Polish schools and Polish houses, etc. Poles were the most numerous, yet one of many minorities living in the Grodno region, and they have harmoniously integrated with this highly ethnically diversified society. The conflicts emerging within the Union of Poles of Belarus, which receive so much attention in the Polish media, reflect internal conflicts in one of numerous Polish organizations operating in the Grodno region, and they should not affect the situation of all Poles in Belarus.
A characteristic feature of Polish-Russian mutual perception is binarity, manifesting itself in various discursive spaces, from colloquial stereotypes, through popular literature, to sophisticated forms of meta-historical discourse. Asian-Europeanness, Latin-Byzantism/Orthodoxy, collectivism-individualism, and authenticity-falsehood, are just some of the oppositions that organise the social imagination of Poles and Russians in the sphere of their mutual assessments and opinions. The article draws attention to the partial manifestations of such oppositions (literary discourse, postcolonial studies, etc.) in order to show their hidden, dialectical dimension. To achieve this goal, the author refers to the category of ratio and emotum, which refers to a specific current of the European philosophical tradition. Both of these binary categories are the foundation for creating an image of the Other. They also fit into self-defining strategies important for understanding Polish and Russian identity. ; A characteristic feature of Polish-Russian mutual perception is binarity, manifesting itself in various discursive spaces, from colloquial stereotypes, through popular literature, to sophisticated forms of meta-historical discourse. Asian-Europeanness, Latin-Byzantism/Orthodoxy, collectivism-individualism, and authenticity-falsehood, are just some of the oppositions that organise the social imagination of Poles and Russians in the sphere of their mutual assessments and opinions. The article draws attention to the partial manifestations of such oppositions (literary discourse, postcolonial studies, etc.) in order to show their hidden, dialectical dimension. To achieve this goal, the author refers to the category of ratio and emotum, which refers to a specific current of the European philosophical tradition. Both of these binary categories are the foundation for creating an image of the Other. They also fit into self-defining strategies important for understanding Polish and Russian identity.
The European People's Party is called the "party of values" due to the fact that it refers to Christian democratic axiology in its programmes and actions. An analysis of programming documents of the EPP from the 1992–2014 period has shown that the EPP presents its values in various ways. The adopted values are given a festive character, they are being used to rationalise political actions and treated as functional elements of the political system. In the programming documents of the EPP, in passages which refer to values, one may find the traces of the power struggle in which the EPP participated during the analysed period. In addition to the above, a review of the said documents reveals that the EPP has been experiencing a tendency to redefine the identity of this political group. This happened as a result of weakening or even negating the hitherto prevailing metaphysics, in which the values which constituted the foundation of the identity of the EPP were anchored. ; Europejska Partia Ludowa nazywana jest "partią wartości" z tego powodu, iż w swoich programach i działaniu odwołuje się do chrześcijańsko-demokratycznych wartości. Analiza dokumentów programowych EPL z lat 1992–2014 ujawniła, że EPL prezentuje swoje wartości na różne sposoby. Przyjętym przez siebie wartościom nadaje ona odświętny charakter, wartości te wykorzystuje do racjonalizacji działań politycznych oraz traktuje je jako funkcjonalne składniki systemu politycznego. Dokumenty programowe EPL w miejscach, gdzie mowa jest o wartościach, zawierają również ślad gry o władzę, w jakiej uczestniczyła EPL w badanym okresie. Ponadto analiza dokumentów pokazuje, że w EPL pojawiła się tendencja do redefinicji tożsamości tego ugrupowania politycznego. Stało się to za sprawą osłabienia czy nawet zanegowania dotychczasowej metafizyki, w której zakotwiczone były wartości stanowiące podstawę tożsamości EPL.
Europejska Partia Ludowa nazywana jest "partią wartości" z tego powodu, iż w swoich programach i działaniu odwołuje się do chrześcijańsko-demokratycznych wartości. Analiza dokumentów programowych EPL z lat 1992–2014 ujawniła, że EPL prezentuje swoje wartości na różne sposoby. Przyjętym przez siebie wartościom nadaje ona odświętny charakter, wartości te wykorzystuje do racjonalizacji działań politycznych oraz traktuje je jako funkcjonalne składniki systemu politycznego. Dokumenty programowe EPL w miejscach, gdzie mowa jest o wartościach, zawierają również ślad gry o władzę, w jakiej uczestniczyła EPL w badanym okresie. Ponadto analiza dokumentów pokazuje, że w EPL pojawiła się tendencja do redefinicji tożsamości tego ugrupowania politycznego. Stało się to za sprawą osłabienia czy nawet zanegowania dotychczasowej metafizyki, w której zakotwiczone były wartości stanowiące podstawę tożsamości EPL. ; The European People's Party is called the "party of values" due to the fact that it refers to Christian democratic axiology in its programmes and actions. An analysis of programming documents of the EPP from the 1992–2014 period has shown that the EPP presents its values in various ways. The adopted values are given a festive character, they are being used to rationalise political actions and treated as functional elements of the political system. In the programming documents of the EPP, in passages which refer to values, one may find the traces of the power struggle in which the EPP participated during the analysed period. In addition to the above, a review of the said documents reveals that the EPP has been experiencing a tendency to redefine the identity of this political group. This happened as a result of weakening or even negating the hitherto prevailing metaphysics, in which the values which constituted the foundation of the identity of the EPP were anchored.
The following text is an attempt at an analysis of the condition of the Polish minority in Ukraine. The subject of discussion is the tension appearing in relations between minority groups, the country where they live in and their foreign homeland. Loyalty to each of these two countries requires giving up part of their identity. From the perspective of the history of the twentieth century, the author reflects on the (im) possibility of consolidating the Polish movement in the context of the revolutionary events in Ukraine which took place in 2014. The author attempts to apply the principle of triangulation of sources, using the knowledge acquired during qualitative research in Ukraine conducted among the Polish community in February, July and August 2014 and also on the basis of other quantitative studies of a comparative nature conducted among minorities living in Ukraine, including the Polish one and its equivalent in Poland. ; The following text is an attempt at an analysis of the condition of the Polish minority in Ukraine. The subject of discussion is the tension appearing in relations between minority groups, the country where they live in and their foreign homeland. Loyalty to each of these two countries requires giving up part of their identity. From the perspective of the history of the twentieth century, the author reflects on the (im) possibility of consolidating the Polish movement in the context of the revolutionary events in Ukraine which took place in 2014. The author attempts to apply the principle of triangulation of sources, using the knowledge acquired during qualitative research in Ukraine conducted among the Polish community in February, July and August 2014 and also on the basis of other quantitative studies of a comparative nature conducted among minorities living in Ukraine, including the Polish one and its equivalent in Poland.
The institution of the referendum is one of the forms of direct democracy. Referendums are understood as direct suffrage on important matters of state, or a part of its territory, that constitute the subject of the vote. In the processes of democratic transformation, outlooks on this institution of direct democracy evolve. Referendums have become a tool to express the will of the nation to choose in matters of sovereignty. This form of asking the nation has turned out to be effective for those communities with a strong sense of national identity and the belief that it is necessary for the state to be revived as a sovereign entity. The results of the referenda held in the Baltic states, in the Balkans and Ukraine have confirmed their peoples' wills to independently exist within the framework of a sovereign state. ; The institution of the referendum is one of the forms of direct democracy. Referendums are understood as direct suffrage on important matters of state, or a part of its territory, that constitute the subject of the vote. In the processes of democratic transformation, outlooks on this institution of direct democracy evolve. Referendums have become a tool to express the will of the nation to choose in matters of sovereignty. This form of asking the nation has turned out to be effective for those communities with a strong sense of national identity and the belief that it is necessary for the state to be revived as a sovereign entity. The results of the referenda held in the Baltic states, in the Balkans and Ukraine have confirmed their peoples' wills to independently exist within the framework of a sovereign state.
In the analysis of different attitudes of Polish political groups towards the European Union and the Constitutional Treaty one needs to take into account historical context as well as the political one. It is a spontaneous approach in Poland to think about the Poles in terms of a nation rather than in tzenship. The collapse of communism was followed by an eruption of national feeling, yet many Poles also wanted Poland to open itsEurope. The opportunity to gainss the European Union was, i enst for Poles. The opponents of the EU are fuelled by the sh historical experience of losing our identity. They represent the so-called closed orientation, in which one defends one' ways while being very distrustful towards the EU. By contrast, an open orientation strives for collaation, seeks cooperation and is trustful European integration. This is reflected in lish political arena. ; In the analysis of different attitudes of Polish political groups towards the European Union and the Constitutional Treaty one needs to take into account historical context as well as the political one. It is a spontaneous approach in Poland to think about the Poles in terms of a nation rather than in tzenship. The collapse of communism was followed by an eruption of national feeling, yet many Poles also wanted Poland to open itsEurope. The opportunity to gainss the European Union was, i enst for Poles. The opponents of the EU are fuelled by the sh historical experience of losing our identity. They represent the so-called closed orientation, in which one defends one' ways while being very distrustful towards the EU. By contrast, an open orientation strives for collaation, seeks cooperation and is trustful European integration. This is reflected in lish political arena.
In the period when 'our natural political environment' was provided by controlled 'socialist democracy' we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe's unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy. ; In the period when 'our natural political environment' was provided by controlled 'socialist democracy' we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe's unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy.
The West has been one of the most significant reference criteria for the Russian political, historical or ideological thought. The reason for this is that Russian identity has been shaped mainly by virtue of comparison to the West. Therefore, Russian self-reflection is always assessed by means of Russian relation to the West. This relation has assumed various dimensions in different times, yet it has always ranged from utter admiration for the Western civilization to extreme disapproval of its achievements. At present Russia no longer develops her relations with theWest on the fragile foundations of ideology that has been substituted by the factors of national interest or higher necessity. Therefore it seems that when asked "Where are you heading, Russia?" she is going to keep answering "Westwards" for a long time to come. ; The West has been one of the most significant reference criteria for the Russian political, historical or ideological thought. The reason for this is that Russian identity has been shaped mainly by virtue of comparison to the West. Therefore, Russian self-reflection is always assessed by means of Russian relation to the West. This relation has assumed various dimensions in different times, yet it has always ranged from utter admiration for the Western civilization to extreme disapproval of its achievements. At present Russia no longer develops her relations with theWest on the fragile foundations of ideology that has been substituted by the factors of national interest or higher necessity. Therefore it seems that when asked "Where are you heading, Russia?" she is going to keep answering "Westwards" for a long time to come.
Trwające równolegle procesy globalizacji i integracji europejskiej mają istotny wpływ na tożsamość i kulturę narodów Europy. Poszerzenie Unii na wschód w 2004 i 2007 roku, oprócz zwiększenia liczby państw członkowskich, prowadzi również do zmian etnicznych i narodowych w całym ugrupowaniu integracyjnym. Migracje są przyczyną konfrontacji ludności z innymi kulturami, tradycjami czy religią. Wszystkie aspekty życia codziennego przenikają się i konfrontują z panującymi stereotypami. Celem przewodnim niniejszej publikacji jest ukazanie zmian, jakie nastąpiły w świadomości Polaków po wstąpieniu do Unii Europejskiej. Artykuł ma charakter teoretyczno-empiryczny. Część teoretyczna powstała przy wsparciu literatury przedmiotu, artykułów z czasopism branżowych, wiarygodnych źródeł internetowych oraz badań CBOS. Część empiryczna została opracowana na podstawie badań własnych. W tym celu został stworzony i wykorzystany autorski kwestionariusz ankiety, na który odpowiedziało 400 losowo wybranych osób zamieszkujących cały kraj. Wyodrębniono tutaj mieszkańców wsi, mieszkańców miast do 50 tys. mieszkańców oraz mieszkańców miast powyżej 50 tys. mieszkańców.Po przeanalizowaniu wyników można stwierdzić, że im mniejsza miejscowość, tym większe przywiązanie do miejsca zamieszkania. Z drugiej strony następuje widoczny wzrost identyfikacji Polaków z Europą. Obserwowane są zmiany w świadomości Polaków jako Europejczyków; coraz bardziej upodabniają się oni do swoich zachodnich sąsiadów. Nadal jesteśmy dumni z przynależności do narodu polskiego – blisko 60% respondentów zadeklarowało taki stan rzeczy. Według badanych czynnikami decydującymi o tożsamości narodowej są: rodzina i wychowanie – blisko 86% udzielonych odpowiedzi, pochodzenie – 82,1%, a także społeczność, w której przebywamy – 73% oraz historia – 71%. Należy liczyć się z tym, że w niedalekiej przyszłości powszechny stanie się hybrydowy model identyfikacji, w którym jednostka będzie utożsamiała się w równym stopniu zarówno ze swoim narodem, jak i narodem europejskim.The simultaneous processes of globalisation and European integration strongly influence the identity and culture of the European people. The enlargement of the European Union to the east in 2004 and 2007, and the increase in the number of member states, has led to changes within the ethnic and national structures of the whole Union. People are experiencing a conflict of cultures, traditions and religions due to migration. All the aspects of everyday life interpenetrate with one another and are contrasted with the existing stereotypes. This thesis is concerned with an analysis of the changes that the Polish peoples' consciousness has undergone after the accession to the European Union. The theory presented in this dissertation is based on the information provided in the literature on the subject: articles, professional journals, and reliable Internet sources. Moreover, the results are supported with statistical data acquired from the website of the Central Statistical Office and the CBOS (Polish Public Opinion) research. The empirical work has been carried out on the basis of personal research. The research has been performed through the use of a questionnaire which was completed by 400 randomly chosen citizens of Poland. The respondents have been assigned to several groups; the residents of villages; towns of up to 50000 residents; cities with more than 50000 residents.The analysis of data led us to conclude that the smaller the town the more its inhabitants are attached to their home towns. However, the increase in the identification of Poles with Europe is observable. The Poles' consciousness as Europeans has also undergone changes; Poles have become more and more alike their western neighbours. They are still proud of being Polish, as was declared by nearly 60% of the respondents. The characteristics of a true Pole are still believed to be patriotism and pride, but also living by stereotypes. According to the respondents the decisive factors in the process of forming national identity are: family and upbringing (nearly 80%), descent (82.1%), the society one belongs to (73%), and historical conditions (71%). However, it should be anticipated that in the near future an amalgamated model of identity will become the most widespread; one's national identity will be as strong as one's identification with Europe.
Europeanism exceeds the political and social mindset, it also provides the way of thinking about Europe, the Europeans, their identity, culture and homogeneity, which is paradoxically constituted on the basis of heterogeneity ("unity in diversity"). One may distinguishes two contrary approaches towards the UE: Euroscepticism and Euroenthusiasm The first orientation is very vivid in the British society and it is reflected not only in the words of politicians but also in the mood of the nation, expressed in the Brexit referendum. The latter orientation is common among Poles who enjoy the privilege of joining to the exclusive club. The European and citizenship education reflect these antagonistic approaches. The aim of the paper is an attempt to reconstruct and analyse the contemporary debate on citizenship education in the perspective of European Union. The analyse of educational trends about Europe and Europeanism is significant if Brexit is taking into the consideration. ; Europeanism exceeds the political and social mindset, it also provides the way of thinking about Europe, the Europeans, their identity, culture and homogeneity, which is paradoxically constituted on the basis of heterogeneity ("unity in diversity"). One may distinguishes two contrary approaches towards the UE: Euroscepticism and Euroenthusiasm The first orientation is very vivid in the British society and it is reflected not only in the words of politicians but also in the mood of the nation, expressed in the Brexit referendum. The latter orientation is common among Poles who enjoy the privilege of joining to the exclusive club. The European and citizenship education reflect these antagonistic approaches. The aim of the paper is an attempt to reconstruct and analyse the contemporary debate on citizenship education in the perspective of European Union. The analyse of educational trends about Europe and Europeanism is significant if Brexit is taking into the consideration.
In terms of law, federation is a complex political, economic, administrative and social system, whose individual components enjoy a significant level of independence. Political authority is organized so as to protect the identity of national, ethnic, linguistic and cultural minorities living in the territory of this multidimensional federal structure. From the constitutional point of view, federalism has two principal functions. Firstly, it unifies a state that was once disintegrated, thus allowing for the establishment of a political union and of some form of authority, which is a prerequisite of forming a somewhat broader identity; alternatively, it unifies various states. This function consists of the unification of what used to be separated and disintegrated. The other function concerns the task of maintaining the unity of those who underline the legitimacy of the authorities and reject their governance, because they feel harmed and oppressed by the political regime, or they believe that their interests are not guaranteed in the framework of a constitutionally determined autonomy. This is usually connected with their striving to become separated. In this case, federalism is a reaction to the threat of the state's disintegration, when different identities emerge in its internal structure, although they are not mutually excluded, and they do not exclude one another from this state yet. Then, federalism becomes a form of identification of various subjects with the federal state in a broader than local perspective. The second function of federalism refers us to the issue of a state comprising numerous nations, languages, cultures and religions. Modern democracy is both a political ideology and a political system. It generates increasing dissatisfaction with the way it operates on a practical level. The choice between a unitary and a federal approach does not mean a choice between a democratic or nondemocratic system, yet, from the long-term historical perspective, it appears that a federal system cannot operate without democracy, despite the obvious tensions between a democratic ideal and political reality.
The article presents the reflection on current propositions regarding new ideas of the European integrity in the social and political literature of the last years. Having assumed that the present economic crisis concerning especially the common currency – euro, therefore the crisis touching the European Union member states directly, has provoked the serious identity problem of the European Union itself, many authors are looking for other visions and there is a whole range of them: from the Union breaking-up ("Good-bye Europe"), through the social contract (as with Rousseau), and the neo-empire (revival of the medieval empire), the post-national democracy (without national states, without Westphalian states) to close federation. As they do not have the character of realistic projects ready to be applied, one cannot omit them, because they are building the excellent doctrinal background to the European integration. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
The author concentrates on the creative and codifying role of the state concerning certain genres of speech. Types of text generated by the state are called here 'state controlled genres'. It is a general term describing the genres which exist and function within the activity of the state – literary genres, journalism, public relations, admin-istration, law, political discourse, parliamentary debates. These genres fall outside descriptions of existing typologies. The following elements of state that influence the various genres of the text are taken into consideration: administration (parliament, state departments, offices; ex-amples: constitution, laws, expose, applications), diplomacy (international contacts: letters of credence, aide-memoires) and media (president, prime minister, ministers, members of parliament, spokesmen; examples: orations, proclamations, briefings, rectifications). State controlled genres are one of the elements of language (on the genetic level) which are essential for the identity of the contemporary homo politicus society.
The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria. ; The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.
