Suchergebnisse

Il multiculturalismo e un modello culturale e politico-istituzionale per la gestione della diversita in una societa multietnica, la cui base teorica viene dal relativismo culturale. Come nessuna cultura puo pretendere una validita universale, il processo di storicizzazione della razionalita occidentale segna la fine della pretesa metafisica di dire la verita dell'uomo e del mondo, nononstante si crede che il fare della scienza e l'accadere della verita. Nel gestire la diversita e nell'assicurare la tolleranza risiede la «necessita» del multiculturalismo. Sua debolezza teorica risiede paradossalmente nell'incapacita di pensare la differenza. Universale non e la cultura, che e sempre particolare, ma l' umano . Solo l'affermazione di questa dimensione universale dell'esperienza puo fondare il rispetto della singolarita dell'altro, di sua infinita alterita e differenza. L'umano si dice sempre in una cultura determinata. La struttura universale dell'esperienza e al tempo stesso in e al di la di ogni cultura, insieme trascendente e immanente, trans-immanente . Questa identita strutturale e costitutivamente assegnata a una emergenza molteplice. In questo contesto, si puo parlare di una ragione che, in nome di una fedelta all'esperienza, si dispone a ripensare il problema dell'universalita, il rapporto tra il singolare e l'universale. Palavras-chave : Multiculturalismo, relativismo culturale, cultura, Universale, singolare Resumo O multiculturalismo e um modelo cultural e politico-institucional para a gestao da diversidade numa sociedade multietnica, cuja base teorica procede do relativismo cultural. Como nenhuma cultura pode pretender uma validade universal, o processo de historicizacao da racionalidade ocidental marca o fim da pretensao metafisica de dizer a verdade do homem e do mundo, nao obstante se acredite que fazer ciencia ja seja o acontecer da verdade. A necessidade do multiculturalismo reside no administrar a diversidade e no assegurar a tolerância. Sua fraqueza teorica se encontra paradoxalmente na incapacidade de pensar a propria diferenca. Universal nao e a cultura, que e sempre particular, mas o humano . Somente a afirmacao desta dimensao universal da experiencia pode fundar o respeito da singularidade do outro, de sua infinita alteridade e diferenca. O humano se diz sempre numa cultura determinada. A estrutura universal da experiencia esta, ao mesmo tempo, em e alem de cada cultura, ao mesmo tempo transcendente e imanente, trans-imanente . Esta identidade estrutural e constitutivamente assinalada a uma experiencia multipla. Nesse contexto, pode-se falar de uma razao que, em nome da fidelidada a experiencia, dispoe-se a repensar o problema da universalidade, a relacao entre o singular e o universal. Palavras-chave : Multiculturalismo, relativismo cultural, cultura, Universal, singular Abstract Multiculturalism is a cultural and political-institutional framework for managing diversity in a multiethnic society, whose theoretical basis proceeds of cultural relativism. As no culture can claim to universal validity, the historicizing process of western rationality points out the end of metaphysical pretension of telling the truth about man and the world, although one believe that doing science is already the case for truth. The necessity of multiculturalism lies in managing diversity and in ensuring tolerance. Its theoretical weakness is paradoxically unable to think of difference itself. Culture always emerges as being the particular as the human appears as being the universal. Only the statement of this universal dimension of experience can establish the respect of other's uniqueness, of his infinite otherness and difference. The human is always understood within a specific culture. The universal structure of experience is at the same time, in and beyond each culture in particular, at the same time immanent and transcendent, there is to say, trans-immanent. This structural identity is constitutively marked by a multiple experience. In this context, one can speak of a reason that in the name of fidelity to experience is willing to rethink the problem of universality, the relationship between the singular and universal. Key words : Multiculturalism, cultural relativism, culture, Universal, singular

L'ouvrage dont est issu ce chapitre a été initialement publié par le Lebanese Center for Policy Studies. Il bénéficie d'une co-édition électronique avec les Presses de l'Ifpo pour cette édition électronique. ; Are Arab parties facing a predicament? Are they paying the price of repression and limited pluralism? Have they become obsolete to the benefit of other political groups and mobilization modes such as communities, tribes, "asabiyyat" or to the disadvantage of non governmental organizations, associations and social movements? While some predicted "the end of parties" in the region as a result of authoritarian political systems, doesn't the recent transition from the one party rule towards a fragile plural party system in many countries put again party organizations in the spotlight? Most of the time, contemporary Arab parties have little mobilizing power. Yet some are crawling out of underground activities and trying their hands at the exercise of power after years of oppositions. Others, and mainly on the Islamist arena, assert themselves as first hand mobilization structures, able in certain cases to compete with regimes in power. This introductive chapter addresses those research questions. Emphasizing new and unpublished data, it tackles holistically party life in Arab World. It approaches the decline or the revival of the parties from a long term historical perspective mainly with regard to political institutions. It focuses on the rules of party games, on the junction between "the right to politics" and "political rights". It reveals the fine-tuning between ideological frameworks and political strategies, and raises questions about the renewal of elites, forms of militant activism, the array of parties' political activities, particularly social ones. It examines the issue of identity construction and political solidarities in the framework of the nation state, or in contradiction with it. As a final point, this chapter inquires about how party life in Arab Countries accounts for political transformations: possible democratization of regimes, forms of domination that are played out within those regimes, the emergence of the breakdown of leaderships and finally the rationale behind mobilization and collective action ; Les partis arabes sont-ils en crise ? Font-ils les frais de la répression et des limitations du pluralisme, sont-ils désormais caducs au profit d'autres groupements politiques et mode de mobilisation : communautés, tribus, 'asabiyyat, ou encore plus récemment, associations et ONG, mouvements sociaux ? Si l'on a pu envisager la « fin des partis » dans la région, avec le développement de systèmes politiques autoritaires et le systèmes de partis hégémoniques, la transition récente de systèmes mono-partisans vers un pluripartisme fragile dans de nombreux pays de la région a incontestablement replacé le projecteur sur les organisations partisanes. Certains sortent de la clandestinité, ou s'essaient à l'exercice du pouvoir après des années d'opposition. D'autres, notamment dans l'arène islamiste, s'imposent comme des structures de mobilisation et d'action politique de premier ordre, capables dans certains cas de concurrencer les régimes en place. C'est de ces questions que discute cet ouvrage. En s'appuyant sur les contributions à cet ouvrage et un état de la littérature plus large, ce chapitre introductif discute des hypothèses récentes sur le déclin ou le développement des partis, en proposant une analyse de long terme, privilégiant l'histoire des institutions politiques. Il s'intéresse aux règles du jeu partisan, aux articulations entre « droits à la politique » et « droits politiques ». Il montre les ajustements entre cadres idéologiques et stratégies politiques et questionne le renouvellement des élites, les formes de militantisme privilégié, la variété des activités partisanes, notamment sociales. Il pose également la question de la production d'identités et de solidarités politiques dans le cadre de l'Etat nation, ou en déphasage avec celui-ci. En dernier ressort, il s'interroge sur la façon dont les vies partisanes dans le monde arabe éclairent des transformations du politique : la démocratisation éventuelle des régimes, les formes de domination qui s'y jouent, l'émergence ou l'effritement de leadership, et finalement les logiques de la mobilisation et de l'action collective.

Defence date: 06/09/2010 ; Examining Board: Prof. Brigitte Marin (Université Aix-Marseille I - M.M.S.H.) Prof. Anthony Molho (EUI) - supervisor Prof. Antonella Romano (EUI) Prof. Francesca Trivellato (Yale University) ; The point of departure for this dissertation is a historical, epistemological and methodological discussion of the notion of "community". Based on a comparative approach to the three cases of the Greeks in Venice, Livorno and Marseilles from the age of the "Greek Enlightenment" (c. 1770) up until the birth of an independent Neohellenic state (1830), this study aims to challenge the conventional image of early modern foreign communities as homogeneous and inclusive groups, by rendering the complex, diverse, and often contradictory trajectories of groups and individuals that formed what we know as "the Greek Diaspora". Paying special attention to issues such as the administrative control of the migrants, the collective uses of urban space, and the sharing of socio-cultural practices, it reconstructs the multi-layered background that supported the expression of communal identities among the Greeks in Venice, Livorno and Marseilles. By recasting the three cases under scrutiny within the wider context of the many connections and relations that existed among them, the dissertation stresses the ways in which the entanglement of mercantile, migratory and family networks came to "shape" the Greek Diaspora as a space both physical and socio-symbolical. Conversely, and in a micro-historical perspective, it also analyses the role played by the "communal institutions" (namely the Greek-Orthodox churches and brotherhoods) in shaping collective identities and governing plural and heterogeneous social groups, as well as the many types of reaction and resistance to this progressive "institutionalisation" of community life. Lastly, a case-study on the ambiguous involvement of the Greeks in Venice, Livorno and Marseilles in the Greek war of independence (1821-1830), sheds light on the complex issue of the "patriotism of the expatriates", and argues for an essential distinction between the making of communal identity, and that of national (or even "proto-national") consciousness. ; Ce travail se présente comme une enquête sur la « communauté », entendue à la fois comme construction socioculturelle et comme catégorie d'analyse. L'armature théorique et méthodologique de l'étude repose sur l'articulation dialectique entre ces deux grilles de lectures. D'une part, une analyse historique et contextualisée d'un « fait communautaire » entendu à la fois comme groupe social, comme corps juridico-politique, comme ensemble de pratiques sociales et culturelles, et comme construction politique et symbolique. D'autre part, une discussion critique des outils et méthodes de la recherche autour de la question de la communauté, qui apparaît comme indissociable d'une réflexion plus large – et transdisciplinaire – sur la nature du lien social. L'observatoire choisi est celui des colonies grecques de Venise, Livourne et Marseille, depuis les années 1770 (marquées par l'émergence d'une « bourgeoisie commerciale grecque » particulièrement active dans le contexte de la diaspora), jusqu'à l'indépendance de l'Etat néohellénique en 1830. Reprenant une périodisation classique de l'historiographie grecque moderne, ce découpage chronologique propose d'en discuter de l'intérieur la pertinence et la cohérence. Il s'agit ainsi de saisir les continuités du phénomène communautaire grec par-delà les ruptures politiques classiques de l'histoire grecque moderne (par exemple en incluant dans la période étudiée la guerre d'indépendance grecque et l'émergence consécutive d'un Etat-nation hellénique), et ce pour mieux débusquer et interroger les impensés des constructions historiographiques non seulement antérieures, mais aussi actuelles, des objets étudiés (ainsi de la diaspora grecque comme « laboratoire » de l'indépendance hellénique à venir). Le régime de la comparaison constitue ici une proposition méthodologique face à l'alternative classique entre l'étude d'une diaspora dans son ensemble, et celle d'une communauté en particulier. La multiplication des points d'observation sur le phénomène diasporique permet en effet de contourner l'obstacle d'une irréductibilité des approches macro et micro, tout en saisissant une partie des flux et des mouvements qui structurent l'espace diasporique et lie les communautés les unes aux autres. Elle permet aussi de poser au centre du questionnement le problème des frontières des groupes étudiés, en pointant la labilité des catégories comme des définitions, et donc de révoquer les modèles logiques abstraits et totalisants, pour interroger les relations et les identités sous un angle praxéologique.

ÖZETGüney Kafkasya Ülkeleri,,Türkiye ve Avrupa Birliği İlişkilerinin Analizi adını taşıyan bu tez sizlere konumuzun merkezindeki aktörlerin birbirleriyle olan ilişkilerinin boyutları hakkında siyasi, ekonomik, tarihsel ve sosyo-kültürel referanslar vererek, detaylı bir bakış açısı sunacaktır.Sovyetler sonrası bağımsızlığına kavuşan yeni ülkelerin ortaya çıkması, küresel ve bölgesel güçler için aynı anda hem yeni fırsatlar, hem de yeni problemler ortaya çıkarmıştır.Küçük sayılabilecek bir alana sahip olmasına rağmen, Güney Kafkasya önemli bir jeostratejik bölge olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Avrupa, Orta Asya, Anadolu ve Orta Doğu'nun yol ayrımlarının ortasında yer almakta olan bölgede Kafkas dağları doğal bir sınır çizmekte ve bölge önemli derecede enerji kaynaklarını barındırmaktadır. Güney Kafkasya'nın bu jeostratejik konumu bölgesel etnik yapının karmaşık olmasına ve birbirinden farklı kimliklerin oluşmasına yol açmıştır. Bununla birlikte, Sovyetler sonrasındaki yaklaşık yirmi senelik zaman sürecinde bölgesel işbirliği gerçekleşemediğinden tam olarak istikrar sağlanamamıştır. Azerbaycan, Gürcistan ve Ermenistan bölgesel ülkeleri oluşturmalarına rağmen, çeşitli etnik gruplar kendi etnik kimlikleri aracılığıyla siyasi olarak aktivize olmuştur. Bunda merkezi ulus-devlet kimliklerinin yıpranması, kötü ekonomik altyapı, Sovyet döneminin idari yapılanması ve bölge dışı aktörlerin politikaları etkili olmuştur.Temel olarak çözülemeyen etnik sorunlar, eskimiş ve zayıf bir planlı ekonominin yeniden yapılanma/reforme edilme ihtiyacı, ideolojik boşluğun getirdiği kimlik sorunsalı, doğal kaynakların getirdiği zenginliğin paylaşılması mücadeleleri ve bölgesel işbirliğinin eksiklikleri olarak ele alınabilir. Kaçınılmaz olarak, Güney Kafkasya ülkeleri sadece komşu ülkeler olan Türkiye, Rusya ve İran'ı değil, aynı zamanda bölge dışı ülkeler olan ABD ve kendine özgü bir oluşum olan Avrupa Birliği'nin çıkarlarını da etkilemiştir.Sonuç olarak, içiçe girmiş ilişkilerin ve problemlerin olduğu bir tablo önümüzde durmaktadır. Bu çalışma Türkiye, Avrupa Birliği ve Güney Kafkasya ülkelerinin birbirleriyle olan ilişkilerinin siyasi, ekonomik, kültürel ve tarihi boyutlarına ışık tutacaktır. Bu bağlamda, bu aktörlerin politikalarının birbirleriyle olan ilişkilerini ne derecede etkilediği sorusuna bir yanıt aranacaktır.SUMMARYThis thesis titled as Analysis of Relations Between the Southern Caucasus States, Turkey, EU provides a detailed perspective on the dimension of relations between the parties with significant political, economic, historical and socio-cultural references.Emergence of newly independent states from the Soviet Union has simultaneously created new opportunities and challenges for the global and regional powers around the world. Despite her relatively small size, Southern Caucasus stands as one of the most important geostrategic regions because of being located on the crossroads between Europe, Central Asia, Anatolia and the Middle East, demarcated with natural boundaries drawn by Caucasus mountains and absorbing significant energy reserves. This geostrategic location of the Southern Caucasus also affected the regional mixed ethnic make-up and retaining of specific diverse identities in the region. Nevertheless, the twenty year old history of the post-Soviet period has not shown a well-maintained stability supported by regional cooperation. Even though, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia comprise the regional nation states, several sub-ethnic groups has been politically mobilized on ethnical basis due to erosion of central nation-state identities, poor economic infrastructure, legacy of Soviet-era administrative policies and affiliations with extraregional groups.Those challenges can be briefly summarized as unresolved ethnic conflicts, reforming an outdated and fragile planned economy, identity crisis arising from the ideological vacuum, struggle over the distribution of wealth through regional resources, lack of regional cooperation. It is inevitable that potential of the Southern Caucasus has not only affected the interests of neighbouring powers Turkey, Russia and Iran, but also extraregional actors like the USA and the unique entity of the EU. In this sense, we have a complex picture with interconnected relations and problems between the parties. This study will shed a light on the relations between Turkey, the EU and the Southern Caucasus states with a focus on significant political, economic, cultural and historical dimensions. In this sense, an answer is going to be sought to the question of to what extent these actors' policies influence their relations with each other.

Tese de Doutoramento em Estudos Americanos apresentada à Universidade Aberta ; O objectivo deste estudo é o de identificar o tema Emerson's Conflict of the Soul no contexto do Séc. XIX, durante o qual a América procurava defenir a sua própria identidade através duma procura espirítual. Tendo em conta o passado, esta tese, explora as diferenças básicas entre os discursos românticos Europeu e Americano. Os primeiros dois capítulos preparam um quadro teórico, delineando dois principais aspectos do Romatismo Europeu: as novas atitudes perante a natureza; a dicotomia entre o consciente e o inconsciente; a discrepância entre a realidade e a aparência para transcender o fenómeno externo e interno; arte e história; e diferentes significados e origem da palavra "romântico;" em segundo lugar, o clima intelectual (Influências heterogéneas de Emerson), ou o amor intelectual e visão científica para afirmar o Principium of individualism; para celebrar o conflito entre o microcosmo e o macrocosmo; o gosto artístico estrangeiro; as polaridades e fragmentações do eu romântico para cantar a sua própria canção de fidelidade e introduz uma distinta linguagem literária e formas para manifestar ideais transcendentais. A visão da nova teoria orgânica da evolução é desenvolvida no segundo capítulo. O terceirro capitulo descreve duas abordagens geométricas (Razão e Compreensão: Vectores do Dilema Romântico)com o objectivo de desvendar os enigmas secretos do discurso de Emerson. Finalmente, o quarto capítulo examina as raízes de Emerson's Quest of Romantic Truth ; os seus impulsos racionais e irracionais ; o conflicto entre mundo interior e exterior. Conclui-se que a atitude romântica se torna objecto do discurso artistico, culminar e resultado do produto criativo, e veículo através do qual Emerson's Conflict of Soul: A Romantic Unsolved Issue surge associado aos temas românticos e a circunstâncias simbólicas da sua vida : Beauty, Love, Suffering, and Immortality, emergem, então, como temas recorrentes e inter-relacionados a partir do começo do Romantismo em 1800. Emerson é, deste modo, retratado como pioneiro, não só no ambito da nova filosofia designada Trancendentalista, mas também como poeta da democracia americana que assegura a perfectibilidade moral da sua sociedade. ; The purpose of this study is to identify Emerson's Conflict of the Soul in the context of 19th century American spiritual quest as the country was searching for its own identity. As back- ground, this thesis explores basic differences between American and European Romantic discourse (s). The first two chapters prepare the theoretical framework, outlining two main aspects of European Romanticism: first, the new attitudes toward nature; the dichotomy between consciousness and unconsciousness; the discrepancy between reality and appearance to transcend outer and inner phenomenon; art and history; and different meanings and origin of the word "romantic;" second, the intellectual climate (Emerson's heterogeneous influences) or intellectual love and scientific vision to affirm the Principium of Individualism, to celebrate the conflict between microcosm and macrocosm, the taste of foreign and domestic artistic, the polarities and fragmentations of the Romantic self to sing his own song of allegiance and introduce a distinctive literary language and forms to express Transcendental ideas. Chapter One explores his Transcendentalism and Romantic spirit. The vision of the new organic theory of evolution is explored in Chapter Two. Chapter Three describes the two-fold geometrical approaches (Reasoning and Understanding: Vectors of Romantic Dilemma) to unveil the secret enigmas of Emerson's discourse. Finally, Chapter Four examines the roots of Emerson's Quest for Romantic Truth; it explores his rational and irrational impulses to define Romanticism as the problematic issue between inner and outer worlds. Romantic attitude, then, becomes the work of art, the culmination and result of creative product: the vehicle through which Emerson's Conflict of the Soul: A Romantic Unsolved Issue is connected to romantic themes and symbolic circumstances of his life: Beauty, Love, Suffering, and Immortality emerge, then, as recurrent and interrelated themes from the beginning of Romanticism in 1800s. Emerson is portrayed as the innovator not only of a new philosophy called Transcendentalism, but also as an American democratic poet, who secures moral perfectibility for his society.

Conferência proferida no âmbito International Perspectives in the History of Nursing Conference. London 14 – 16 September 2010 ; Aim of the Study: to contextualize nursing transitions in the second half of the 20th century, in the dimensions: context, curricula and actors. Purpose: As far as nursing education is concerned, in the Portuguese case for many years we can not talk about the existence of a discipline of nursing. The construction of the discipline seems to have happened between the process of the nurses' professionalization and the social construction of the curriculum, essentially since the 50's of the 20th century. Methodology: The historic method allowed formulating connections between ideas, events, institutions and people in the past enlightening the socio-historic discourse throughout this period. The stories of life assumed a particular effect, connecting them to the formation of trajectories to understand the mechanisms and processes used by participants in managing the situations they were in, with the resource of the ethno-biographic interview. The Unique Case Study, with qualitative characteristics, allowed us to know individual, organizational, social and political phenomena. Findings: We have analized the data under three dimensions - Contexts, Curricula and Actors – along the decades from year 50' to the beginning of XXI Century. About Contexts , until 1965 the School for Nurses was within the hospital, and without autonomy. After the national evaluation of the state of the schools of nursing about their pedagogic conditions to teach, recommended by WHO in 1963, the Schools started , in 1965, a process of autonomy with the creation of the first Nursing School, independent of hospitals – School of Education and Management in Nursing. One of the most important fact occurred in 1988 with the Integration of Nursing in Higher Education, and the conversion of the schools in Higher Nursing Schools, in 1989. From Curricula, a dimension we can emphasize is that in 1947 were established two levels of nursing education. The Introduction of the contents "medical nursing techniques" and "chirurgic nursing techniques" in 1952, can be considered as the emergence of nursing as a discipline, because of the official participation of nurses in the education of pairs, and the beginning of conceptualization of nursing care. Because of this in 1964, occurred a Curricula reformation. The Discipline of Nursing (with biomedical orientation) structuring the education, among biomedical disciplines and inclusion of social and human sciences. In the year of 1967 we assist the beginning of the education on Investigation. After The Carnation revolution, many things have changed and we have assisted one of the most important transitions, the unification of pre-graduate education (1975). The integration in higher education with bachelor degree (1988) and with Degree in 1999, are also considered two important transitions. Considering the Actors in this transitional analysis, in 1947 the State has begun to control of the legal exercise of nursing and with the conditions promoted by the transitions in contexts and curricula, after 1965 we assisted a very important evolution and social recognition, with responsibility of education and the Direction of the Schools by nurses and the promotion of similar access conditions as required for other courses in higher education. Since 1975 we have in Portugal a unique Professional – Nurse, a transition that contributed to the Regulation of the Professional Exercise of Nursing, in 1996. In 1998, the Portuguese State as regulated the possibility to the Establishment of the Nurses Order. Conclusions: Contexts - Nursing Higher Schools are autonomous organizations, in different scenarios of the higher education network: Not integrated Schools; Schools integrated in Polytechnics Institutes and schools integrated in Universities, but all of them in the polytechnic subsystem. Curricula - From the unique curriculum to curricular diversity, the conception and curricular development occurs from Nursing, discipline and profession, along the three cycles of Bologna studies . Actors - The qualifications for the skills that enhance to deal with the complexity in health suggest the debate on nursing education about professionalism and multidisciplinarity. The professionalization process is going on, but we still assist to a lack of social and professional identity.

Bu araştırmanın amacı, Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri bünyesindeki Hava Kuvvetleri Komutanlığındaki yöneticilerin liderlik stilleri ile karar verme stilleri arasındaki ilişkiyi belirlemek ve seçilmiş kimlik değişkenlerine göre istatistiksel karşılaştırmalar yapmaktır. Çalışma, Antalya İli Hava Kuvvetleri Komutanlığında görev yapan 244 askeri personel üzerinde yürütülmüştür.Araştırmada üç bölümden oluşan bir veri toplama aracı kullanılmıştır. Birinci bölümde katılımcıların dönüşümcü liderlik stilleri, Bass ve Avolio (1990) tarafında geliştirilen ve Dilek (2005) tarafından Türkçeye uyarlanan toplam 24 önermeden oluşan anket ile ölçülmüştür. İkinci bölümde işlemsel liderlik stilleri Bass ve Avolio (1990) tarafından geliştirilen ve Dilek (2005) tarafından Türkçeye uyarlanan toplam 8 önermeden oluşan anket ile ölçülmüştür. Üçüncü bölümde ise katılımcıların karar verme stilleri, Scott ve Bruce (1995) tarafından geliştirilen ?Genel Karar Verme Ölçeği? ile ölçülmüştür.Verilerin analizinde yüzde, frekans, aritmetik ortalama, standart sapma, Pearson korelasyon katsayısı, parametrik testlerden bağımsız örneklemler için t-testi, bağımlı örneklemler için t-testi, bağımsız örneklemler için tek yönlü varyans analizi kullanılmıştır.Araştırma sonucunda, askeri personelin görüşlerine göre yöneticilerin dönüştürücü liderlik stilleri yaş, eğitim durumu ve çalışma süresi değişkenlerine göre anlamlı bir şekilde değişmemekte, ancak ünvan değişkenine göre anlamlı biçimde farklılaşmaktadır. Askeri personelin görüşleri koşullu ödüllendirme boyutuna ve işlemsel liderlik stiline ilişkin yaş değişkenine göre anlamlı bir şekilde değişmezken, unvan, eğitim durumu ve çalışma süresi değişkenlerine göre anlamlı biçimde farklılaşmaktadır. İstisnalarla yönetim boyutuna ilişkin işlemsel liderlik stiline ilişkin askeri personelin görüşleri yaş ve çalışma süresi değişkenlerine göre anlamlı bir şekilde değişmemekte, ancak ünvan ve eğitim durumu değişkenine göre anlamlı biçimde farklılaşmaktadır.Ayrıca, askeri personelin görüşlerine göre ise, yöneticilerin dönüşümcü liderlik stilleri ile sezgisel karar verme, bağımlı karar verme ve kaçınmacı karar verme stilleri; koşullu ödüllendirmeye ilişkin işlemsel liderlik stilleri ile istisnalarla yönetime ilişkin işlemsel liderlik stilleri; koşullu ödüllendirmeye ilişkin işlemsel liderlik stili ile sezgisel karar verme, bağımlı karar verme ve rasyonel karar verme stilleri arasında pozitif ve anlamlı bir ilişki vardır. ; The aim of this study, is to determine the relationship between the managers? s leadership styles on their making a decision styles in the Air Forces Commandership in Turkish Armed Forces and making statistic comparisons according to chosen identity changeable. This study was carried on 244 military personnel?s working in Antalya Air Forces Commandership.In this study a datum collecting tool consisting of three parts was used. In the first part the participants? transformist leadership style were measure with a public survey consisting of in all 24 proposing which were developed by BASS and AVOLİO (1990) and adapted to Turkish by DİLEK (2005).In the second part operational leadership styles were measured with a public survey consisting of in all 8 proposing which were developed by BASS and AVOLİO (1990) and adapted to by DİLEK (2005). In the third part, the participants? decision making styles were measured with ?Common decision Making Scale? which was developed by SCOTT AND BRUCE (1995).In datum analysis, percentage, frequency, arithmetic average, Standard deviation, Pearson correlation coefficient, t-test for the examples which are independent from parametric test, t-test for the dependent examples, one-way variance analyses for the independent examples were used.In the result of this study, in military personnel?s opinion, administrators transformist leadership styles don?t change in a meaningful way. On the changeables such as age, education state and working period, however according to law name changeable, these styles change in a meaningful way. Military personnel?s doesn?t change so much according to the age changeable on conditioned rewarding dimension and functional leadership style, but it changes a lot according to the law name, education state and working period. Military personnel?s opinion about exception management dimension and operational leadership style don?t change so much on the changeable such as age and working period, however it changes a lot on the changeable such as law name and education state. Also, in military personnel?s opinion there is a positive and meaningful relationship between administrator?s transformit leadership styles and intuitive decision making, dependent decision making styles and related to exception management, operational leadership operational leader ship styles; related to conditioned rewarding, operational leadership style and intuitive decision making, dependent decision making and rational decision making style.

O trabalho objetiva analisar o cenário do associativismo civil na América Latina, destacando seus movimentos sociais e as interpretações teóricas que têm sido realizadas sobre eles, tomando como ponto de vista algumas categorias utilizadas e as teorias que lhes dão suporte. O texto parte de uma breve caracterização do cenário latino-americano, segundo seus principais movimentos sociais, destacando-se algumas das alterações que vêm ocorrendo a partir do desenvolvimento de políticas públicas voltadas para o social, em parceria com a sociedade civil organizada. Apresentam-se teorias e teóricos que têm pesquisando sobre os movimentos sociais na América Latina e analisam-se duas categorias teóricas bastante utilizadas na atualidade: rede e mobilização social. O texto conclui com a seguinte observação: há um novo cenário no associativismo civil, e o leque de teorias e interpretações é diverso. Entretanto, políticas de identidade têm sido construídas para "incluir" grupos e associações, mobilizadas por governos via políticas públicas. Categorias operacionais de intervenção social na realidade vêm sendo ressignificadas nos marcos de uma política de inclusão conservadora, gerando novas leituras e interpretações teóricas sobre a realidade social. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: movimentos sociais, teorias, associativismo, redes e mobilização social.THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN LATIN AMERICA Maria da Glória Gohn This paper aims to analyze the scene of civil associativism in Latin America, pointing out its social movements and the theoretical interpretations that have been made about them, taking as its point of view some categories and the theories that give them support. The text begins with a brief characterization of the Latin-American scene, according to its main social movements, pointing out some of the alterations that are happening starting from the development of public policy aimed at the social development, in partnership with the organized civil society. Theories and theoreticians that have researched the social movements in Latin America are presented and two theoretical categories quite used at the present time are analyzed: networks and social mobilization. The text ends with the following observation: there is a new scene in the civil associativism and the scope of its theories and interpretations is diverse. However, identity policies have been built to "include" groups and associations, mobilized by governments through public policies. Operational categories of social intervention are actually being ressignified as the cornerstones of a conservative policy of inclusion, generating new readings and theoretical interpretations about social reality. KEYWORDS: social movements, theories, associativism, networks and social mobilization.LES APPROCHES THÉORIQUES DANS L'ÉTUDE DES MOUVEMENTS SOCIAUX EM AMÉRIQUE LATINE Maria da Glória Gohn L'objectif de ce travail est d'analyser le scénario de l'associativisme en Amérique Latine. On y met en évidence les mouvements sociaux et les interprétations théoriques qui ont été faites à son propos, à partir de catégories spécifiques utilisées et des théories qui leur servent de support. L'analyse commence par une brève caractérisation du scénario latino-américain, en fonction de ses principaux mouvements sociaux, où l'on montre plus clairement certains changements dus au développement de politiques publiques dans le domaine social, en partenariat avec la société civile organisée. On y présente des théories et des théoriciens ayant fait des recherches sur les mouvements sociaux en Amérique Latine et on y analyse deux catégories théoriques très utilisées actuellement: réseau et mobilisation sociale. Ce travail en arrive à la conclusion suivante: il existe un nouveau scénario au sein de l'associativisme civil et l'éventail des théories et des interprétations est varié. Toutefois des politiques d'identité ont été élaborées par les gouvernements au travers de politiques publiques pour "inclure" les groupes et les associations. Des catégories opérationnelles d'intervention sociale sur la réalité ont été re-signifiées selon les critères d'une politique d'inclusion conservatrice, permettant de nouvelles lectures et interprétations théoriques de la réalité sociale. MOTS-CLÉS: mouvements sociaux, théories, associativisme, réseaux et mobilisation sociale. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 35-39). ; This study proceeds from the belief that the female voice is silent or is seemingly absent in theatre and explores the possibility of the presence of a female vocality. The term 'female vocality' is used to refer to multiple aspects of the voice(s) of women in theatre; as performers, as playwrights and as theatre makers. It refers to both the sound of the voice and the structural elements of performance and text. The term is also intentionally used to uncover the uniqueness of the female voice and of that which is specific to women and arguably less defined by logocentric or patriarchal structures. A further distinction is made with the use of the term, in a more symbolic and generic sense, to denote the public and political voice of women. It is not only the sound of the voice that is examined but also how that sound is received or heard. The voices of women have not necessarily been absent or silent but 'seemingly absent' because the receiver was not actively present, or possibly, the listener chose not to hear. Part One: By searching the silences for the sound of the female voice, it is not only the voice that is uncovered, but features of identity and subjectivity. It traces the path of a trajectory of feminist critical theory in the late twentieth century that impacted profoundly on theatre practice and this notion of silence or absence of the female voice. In theI980's, Sue-Ellen Case (1988) suggested that feminist critics adopt the term a 'new poetics' to describe their attempts to embrace new forms of language and dramatic structure in feminist theatre. This new form defines the re-positioning of woman as subject and calls for a re-construction of language and text to reflect the female voice more accurately. It also explores the work of performance artists and the influence of the writing of post-structuralist Helene Cixous in their attempts to foreground themselves as subject and the body as text. Part Two: By appropriating Raymond Williams' term 'structures of feeling' I posit a re-framing of a feminine theatrical aesthetic that expresses the lived experience of women. I am drawn to the use of the term because of its implicit understanding of the qualities of particular types of experience that are intangible or 'unspeakable' which is similar to the elusive qualities inherent in the description of female vocality. To articulate these qualities more lucidly I refer to Kristeva's 'semiotic' and Barthes 'grain of the voice.' Part Three: I examine how the voice is at times not heard and how this aspect of selective hearing can be developed by the listener or audience. Related to this is how in the development of western thought and philosophy the voice has been separated from the speaker and relegated to insignificance. Italian feminist philosopher Adriana Cavarero terms this 'the de-vocalization of logos' (2005: 33) which is useful in understanding how women's voices have seemingly been ignored. I review my own practice and the challenges it presented in uncovering alternative theatrical means to foreground female vocality. I search for possible ways of re -considering the use of language and in this regard, I refer to playwrights Caryl Churchill and Sarah Kane and their respective innovative use of dramatic and dialogic structure which deconstructed the more traditional (patriarchal) forms. Aspects of the post-dramatic theatre are considered in an endeavour to propose structural and dramaturgical devices that may create new vocal landscapes which would enhance the potential of the multi-faceted aspects of female vocality in an attempt to define a 'new poetics' for the twenty-first century. By mapping the possibilities inherent in female vocality for theatre the findings reveal that there are rich resources available. These concepts and examples can be used and crafted towards creating a dynamic feminine theatrical aesthetic where the voices of women can be experienced and heard.

2007/2008 ; La ricerca è partita dall'ipotesi che lo sviluppo dei meccanismi di cooperazione transfrontaliera sono elementi vitali per reggere le diverse sfide politiche e socioeconomiche che la Croazia, (con particolare interesse per la regione frontaliera Istra), nel futuro dovrà sostenere nel suo cammino verso l'Unione Europea. Il proposito dello studio è quello di analizzare tale progresso iniziando l'analisi dalla cooperazione transfrontaliera, le costituzione della euroregione e la posizione attuale nel processo di integrazione europea. La domanda che ci si pone è se sia possibile dimostrare che la cooperazione transfrontaliera apporti valore aggiunto, se sia percepibile dalla gente "semplice", e se così fosse come sia percepita: 1) come un azione razionale ed economicamente giustificata; 2) oppure come una procedura per risolvere problemi ormai già storici, mantenere la pace e quale strumento capace di andare oltre le barriere delle esperienze passate, raggiungere in tal maniera un equilibrio sociale e migliorare la qualità di vita; 3) o invece è puramente percepita come una costruzione ad uso politico con poca influenza nella vita quotidiana; 4) e se non fosse affatto percepita quali ne sono i motivi? Quali sono le future aspettative della gente che vive in una regione confinaria quel è l'Istria (spesso stigmatizzata per il forte attaccamento regionale e la particolare composizione etnica che ha portato alla creazione di un identità particolare) e come l'integrazione europea influenzerà il loro modo di vivere. La tesi è composta da due parti. La prima parte è di carattere teorico generale e si apre con l'analisi dello sviluppo delle relazioni internazionali; vengono poi visti i problemi riferenti ai confini dell'Unione Europea da un punto di vista regionale, il fenomeno transfrontaliero e le azioni che sono state intraprese in tal direzione; lo sviluppo della cooperazione regionale dell'Unione Europea, e la creazione di "nuovi" regionalismi nel contesto di una prospettiva transfrontaliera in un'Unione Europea in continuo allargamento, il ruolo delle elite di confine, con particolare interesse per il caso croato. La seconda parte è composta da tre capitoli che offrono un quadro della situazione particolare che si presenta nella regione soggetto dell'analisi. Questa tesi vuole essere un'analisi prospettica dei fenomeni che non sono nuovi in Europa, ma che in Croazia si sono fatti maggiormente sentire negli ultimi anni e, precisamente, l'analisi si concentra sulla cooperazione di oltre confine e l'impatto che tale azione apporta nella regione Istria. La ricerca si chiude con le conclusioni e prospettive future, seguita dalla bibliografia e dagli allegati. --- ; I started from the assumption that the development of cross border mechanism is a vital element in dealing with the future political and socioeconomic challenges that Croatia, and precisely the Region Istria has to deal with, taking in consideration the desire to become part of European Union. The purpose of my analyze is to see the progress that starts from CBC, goes throw Euro region and reaches to European Union. Is it possible to prove that cross border cooperation adds value, does it reach the large mass, and if it does, how is percept: 1) as something reasonable and economically justifiable; 2)a way to solve problems, maintain peace and go over the barriers of past experience, reaching it this way social equity and improving the quality of life; 3) or it is percept just as political slogans with a small influence on every day life; 4)and what if it is not percept at all which are the reasons? What are the future expectation of the people who lives in a periphery region as it is Istria, how will EU integration influence their living. The thesis is developed throw five chapters. In the first is presented the theoretical framework that analyze concepts as borders, identity, international relations, CBC, governance and questions regarding the construction of Euro regions. The second and third chapters are descriptive and are supposed to give a complete scene of the legal and administrative system. The last two chapters analyze the CBC in the Region Istria and the instauration of the Euro-region in this area, followed by the conclusions and future prospective. ; XX Ciclo

Straipsnyje analizuojamas pilietinis nepaklusnumas kaip teisėta kova tiek už naujoves visuomenėje, tiek prieš išderinančius valdžios veiksmus. Pirmojoje dalyje išskleidžiama Johno Rawlso pilietinio nepaklusnumo samprata jo teisingumo teorijos perspektyvoje. Rawlso pažiūros interpretuojamas remiantis egzistencinėmis ir istorinėmis prieigomis. Drauge keliami egzistuojančio individo ir tautos kaip jo aplinkos, istorinės atminties ir kuriamo gyvenimo projekto klausimai. Pilietinis nepaklusnumas suvokiamas kaip individo vieša kova už savo egzistencinį projektą, tarpstantį nerimastingoje bendruomenėje. Teigiama, kad nėra ir negali būti tikslių teisingumo koordinačių: sąveikaudamos su mūsų kintančiu gyvenimo projektu, susiklojančiu su kitų bendruomenės dalyvių gyvenimo planais, jos nuolat keičiasi. Siūloma geo-grafinę teisingumo prieigą keisti į bio-grafinę, nes teisingumas iškyla tik individo gyvenimo plano šviesoje, kuri sklinda tam tikros visuomenės erdvėje, be to, teisingumas, veikiamas kintančios individo ir bendruomenės sąveikos, yra gyvas, besimainantis reiškinys. Antrojoje dalyje nagrinėjama LDK konfederacija (1792–1793) kaip pilietinio nepaklusnumo atvejis. Iškeliamos šios tezės: 1.1. Pilietinis nepaklusnumas – vieša politinė kova, išreiškianti individų bendruomenėje laisvę tiek pakeisti visuomeninę tvarką, tiek įtvirtinti tradicines moralės nuostatas; 1.2. Pilietinis nepaklusnumas – visuomenės tapatumo katalizatorius, veikiantis dvasinės kovos sąlygomis; 2.1. Nuokrypis nuo teisingumo pasižymi lašo efektu; 2.2. Kartais užtenka vos pastebimos neteisingumo apraiškos, kad išsilietų visa taurė, t. y. kad pasireikštų pilietinis nepaklusnumas, sukeliantis revoliucinius pokyčius; 3.1. Vienalytės visuomenės ilgesys siekiant niveliuoti skirtis bei išvengti dvasinės kovos – tai šovinistinė nuostata, skurdinanti tiek pliuralistinę visuomenę, tiek jos individą; 3.2. Demokratiniai – daugumos valdžios – siekiai ignoruojant liberalias nuostatas skurdina dvasinės kovos aplinką, brandinančą individą; 4. Mūsų politinė laisvė matuojama teise viešai priešintis sprendimams, kurie nedera su mūsų principais – gyvenimo plano priklausiniais.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: pilietinis nepaklusnumas, teisingumas, laisvė, tapatumas, tauta.Civil Disobedience: Freedom of Individualsand Social OrderTomas Kačerauskas SummaryCivil disobedience as a legal fight both for novelties in society and against the authority's eccentric actions is analysed in the article. The first part is devoted to J. Rawls' conception of civil disobedience in the perspective of his theory of justice. Rawls' views are interpreted from the existential and historical approaches. Herewith are arisen the issues of an individual and a nation as his environment, of historical memory and the life plan to be created. Civil disobedience is interpreted as a public fight of an individual for his existential project in the worried society. According to the author, there is no exact coordinates of justice; they are changing during the interactions with our changing life project which covers the life plans of other participants of the community. There is suggested a bio-graphic approach to justice instead of the geo-graphic one, inasmuch as justice arises only in the light of an individual life plan while their light is thrown only in the space of particular society. Besides, justice under the influence of changing interaction between an individual and society is an alive phenomenon which is changing. The second part of the paper is devoted to the Confederation of GrandDuchy of Lithuania (1792–1793) as a case of civil disobedience. The following theses are presented: 1.1. The civil disobedience is a public political fight that expresses the freedom of individuals in a community both to change the social order and to consolidate the traditional moral attitudes. 1.2. Civil disobedience is a catalyst of society's identity in the conditions of spiritual fight. 2.1. The deviation from justice has the drop effect. 2.2. A hardly noticed phenomenon of injustice could be a reason for overflowing of a cup, i.e. for civil disobedience which awakes revolutionary changes. 3.1. Nostalgia for unified society in order to assimilate the differences and to avoid spiritual fight is a chauvinistic attitude which impoverishes both the pluralistic society and an individual inside it. 3.2. Democratic aspirations (the rule of the majority) by ignoring the liberal attitudes lead to impoverishing the spiritual fight environment which matures an individual. 4. Our political freedom has been measured with a right to oppose the decisions that are contradictory to our principles as parts of the life plan.Keywords: civil disobedience, justice, freedom, justice, nation.

First nations heritage sites include archaeological sites as well as other places of spiritual importance that do not necessarily have any physical marker. Archaeological sites consist of the physical remains of past human activity and are essential to understanding and appreciating the cultural history of British Columbia (BC Archaeology Branch). In the Gulf Islands shell middens are found along much of the coastline and represent the remaining physical record of villages or harvesting camps. Other archaeological sites include but are not limited to petroglyphs, burial caves, rock cairns, and fishing weirs (Cassidy, Acheson, & Claxton, 1975). Coastal areas that are desirable locations for towns and homes today are often the same places that were used by past cultures for their settlements. In the past, few people, developers, governments, or citizens, were concerned about damaging or destroying these sites, and many are lost forever. This damage to archaeological sites continues today; one need only think of Poets Cove on South Pender Island to realize that more needs to be done to prevent the destruction of these sites that can be of high cultural and spiritual importance to first nations people, and also hold the key to a better understanding of the past (McLay, 2004, p. 13). Once lost, they are lost forever. Protecting archaeological sites is not just about preserving history or adding to the archaeological record, but it is also about maintaining connections to important places for cultures that are very much alive. It is not just about a "culture", it is about families and individual people, alive today, who have inherited the stories of these places and who remain connected to them as part of their identity (Thom, 2005). Many archaeological or other heritage sites have been destroyed or significantly altered by modern development, and it behooves local governments, who now have the tools available to identify conflicts between proposed developments and archaeological sites, to do what they can to contribute to their protection. First nations heritage sites are found across the landscape of North America, and they are particularly concentrated in the Gulf Islands of coastal British Columbia (McLay, 2004). Many of these sites have been destroyed or damaged due to insensitive development and ignorant or careless members of the public, despite their legislated protection. The Islands Trust is the local government for these islands, and is wellpositioned to contribute to the improved protection of first nations heritage sites through the development approval and land use planning process. Numerous first nations in the Islands Trust Area have already entered into relationships with the Islands Trust with the aim of working together on issues of mutual interest such as the protection of heritage sites. A significant example is the Hul'qumi'num Treaty Group (HTG) that represents six first nations in the Trust Area and is in the process of developing a protocol agreement with the Islands Trust specifically for the protection of heritage sites. The Islands Trust planning staff is currently involved in protecting archaeological sites in the Trust Area by alerting landowners to their presence when applications for development are submitted. However, planners are experiencing some uncertainty over what steps are legal requirements or ethically desirable, and what specific procedures should be followed when processing applications, preparing staff reports, and communicating with landowners and first nations in order to protect archaeological sites. There is concern over an added workload for already busy planning staff, that applications will take longer to process, and that there is a lack of clear direction, procedures, and resources. With the Islands Trust – Hul'qumi'num Treaty Group protocol nearing completion, there remain uncertainties about how it will be implemented. This report addresses these issues and aims to contribute to a detailed understanding of how policy might be implemented at the operational level. ; Applied Science, Faculty of ; Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of ; Unreviewed ; Graduate

The heritage process in urban centres transforms the relationship between actors and the historic town : first, the amount of their daily investments, in other words their dwelling ; then their mobilization, that is to say the ability to act on this urban space ; finally, all the strategies they implement for that. The thesis questions itself about the meaning given to the heritage process by the institutional actors and analyzes the way it uses it to implement their policy. Moreover, the thesis questions itself too about the way the other actors of the city — inhabitants, users, economic actors — take their position in keeping with their district transformation, in regard to their own interest and to their capacity to act or to react. Aleppo in Syria and Harar in Ethiopia, two cities of world heritage which have been classified 20 years apart, are the objects of this study. To compare one town with the other one highlights four different positionings faced with heritage process. The instrumental position considers the heritage a tool to legitimate actions on urban spaces ; above all, it is the position of institutional actors. On the other hand, the social position turns heritage process into a means to improve inhabitants living conditions and to maintain their way of life. This position is against the conservative one that see heritage as a tool to safeguard the built environment which is the essential support, in their eyes, of the identity and history of the town. The economic position, as for it, bets on tourism as an essential tool of heritage development and consequently of local economy development ; to maintain this position, the town requires sufficient ressources but in that case some other ordinary activities may disappear. Finally, the cultural position differentiates itself from institutional heritage process ; it is the position shared by the inhabitants and the users of the old city which, through their way of life and their daily practices, create a living and popular heritage which jeopardizes the institutional heritage process. ; La mise en patrimoine du centre urbain transforme le rapport des acteurs à la vieille ville : d'abord la somme de leurs investissements quotidiens, autrement dit leurs modes d'habiter ; ensuite, leurs mobilisations, c'est-à-dire leurs capacités d'agir sur cet espace ; enfin, l'ensemble des stratégies qu'ils mettent en œuvre dans ce dessein. La thèse pose la question du sens donné à ce processus patrimonial par l'acteur institutionnel et analyse la façon dont il s'en sert pour mettre en œuvre sa politique. Le questionnement de la thèse porte, par ailleurs, sur la manière dont les autres acteurs de la ville – habitants, usagers, acteurs économiques – se positionnent par rapport aux transformations de leurs quartiers, en fonction de leurs intérêts propres et de leur capacité d'agir ou de réagir. Alep en Syrie et Harar en Éthiopie, deux villes du patrimoine mondial classées à vingt ans d'intervalle, constituent les lieux de cette étude. L'analyse comparative met en lumière quatre positionnements différents face à la patrimonialisation. La position instrumentale considère le patrimoine comme un outil de légitimation de l'action sur l'espace urbain ; elle est surtout celle des acteurs institutionnels. D'un autre côté, la position sociale fait de la patrimonialisation le moyen d'améliorer les conditions de vie des résidents tout en s'efforçant de conserver leurs modes de vie et s'oppose à celle des conservateurs qui conçoivent la patrimonialisation comme un outil de sauvegarde du bâti, support indispensable à leurs yeux de l'identité et de l'histoire de la ville. La position économique, quant à elle, fait du tourisme un outil majeur de la valorisation du patrimoine et, par voie de conséquence, un instrument déterminant du développement de l'économie locale ; cette position nécessite que la ville dispose de ressources suffisantes mais présente toutefois un danger, celui de faire disparaître parallèlement un certain nombre d'activités. La position culturelle, enfin, se démarque de la patrimonialisation institutionnelle : c'est le positionnement des habitants et des usagers de la vieille ville qui, par leurs modes de vie et leurs pratiques quotidiennes, constituent un patrimoine populaire vivant que met en danger la patrimonialisation institutionnelle.

O Clube Gay Amazonas, situado na cidade mexicana do Tenosique, foi criado em 1996 por um grupo de homens gay, mulheres travesti e transgênero como um espaço de socialização e de diálogo político com autoridades e instituições, e como uma maneira de enfrentar a epidemia da Aids que, em princípios dos anos 90, começava a afetar os residentes locais. Neste artigo analisamos as atividades do Clube como um processo de politização da sexualidade, que mostra o vínculo entre processos coletivos de construção de cidadania e processos subjetivos de constituição, aceitação e reivindicação de uma identidade sexual. Desta maneira, o Clube Gay Amazonas é tanto o resultado como a apropriação de dois processos históricos: a expansão da cidadania e a formação de identidades sexuais diversas. Sua ação vincula ambas, politizando identidades e outorgando à cidadania um matiz de desejo. Ao mesmo tempo em que o grupo coloca suas demandas no debate público da cidade, traça as coordenadas que permitem a seus membros construir uma noção afirmativa de si mesmos, de seus corpos, de sua estética e de seu desejo. Deste modo, o processo de construir cidadania transforma-se em e emerge do processo de constituição de si. Palavras-chave: sexualidade; subjetividade; cidadania; sujeito político; México Un nombre propio, un espacio común. Subjetividad, ciudadanía y sexualidad en México. El Club Gay Amazonas El Club Gay Amazonas, situado en la ciudad mexicana de Tenosique, fue creado en 1996 por un grupo de hombres gay, mujeres travesti y transgénero, como un espacio de socialización y de diálogo político con autoridades e instituciones, y como una manera de enfrentar la epidemia del SIDA que a principios de los años noventa empezaba a afectar a los residentes locales. En este artículo analizamos las actividades del Club como un proceso de politización de la sexualidad, que muestra el vínculo entre procesos colectivos de construcción de ciudadanía y procesos subjetivos de constitución, aceptación y reivindicación de una identidad sexual. De esta manera, el Club Gay Amazonas es tanto el resultado como la apropiación de dos procesos históricos: la expansión de la ciudadanía y la formación de identidades sexuales diversas. Su acción vincula ambos, politizando identidades y otorgando a la ciudadanía un matiz de deseo. Al tiempo que el grupo coloca sus demandas en el debate público de la ciudad, traza las coordenadas que permiten a sus miembros construir una noción afirmativa de sí mismos, de sus cuerpos, de su estética y de su deseo. De este modo, el proceso de construir ciudadanía se transforma en y emerge del proceso de constitución de sí. Palabras clave: sexualidad, subjetividad, ciudadanía, sujeto político, México A name of one's own, a collective place. Subjectivity, citizenship and sexuality in Mexico. The Amazonas Gay Club The Amazonas Gay Club in the Mexican city of Tenosique was created in 1996 by a group of gay men, transvestites and transgender women, as a space for socializing, for political dialogue with authorities and institutions, and as a way of dealing with the AIDS epidemic that in the beginning of the 1990s began to affect local residents. In this article, we analyze the Club's activities as a process of politicization of sexuality that shows the link between collective processes of construction of citizenship and subjective processes of constitution, acceptance and vindication of a sexual identity. In this way, the Amazonas Gay Club is both a result and an appropriation of two historical processes: the expansion of citizenship and the formation of diverse sexual identities. Its action links both, politicizing identities and giving citizenship a shade of desire. Just as the group places its demands into the city's public debate, it lays out coordinates that allow its members to construct an affirmative notion of themselves, of their bodies, of their aesthetic and of their desire. Thus, the process of constructing citizenship is transformed into and emerges from a process of constituting the self. Keywords: sexuality; subjectivity; citizenship; political subject; Mexico

Defense date: 08/02/2008 ; Examining Board: Rainer Bauböck (EUI), Richard Bellamy (University College, London), Fritz Kratochwil (EUI) (Supervisor), Antje Wiener (Univ. Bath) ; This thesis asks what kind of conception(s) of citizenship that have emerged over time within the European integration process. The starting point for this research aim is a critique of the existing literature on European citizenship. Research on European citizenship has tended to fall into a sceptical strand relying on the nation-state model of citizenship (often called the no demos position) or a more visionary strand which interprets the developments of rights on the EU level as a postnational disconnection of citizenship from nationality. These normative strands have tended to translate the question of 'what should it be?' into factual statements on what citizenship in the EU actually is. This thesis has sought to overcome this through a theoretically informed, yet empirically oriented study of how conceptions of European citizenship have developed. Theoretically, the thesis eschews the typical model approach of citizenship studies. It does so by focusing on citizenship as a status of individuals constituted through four analytically distinct, yet potentially inter-related dimensions: membership, rights, participation and identity. This provides a dynamic theory of citizenship where the appearance of and relationship between dimensions is not settled a priori, but rather needs to be scrutinised in practice. Empirically, therefore, these dimensions are utilised in order to ascertain how citizenship has been conceived on two levels of EU integrative politics. The first level is practices of policy- and law-making, starting with the founding treaties of the 1950s and ending with the post-Maastricht debates on Union citizenship. The second level is three instances of constitution-making importance within European integration: the Spinelli Project of the European Parliament, the Maastricht Process and the Convention on the Future of Europe. Methodologically, the analytical assessment of European citizenship discourse is provided on the basis of a process tracing exercise geared towards highlighting the crucial junctures of appearance, consolidation, and/or change with regard to the concept of citizenship. The main conclusion is that European citizenship discourse has created a conception of transnational citizenship, rather than postnational membership. This is visible on both empirical levels. The inherent transnationalism of European citizenship is found to have been initiated already in the founding ECSC and Rome Treaties. Citizenship elements in early European integration, such as free movement, market participation and, later, membership based on nationality in a Member State, created a frame upon which ensuing conceptions of citizenship developed. There were proposals for alternative conceptions based on a stronger notion of a more free-standing European status, for instance in elections to the EP, and more radical ideas of membership through dual European and national citizenship within constitution-making instances. Such proposals did, however, not significantly alter the conception of European citizenship as articulated around the border-crossing of Member State citizens. As much as this has highlighted - against the no demos view - that issues of citizenship are not incompatible with institution building and policy-making 'beyond the nation-state', it is also clear that one cannot detect a significant dissociation of citizenship and rights from nationality, as professed by postnationalists. Citizenship has evolved - mainly within policy practices - as a significant status of individuals within European integration through a transnational 'right to have rights' in second countries. Constitution-making instances have on the whole contributed to a consolidation of the basic tenets emanating from policy practices, rather than producing radical 'constitutional moments' of EU citizenship politics. The conceptual path of European citizenship discourse has, therefore, brought forward a conception based on a core principle of 'no rights without movement'; where elements such as political rights on the European and Member State levels, personhood as an additional condition for access to rights, and residence rights have been added as a consequence of evolving policies and practices of European integration.