Suchergebnisse

A family has a role in supporting bilingual or multilingual children. In acquiring English for instance, family language policy is likely to shape the development of children bilingualism or multilingualism. Through a qualitative study in a case study design, the language ideologies of two bi-/multilingual families in Palembang were investigated and explored. The participants of this study were the Zahra and the Najwa families who brought up their children in more than one language including English. The data were collected through ethnographic interviews with the parents, grandmother, and children. Thematic analysis was used in analyzing the data of this study. The raw data were coded and classified into categories to derive big major themes regarding ideological factors that shaped language policy. The derived themes were then interpreted descriptively. The results indicated that there were some ideological factors found that contributed to the shaping of the language policy of those two families, such as social values, economical values, political values, cultural values, parents' knowledge toward language acquisition, and bi-/multilingualism. The findings of this study suggest that families need to provide support for their children in their bilingual or multilingual journey. Furthermore, stakeholders and professionals should play a role in the choice of language used in education as well as provide considerable support and assistance for language policy in family domain

This morning I shall presuppose some familiarity with the position which I developed in the paper on the conflict between ideiological aspects of Communism and Democracy. I shall de­velop some of the implications of the conclusions reached in that paper. You will recall the conclusion of that paper maintained that the ideology of Soviet Communism impels those who hold it to a program of world conquest; and that, in effect, the Soviet Union is in a state of undeclared war with us and has been ever since the establishment of its dictatorship and the Communist International.

The general sentiment of Congress toward resumption of specie payments had become more and more desultory, not to say negative, during the early part of the 1870's. Nevertheless, the Resumption Act was passed in 1875, and resumption of specie payments at the pre-Civil War parity occurred on schedule in 1879. Observers have slighted this incongruity. Passage of the Resumption Act has come to be regarded as a true reflection of Victorian sentiment; ultimate resumption in 1879 was the proof of the pudding.2 What seems to have been lost in this rationalization of cause and effect is the generally unfavorable light in which resumption was being viewed in the middle 1870's, the alternatives that were available in lieu of resumption, and some of the forces of "immorality" that made these alternatives attractive.

The main goal of this article is to analyse the role of social, political and ideological factors in explaining party system change in Portugal during the democratic period (April 1974June 2005). We begin with the evolving trends in the party system format, and their main effects on the patterns of parties' interactions as well as on the functioning of the political system. This first approach will enable us to divide the democratic period into two distinct phases and an interlude. Following this, we will analyse the dimensions and strength of policy competition between the parties before, finally, analysing the impact of social, political and ideological factors on party system change in Portugal.

THE HISTORY OF THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE FIRST INDOCHINA WAR (1949-1954) STILL CONTAINS MANY UNANSWERED QUESTIONS. IN THIS ESSAY, THE AUTHOR LOOKS AT THE CHINESE MOTIVATION FOR BECOMING INVOLVED IN THE CONFLICT, THE EVOLUTION OF CHINESE POLICY, AND HOW CHINESE INVOLVEMENT AFFECTED ITS RELATIONS WITH THE WESTERN POWERS, THE SOVIET UNION, AND CHINA'S OTHER COMMUNIST ALLIES.

Address before the Royal institute of international affairs, London, Jan. 30, 1951.

This research investigates social representations of menstruation. It analyses firstly how young Spanish people understand menstruation in their everyday lives. And secondly, it explores how gender and ideological factors (liberal vs. conservative; feminist vs. non-feminist) impact on the meaning of menstruation and its implications for acceptance of this process. A free association exercise elicited by the word "menstruation" was answered by 250 people and the content was examined by lexical analysis. The results divided social representations of menstruation into two levels: firstly, a traditionalist level that is clearly linked to a negative stigmatized discourse about menstruation; and, secondly, a progressive level where two different discourses emerge, one representing liberal men and the other representing feminist women. The results show that only the feminist conception of menstruation provides an empowered and emotionally positive representation. The concept of menstruation is concluded to emerge from various sources of information, values and social conventions that are somewhat removed from its scientific meaning. The representation of menstruation is therefore understood to be situated within a social, ideological and emotional context. Accordingly, health education campaigns should frame their discourse about menstruation within a feminist perspective as their point of departure, thereby increasing their effectiveness.

The problem of violence against girls in Nigeria has attracted scholarly attention from a number of empirical and theoretical vantage points. This scholarship is vitally important. It has helped thrust feminist and other anthropological discourse into an arena of anti-violence work with significant impacts on, and repercussions for, girls in Nigeria. However, despite systemic change over the past years, the problem of violence against girls in Nigeria — as in Africa generally — persists. A consensus has emerged in the literature that cultural and social norms are relevant to the persistence of violence against girls in Nigeria. Without understating that relevance, this article analyses the problem from a different perspective. Cultural, religious, ethnic, and social norms have figured increasingly in the conceptual frameworks of both international and national institutions, distracting attention from the ways in which ideologies confronting girls are actually embedded within organisational structures of control. Important as it may be to understand the ways that these norms have given rise to violence against girls, it is also vital to investigate the techniques through which violent practices are maintained despite the changing nature of Nigerian society. Using a critical legal studies approach, I argue that any solution to violence against girls must focus as much on institutional change as it does on social transformation. Exploring violence against girls from this perspective opens up an "institutional complex", revealing a legal and political system that serves as a tool used by the government and the political elite for consolidating power and legitimising discriminatory principles as traditional values.