Suchergebnisse

Differences in presenting reality through the news media are not merely technicaljournalism. Moreover, the differences represent ideology and interests of each media.Pluralist perspective views mass media as an entity that is neutral, objective, andquestionable. This is because the mass media in the modern era become an open area forvarious ideological battles to be won by one of them. It is the winner ideology thatdominates and determines the practices of mass media coverage.As a representation of ideology, the news presents the facts through the texts andthe languages that led to the conclusion in favor of a particular object. The goal is toorganize public attitudes and actions on an option that is economically and politicallybeneficial to the owners of mass media. The issue that is easy to see the practice ofrepresentation ideology is religion-related news. This is not separated from the centralposition of religion in some cases be a sensitive issue.

Am 6. März 1998 beschloß der Nationale Volkskongreß in Beijing eine Erhöhung des Militäretats auf 90,99 Mrd. Yuan - Anlaß genug, um den derzeitigen Zustand der chinesischen Streitkräfte etwas genauer auszuleuchten. Dabei soll es weniger um die Organisation, den Rüstungsstand oder den geschichtlichen Hintergrund der VBA,1 als vielmehr um Aspekte gehen, in denen sich die VBA von anderen Armeen unterscheidet und die überdies auch Zweifel aufkommen lassen, ob es sich bei der VBA überhaupt noch um eine Armee herkömmlichen Zuschnitts handelt.

The Islamic movement in middle east area strongly has influenced the constellation of politic, economics, social and culture in the states of middle east area. For the authority of official goverment in that areas, its existence frequently emerged the relation of contradictory. This article aims to reveal the ideology belongs to one of political Islamic movement in Palestine, Hamas (Charokatu 'l-Muqāwamati 'l-Islāmiyyah). The birth of Hamas movement can not be separate from the similar movement, such as Ikhwanul Muslimin (IM) which was centred on Egypt. The background of the Hamas forming was based on the unsatisfying of some partly palestine people for the struggle diplomatically towards the resistance organizations of Palestine. As the organization that was laid under the shadow of IM, the ideology of Hamas was the incarnation ideology of IM which has the great desire for the standing of Islamic State (ad-Daulatu 'l-Islāmiyyah) of independent Palestine and power state fighting for the freedom and independence of Palestine. The current freedom of Palestine was definited by the movement of Hamas. This movement was demanded to have an ability to build the synergy among the other movements in Palestine to realize the freedom of Palestine people.

Ideologi pancasila merupakan aturan dasar yang menjadi kekuatan kehidupan berbangsa yang melindungi warga Negara nya dari berbagai adat, suku, bahasa, budaya, agama, hingga afiliasi politik. Ideology pancasila ini akan sangat berguna bagi kalangan mahasiswa karena dapat mengatur kehidupan atau tindakan bagi mahasiwa dan bisa juga dijadikan sebagai pandangan hidup dalam menjalankan kehidupan di era saat ini. Namun saat ini muncul permasalahan terkait pancasila yakni mulai lunturnya nilai – nilai pancasila di kalangan mahasiswa yang berdampak pada kehidupan remajanya yang mana masih menepuh dunia pendidikan. Maka dari itu ideology pancasila ini harus dikuatkan agar kalangan mahasiswa dapat tetap menjalani kehidupannya dengan berpegang teguh kepada ideology pancasila.

In this article, we examine psychological features of extreme political ideologies. In what ways are political left- and right-wing extremists similar to one another and different from moderates? We propose and review four interrelated propositions that explain adherence to extreme political ideologies from a psychological perspective. We argue that (a) psychological distress stimulates adopting an extreme ideological outlook; (b) extreme ideologies are characterized by a relatively simplistic, black-and-white perception of the social world; (c) because of such mental simplicity, political extremists are overconfident in their judgments; and (d) political extremists are less tolerant of different groups and opinions than political moderates. In closing, we discuss how these psychological features of political extremists increase the likelihood of conflict among groups in society.

Abstract: Developments in the Malaysian education system have begun since colonial times to currently. Many change and paradigm shifts are seen especially in the context of content, context, teaching and learning in Malaysia. However, in the context of ethnic relations there are several challenges, directions and issues that occur due to tensions, misunderstandings and constraints that are inevitable. In addition, the government is constantly concerned and takes this seriously by establishing various plans and policy measures to develop the country's education system. The established educational policy is in line with the desire to develop a generation of intellectuals in the concept of holistic unity and holistic culture. This is because ethnic relations are not an obstacle to the idea of educational development, but it is a platform to empower the nation's education policy in the context of national unity, political stability and national development. History and chronology of the development of the national education system need to be deeply identified to foster the state's awareness and enthusiasm. Indirectly, the stigma and assumptions that become ethnic issues can be constrained and developed with a positive philosophy. The establishment of aseparatedpractice to integration is one of the practical forms of ethical unity through good quality interaction and communication. Indirectly, it will form a group of socially educated people.

Artikel ini membahas ideologi perempuan dalam kumpulan cerpen Kunang-kunang dalam Pelukan karya cerpenis perempuan asal Banten. Buku ini berisi 18 (delapan belas) buah cerpen yang menampilkan sosok perempuan sebagai tokoh utama dan tambahan dari berbagai profesi. Metode yang digunakan deskriptif kualitatif dengan teknik pustaka. Teori feminisme digunakan untuk menganalisis ideologi tokoh perempuan yang terdapat pada kumpulan cerpen tersebut. Hasil analisis yang didapat, para tokoh perempuan dalam kumpulan cerpen Kunang-kunang dalam Pelukan adalah banyak diantara para tokoh yang digambarkan dalam cerpen berprofesi tak hanya di ranah domestik seperti di sumur, kasur, dan dapur, namun ada pula yang berkecimpung di ranah publik seperti dosen, aktivis sosial, jurnalis, dan politikus. Hasil pembahasan memperlihatkan empat poin ideologi yang terdapat pada para tokoh perempuan dalam cerpen yaitu akualisasi diri, pemberontakan, rela berkorban, dan keteguhan.

This thesis examines the role of ideology for political violence. It looks more specifically at the interaction of ideology and ethnicity - how and what type of ideologies of ethno-political organizations translate into mobilization and violence. The results suggest that the integration/disintegration characteristics of ideologies of ethno-political organizations is the main source for their choice of a violent strategy. While holding integrationist ideologies restrain organizations from using violence, having a territorial disintegrationist ideology or a normative disintegrationist ideology with rigid political and religious doctrines increases the likelihood of organizations using violence. Furthermore, these impacts depend on state institutions and regime type, and are conditioned by state behaviour. Repressive state behaviour and discrimination increase this probability especially in less democratic and authoritarian regimes. Overall, the results suggest that armed conflicts are not only driven by economic systems, but also by ideological struggles that must be considered for conflict resolution.

The publication addresses architectural conservation as a discipline that plays a vital role in the construction of identities, and therefore, is prone to being appropriated for political purposes. The publication contains 14 research papers that reflect diverse ideologised memorialisation processes and have been grouped by three sub-themes: destruction/reconstruction, transformation, and interpretation. The international contributors from diverse academic backgrounds discuss heritage politics in different cultural regions, nation-states, and political systems in order to investigate cases of ideologised heritage conservation and their relationship to religion, history, and politics.

Inklusion stellt - insbesondere nach Inkrafttreten der UN-Konvention für die Rechte von Menschen mit Behinderungen (UNBRK) - ohne Zweifel eine der grössten Bewegungen dar, mit der Bildungssysteme seit ihrer Entstehung konfrontiert sind. Statt von einem individualistischen, schädigungsorientierten Behinderungsbild geht die Konvention von einem 'menschenrechtlichen' Verständnis von Behinderung aus. Dagegen wird hier argumentiert, dass diese Sichtweise bedeutende Schwächen hat; nicht nur, weil sie kein Modell von Behinderung reflektiert, sondern weil diese vorwiegend systemische, sogenannte ganzheitliche Sichtweise die vielfältigen Dynamiken zwischen Person und Umwelt reduziert und letztlich trivialisiert. (DIPF/Orig.) ; lnclusion poses without doubt one of the biggest challenges ever faced by educational systems around the world, especially since the ratification of the UN Convention for the Rights of Persons, with Disabilities (UNCRPD). lnstead of a medical model of disability, the Convention proposes a human rights model of disability. ln this article the author argue that this view has its weaknesses that influence the way we conceive of inclusive education. Foremost, it reduces and quintessentially trivialises the complex interactions between person und environment that may result in a disability. (DIPF/Orig.)

Differences in psychological needs and interests have been connected to the endorsement of different belief systems (Jost, Federico & Napier, 2009, p. 314). In 2017, Jost summarized findings connecting existential, relational and epistemic needs to ideology (Jost, 2017, p. 167). This thesis reevaluates the reported results concerning their assessment of ideology, differentiating between indirect and direct measures, symbolic and operational as well as economic and social ideology. Further, additional information on direct measures was derived from the source samples indicated in Jost, 2017. A total of 295 effect sizes was analyzed. Overall, Josts (2017) results were reproducible, with the averages reported in it and the results found never deviating more than r = .10 from each other and straying r ≤ .05 in nearly 89%. Next, separate analyses were conducted to assess the impact of scale-type on the results. Indirect and direct averages differed around r(8) = .12 (.35 < r < .03) from each other, the symbolic and operational averages deviated r(9) = .07 (0 < r < .28) and social and economic ideology differed on average the most with around r(8) = .19 (0 < r < .36). As the sample size for social and economic ideology was rather small, an overall average across the epistemic needs was assessed as well, supporting the previously established impact of measures with the average magnitude sizes deviating r = .21 from each other. All in all, the findings support a more detailed differentiation on measures of ideology in regard of asymmetric psychological predispositions, with averages of different measures only coinciding in three cases and deviating r ≥ .05 in 16 out of 25 cases.

By understanding populism as an "anti-" politics we can see two strands of populism: the anti-democratic strand which marginalizes certain groups of people and the anti-structural injustice strand coming from marginalized people. The potential of this anti-structural injustice activism encourages activists to expand their coalitional politics and government and philanthropic donors to see the import of funding and otherwise supporting work against structural injustice that explicitly takes on patriarchy and racism, among the full gamut of ideologies based on hierarchy and injustice.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap ideologi dan formasi ideologi dalam novel Putu Wijaya yang berjudul Pabrik dengan menggunakan teori hegemoni Gramsci. Masalah penelitian ini adalah ideologi apa yang dapat ditemukan dalam novel dan bagaimanakah pembentukannya. Untuk mengungkap ideologi dan formasi ideologi dalam novel ini, penelitian menggunakan metode melalui langkah-langkah berikut: (1) menentukan subjek penelitian; (2) melakukan studi kepustakaan; (3) mengidentifikasi ideologi berdasarkan teori hegemoni Gramsci; dan (4) menganalisis formasi ideologi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada empat ideologi dalam novel tersebut, yaitu (1) ideologi otoritarianisme; (2) ideologi individualisme; (3) ideologi liberalisme; dan (4) ideologi anarkisme. Formasi ideologi dalam novel tersebut muncul dalam tiga hubungan, yaitu hubungan kontradiktif antara ideologi otoritarianisme dan demokrasi, hubungan korelatif antara ideologi liberalisme dan hedonisme, dan hubungan bawahan antara ideologi otoritarianisme dan liberalisme. [Title: Ideology in Putu Wijaya's Pabrik]. This study aims to reveal the ideology and ideological formation in Putu Wijaya's novel entitled Pabrik using Gramsci's theory of hegemony. The problem of this study is what ideology that can be found in the novel and how its formation is. In revealing the ideology and ideological formation in the novel, this research is organized through the following steps: (1) determining the subject of research; (2) conducting library research; (3) identifying ideologies based on Gramsci's theory of hegemony; and (4) analyzing the ideological formation. The results show that there are four ideologies in the novel; those are (1) the ideology of authoritarianism; (2) the ideology of individualism; (3) the ideology of liberalism; and (4) the ideology of anarchism. The ideological formation in the novel appears in three relationships, namely the contradictory relationship between the ideology of authoritarianism and democracy, the correlative relationship between the ideology of liberalism and hedonism, and the subordinate relationship between the ideology of authoritarianism and liberalism.

Abstract: Entering to modern era constitutes one big challenge in which beside it is considered as a resurrection era through which it is fully engaged with religious thoughts, social conflict happened in many places is also suspected as another factor coming along with it. Thought religion is not the only factor, but religious thought plays important role with the result that the world comes into ongoing critical period. They have arrived to primordial solidarity area which constitutes the weak point of the life of the nation. The royalty of religious followers toward their religion in negative ways tend to bear such exclusive ideology which produces internal conflict among interreligious people. As Indonesia today's condition, different understanding and religious practice become a big trouble which is hard to unite so that it causes unforthcoming political flames. Fundamental problem about that is a problem related to different understandings toward state and religion relationship. In one hand, it said that religion constitutes part of state but in other hand, both religion and state are different instead of undivided things. Looking at such phenomenon, this writing will try to read and to analyze the ideology of Islamic political movement in Indonesia since old order, new order and post reformation. الملخص: ظهرت النهضة الفكرية الدينية مع ألوان التصادم الاجتماعي في القرن الحديث في أي مكان. والدين ليس عاملا واحدا الذي يساعد علي الدور الفكري الديني حتى بدأ العالم يدخل في الأزمة المستمرة. بدأ الناس يعرفون في الجانب التسامحي البدائي الذي يكون نقطة ضعيفة في الحياة الدولية والوطنية. التعصب في طاعة الأمة علي دينها سليبا يظهر الإيدولوجية المغلقة التي تولد التعارض الداخلي والتزعة بين الأمة المتدينة كما قد وقعت في أندونيسيا المخالفة في التفاهم والعملية الدينية تصير مسئلة صعبة في توحدهم بل تعرض المتهيج السياسي المستمري. المسئلة الأساسية هي المخالفة في التفهم علي علاقة الدين والدولة. وفي الجانب، أن الدين هو من الدولة والآخر أن الدين مخالف بالدولة ولكنه لا يتجزأ منها. نظرا علي هذ القضايا هذه المقالة تبحث وتحلل علي إيدلوجية الحركة السياسية الإسلامية في أندونسيا منذ عصر الجمهور القديم والجديد وعصر الجمهور عقب الإصلاح.Abstrak: Memasuki abad modern merupakan era kebangkitan pemikiran keagamaan yang dibarengi dengan maraknya konflik sosial di mana-mana. Walaupun agama bukan satu-satunya faktor utama, dalam eskalasinya pemikiran keagamaan memainkan peranan penting sehingga dunia mulai memasuki periode krisis yang berlangsung secara terus-menerus, mereka sudah mulai masuk pada wilayah solidaritas primordial yang merupakan titik lemah dari kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Kesetiaan umat terhadap agamanya secara negatif cenderung melahirkan ideologi eksklusif yang dapat melahirkan konflik intern dan antarumat beragama. Sebagaimana yang terjadi di Indonesia perbedaan pemahaman dan praktik keagamaan menjadi persoalan yang sulit untuk dipersatukan sehingga menimbulkan gejolak politik yang tidak kunjung datang. Persoalan yang mendasar dalam hal ini adalah masalah perbedaan pemahaman terhadap hubungan agama dan negara, Satu sisi memandang bahwa agama meupakan bagian dari negara, sedang satu sisi memandang bahwa antara agama dan negara adalah berbeda tetapi keduanya tidak bisa dipisahkan. Melihat fenomena ini maka tulisan ini akan membaca dan menganalisis ideologi gerakan politik Islam di Indonesia sejak Orde Lama, Orde Baru, dan pasca reformasi.

Hegemonie- und ideologietheoretische Auseinandersetzung mit der Debatte um den sog. Sarkozysmus. ; Analyse du débat sur le 'sarkozysme', faisant référence à la théorie d'hégémonie et d'idéologie