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The Royal Academy of Sciences was an important organization in eighteenth-century Sweden. It brought together scientists and scholars contributing to a wide spectrum of areas, encompassing nature as well as society. But it also maintained close ties to the elite and the political establishment. The academy formed part of the institutional landscape of power and functioned as a consultive body and an arena for the upper echelons of the Swedish realm. The monograph sheds light on the political and economic outlook of the Royal Academy of Sciences during the period 1739–1792 against the background of its intimate connections to the ruling stratum. Not least the Hat Party, which dominated the Swedish political scene during the Age of Liberty, and the autocratic King Gustav III. The study shows that the members of the academy overall gravitated towards traditional viewpoints and that their conceptualizations of society were substantially affected by their interactions with the power holders. While some fellows offered new ideas in line with an increasing contemporary emphasis on spontaneous societal development and the capability of individuals to act responsibly on their own accord, such notions were by no means prevalent. Moreover, the book demonstrates that neither the academy nor its members constituted a passive tool for the elite and the powers that be. Rather, they engaged in self-promotion by attributing themselves a crucial role in the project of general improvement they envisioned and added to.

In this dissertation, the Swedish transport aid constitutes a case study with the aim of empirically testing the presence of institutional path dependency. In New Institutional Economics the concept institutional path dependency is used for analyzing why institutions that do not promote growth are developed even when better solutions are available. In this study, institutional path dependency is defined in the following way: institutional path dependency is when new institutional conditions develop in a way that maintains an economic and social practice within the sector of the economy that the institutional condition regulates. The transport aid was introduced in 1971 and is a part of Swedish regional policy. The transport aid is allocated to certain goods-producing companies in northern Sweden in order to subsidize their cost of transportation. The aim was that these companies would strengthen their ability to compete in markets in southern Sweden and abroad. In order to perform a test of the existence of path dependency, three criteria for path dependence were defined. The first of these criteria is that new institutional conditions arise with a maintained practice within the regulated sector. The second criterion for path dependency is that the institutional condition subsists when there are other alternatives which are better and well-known from the point of view of public economy. A third criterion for path dependency is that an institutional condition is given a new legitimacy when interest groups state new motives for it. The study has shown that a practice from the previous traffic policy has lived on in the institutional condition of the transport aid, through a continued subsidization of the cost of transportation similar to a historical tradition in early railway policy (for example in the Norrland tariff). A relatively large part of the transport aid has in practice been subsidizing transports of relatively unprocessed goods, which was a reason for the criticism that the transport aid received in previous studies. A practice from earlier traffic policy, which entailed leveled costs of transportation, has been difficult to combine in practice with goals from regional policy that have emphasized growth and industrial development. This indicates a path dependent development of the transport aid, since it's practice seems to be related to another "path" than main stream regional policy. Since the transport aid was continuously criticized in parliamentary reports and debates for conserving the economic structure in the support area and for distorting the competition on the transport market, there was probably a certain pressure to change the transport aid or replace it with other measures that were more neutral with regard to competition. This pressure of change was brought to a head in the parliamentary resolution from 1990, when the Government suggested radical changes in the design and organization of the transport aid. The Government bill was however rejected by Parliament, and the transport aid continued in the same form as before. Therefore, the transport aid has not followed changes in regional policy at large, neither with regard to organization nor formal goals, in spite of the fact that both the Government and the officials in the Transport Council (the administrative organization) have urged on an adjustment of the transport aid to fit the general direction of the regional policy at large. If the general direction of the regional policy in the 80s and 90s reflects a more growth oriented economic policy, then the transport aid has resisted institutional change, in spite of the fact that better and more well-known alternatives have existed with regard to promoting growth. The second criterion for institutional path dependency may therefore be considered fulfilled. Interest groups have on several occasions expanded the base for legitimacy of the transport aid by presenting new arguments to support it. One example of expanded legitimacy is that the transport aid was directed towards small and medium-sized companies in the 1980s. Such arguments were not presented when the transport aid was introduced in 1970, but was later emphasized by members of the Center Party and the Social Democratic Party. An interesting aspect of this institutional change is that the new motives also were characterized by ideological preferences for equality, since the transport aid with the help of this change would be able to support small firms in their competition with large firms in the same sector. This supports the assertion that the legitimacy of the transport aid has been derived from informal ideological preferences for equality rather than ideological preferences for growth, though the formal goals for the transport aid have been growth related. The conclusion is consequently that interest groups over time have managed to establish a stronger ideological legitimacy for the transport aid. All three criteria for institutional path dependency can therefore be considered fulfilled in the case of the transport aid. ; digitalisering@umu

Narratives about northern Sweden are often narratives about nature. This has been true throughout history and is still true today. Different ways of understanding nature have become intertwined with the place and the people who live there. The nature in northern Sweden can be magnificent and impressive, but it can also be desolate, threatening and dangerous. A dominant image of nature in northern Sweden - then as now - is the image of resources, assets.
The overall aim of the study is to shed light on the role of nature in linguistic place-making in northern Sweden with a particular focus on the settler colonization during the 18th and 19th centuries. Through a selection of text sources, nature's central place in the story of the colonization, of the place, its history, change and future is highlighted.
The texts that are analyzed are the two journals in which Petrus Læstadius described his work as a missionary in Lapland, as well as Olov Petter Pettersson's detailed description of the settler colonization in the work Gamla byar i Vilhelmina.
The settler colonization took place in areas with Sami presence and history and this study connects to the research field of Settler Colonial Studies in a critical discussion of the linguistic place-making in the texts.
One of the aims of the study is to also shed light on the connections that exist between the settler colonization depicted in the texts, and the linguistic place-making with nature at the center that is ongoing in northern Sweden today.

Under en lång period har Sverige ganska ensidigt bejakat snabb förändring och glatt sig åt att vara "världens modernaste land". Men nu ställs åter frågor om det inte kan finnas poänger med att lyssna på erfarenheten, utgå från traditionen och bry sig mer om hur verkligheten ser ut än hur man tycker att den borde vara. Insikten växer om att ständiga framsteg inte är en naturlag utan att de vilar på värden, förtroende och institutioner som det tar lång tid att bygga upp men som det går snabbt att bryta ned. Begrepp som ordning, realism och auktoritet har fått en mer positiv klang och det talas om en återkomst för konservatismen. Men vad är det egentligen som åtnjuter en renässans? Handlar det om en sammanhållen och väldefinierad ideologi eller rör det sig om föreställningar och förhållningssätt som kan relatera till många olika ideströmningar? Åtta kvalificerade skribenter bidrar till denna antologi om en av vår tids mest centrala och laddade frågor

Vänstern har hamnat i en utdragen identitetskris. De materiella förhållandena, som var så centrala för Karl Marx, har under ett par decennier tilldragit sig minskat intresse i vänsterkretsar. Samtidigt har idéer om gränslöshet och representation fått allt större utrymme. Paradoxalt nog - eller inte - har detta fortgått samtidigt som frågorna om trygghet och nationell välfärdspolitik har kommit tillbaka på medborgarnas dagordning. Efter finanskris och eurokris spådde många en kraftfull renäsans för vänstern, men hittils har andra politiska rörelser dragit störst fördel av reaktionerna mot de ekonomiska kriserna och mer allmänt mot 1989 års idéer. Nya frågor på dagordningen och nya ideologiska prioriteringar hos vänsterns företrädare har försvagat banden till traditionella kretsar av sympatisörer. Frågan var vänstern befinner sig i dag låter sig inte helt enkelt besvaras. Vänstern finns på flera olika håll - och den rör sig i olika riktningar. Skribenterna i denna bok bidrar med tolv olika perspektiv på vad som hänt och händer och varför det sker

Vi lever i en tid av triumf och bakslag för liberalismen. I delar av världen har framgångarna varit så stora och uppslutningen så allmän att många nästan glömt bort att ideer man tar för självklara har just en liberal historia. På andra håll går utvecklingen i allt annat än liberal riktning. Färden mot fördjupad demokrati, vidgad marknadsekonomi och en stärkt ställning för medborgerliga fri- och rättigheter, som tedde sig så spikrak efter Murens fall och Sovjetunionens upplösning, visar sig plötsligt kunna gå i helt annan riktning. Hur kommer det sig? Handlar det främst om att makthavare och icke-liberala ideologer känner sig hotade av de liberala budskapen och mobiliserar emot dem? Eller har liberalismens företrädare lämnat angelägna frågor obesvarade och ställt ut löften som de inte har kunnat hålla? Kan liberala principer ha drivits för långt? Eller har liberaler tvärtom varit alltför lättsinniga i sin relation till filosofi och principer? Elva kvalificerade skribenter bidrar till denna antologi om en av vår tids mest centrala och laddade frågor