Suchergebnisse

- Nationale und universale Kulturwerte + - Kulturpolitik der Partei + - Vergesellschaftung der Kultur + - Gesellschaftliches Kulturklima + Selektiv aus dem Inmhalt: + - Kulturpotential der Provinz und der Großstädte + - Verhältnis Ideologie-Kultur

Rezension von: Behschnitt, Wolf D.: Nationalismus bei Serben und Kroaten 1830 - 1914. Analyse und Typologie der nationalen Ideologie. - München : Oldenbourg, 1980. - (Südosteuropäische Arbeiten; 74). - 231 S

The author suggests that Dayton peace accord is primarily an expression of the West's (particularly American) strategic interests, both regional and global. Numerous political constellations which have surrounded the conflict in the former Yugoslavia can be explained if this proposition is accepted. The lamentations that the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia was premature is an expression of the disgruntlement over the failure to incorporate the entire Yugoslav territory within the western interest sphere and the consequent relinquishment of Serbia to Russia. In Southeastern Europe, Russia has proved the sole American strategic ally. Americans, realizing that their strategic interests became vulnerable due to the European rivalries, decided to strike o its own. The Dayton constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multicultural state is built on current political principles in line with the requirements of the moment which include antifascism, anticommunism, antiterrorism, human rights and multiculturalism. author concludes that Croatian politics should fall in line with the strategic preferences of the West which would enable it to accomplish ist national interests. (SOI : PM: S. 156)

- Hochschulprobleme und neue Direktiven der Machthaber + - Austreibung des Marxismus-Leninismus aus den Lehrveranstaltungen + - Kritikexplosion an den Hochschulen Polens nach August 1980 + - Änderungen der Lehrinhalte während der "Solidarität"-Zeit + - Eurokommunismus als tragbare Ideologie der Intellektuellen + - Demokratisierungstendenzen an den Universitäten + - Die 70er Jahre im polnischen Hochschulwesen + - Zentrale Entscheidungen zugunsten politischer Fachgebiete + - Sozialwissenschaftliche Affirmation des politischen Systems + Aus dem Inhalt

The author analyzes two famous critiques of the bourgeois state: Marx's thesis on the withering away of the state as an instrument of force of the economicall dominant bourgeois class which, by means of the quasi-neutral state as the higher third instance controls the the class antagonisms whose disappearance will make the state as an instrument of repression obsolete; and Carl Schmitt's thesis that the state will become unnecessary in the world in which there are no longer any enemies, only offenders who violate humanistic norms and human rights. (SOI : PM: S. 68)

First, the author analyses Plessner's interpretation of Husserl's phenomenology. He goes on to outline the cognitive limits of the phenomenological-hermeneutical method, successful in text-analysis, but inadequate in illuminating pertinent historical processes. In his conclusion, the author points to Plessner's uncritical mixing of scientistic and phenomenological interpretations of fascism. (SOI : PM: S. 44)

The author poses the question about the fate of neoconservatism, in the 1980s the official political orientation in the USA. Twenty years later, one can see how anti-communism and anti-modernism, neoconservatism's fundamental ideological premises, have changed the political practice and awareness, both (and equally) in American foreign and national policy. Though conceptually incoherent, neoconservatism has proved to possess exceptional clout. This has led the author to conclude that neoconservatism, despite the claims by neoconservatives themselves that it is dead, still has much leeway, since voters' awareness has been changed: they have got used to the new political context, they vote for well-balanced "mixtures" of rightist and leftist ideologies. (SOI : PM: S. 164)

The author outlines the modern universalistic theories which assume the natural and historical unity of humankind and, using this as a starting point, predict a cosmopolitan and Eurocentric outcome of world history. Contrary to these universalistic theories, the contemporary globalist theories, the author claims, are pluralistic and multicultural and thus paradigmatically different from the panoptical theories of classic modernism. (SOI : PM: S. 100)