Suchergebnisse

Draws on public & private archival data, as well as mid-1980s oral history interviews in IN & 1990s life-history interviews with women to explore their participation in the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). Addressed are issues centered on gender & the Right. Three conceptual problems ensuring the lack of scholarship on women & right-wing extremism are delineated before providing a historical overview of the KKK. At issue is the gendered nature of 1920s & current female participation in the Klan & implications for women's involvement in other right-wing organizations, women's motivation for joining an organization contrary to their interests, & the KKK's gender ideologies & how women's rights rhetorics reinforce racial, religious, national, & sexual hatred & bigotry. Three implications are discerned: (1) Research on the far Right cannot ignore women. (2) A difference exists in right-wing group propaganda & women's motivations for joining them. (3) Rightist ideology is dangerously multifaceted. J. Zendejas

Draws on public & private archival data, as well as mid-1980s oral history interviews in IN & 1990s life-history interviews with women to explore their participation in the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). Addressed are issues centered on gender & the Right. Three conceptual problems ensuring the lack of scholarship on women & right-wing extremism are delineated before providing a historical overview of the KKK. At issue is the gendered nature of 1920s & current female participation in the Klan & implications for women's involvement in other right-wing organizations, women's motivation for joining an organization contrary to their interests, & the KKK's gender ideologies & how women's rights rhetorics reinforce racial, religious, national, & sexual hatred & bigotry. Three implications are discerned: (1) Research on the far Right cannot ignore women. (2) A difference exists in right-wing group propaganda & women's motivations for joining them. (3) Rightist ideology is dangerously multifaceted. J. Zendejas

Writing from detailed empirical studies of migration in South and South-east Asia and Africa, the contributors to this issue provide illustrations of the importance and normality of migration in rural life. The studies show that the relationship between migration and rural change is complex and context-specific. Migration has often increased inequality, but in many cases also supported vulnerable livelihoods. Much depends on the social processes at work, the ways in which identities shift through migration and how gendered ideologies of work are deployed and change. Labour mobility usually serves the interests of capital, in ensuring labour supply, and also, often, in dividing workers. However, the power of capital relative to labour is contingent. Explores ways in which public policies can support migrants by making migration less costly and more secure, through reducing discrimination and enhancing access to health care and other services. (Original abstract - amended)

Development practitioners frequently rely on community‐based natural resource management (CBNRM) as an approach to encourage equitable and sustainable environmental resource use. Based on an analysis of the case of grassland and woodland burning in highland Madagascar, this article argues that the success of CBNRM depends upon the real empowerment of local resource users and attention to legitimacy in local institutions. Two key factors — obstructive environmental ideologies ('received wisdoms') and the complex political and social arena of 'community' governance — challenge empowerment and legitimacy and can transform outcomes. In Madagascar, persistent hesitancy among leaders over the legitimate role of fire has sidetracked a new CBNRM policy called GELOSE away from one of its original purposes — community fire management — towards other applications, such as community management of forest exploitation. In addition, complications with local governance frustrate implementation efforts. As a result, a century‐long political stalemate over fire continues.

Following a framework developed by Susan Gal and Judith Irvine (1995), this article illustrates how Basque‐medium schools promulgate an androcentric vision of the Basque nation. First, male privilege is upheld in textbooks through the erasure of women's contributions to Basque language and culture, so that men appear as the quintessential Basque speakers and cultural agents. Secondly, language ideologies about Spanish and Basque recursively construct Basque ethnic identity is such a way that it centres on vernacular Basque, whose primary marker is a second person pronoun, 'hi', which indirectly indexes male speakers and masculinity. An iconic relationship is thereby created between authentic Basque identity, Basque culture, Basque linguistic forms and masculinity. However, I also show that women have challenged this male privilege in various domains, thereby opening up the possibility of a Basque nation that embraces its female as well as its male members.

The paper explores the theoretical unity between socialism and peace that motivated the communist‐dominated World Peace Council (WPC) in the Cold War. Within the broad WPC spectrum, intrasystemic conflicts were tangibly expressed around the Hungarian events of 1956. With growing differentiation in world communism, especially Sino‐Soviet conflict, tensions escalated when Warsaw Treaty states marched into Czechoslovakia in 1968. Instrumentalization of peace councils to serve state and party interests provides a second analytical focus on the link between peace and socialism. As Third World states emerged and national liberation movements consolidated political ideologies, the concept of just war acquired new meaning within anti‐imperialist discourse. Examples are the Arab‐Israeli wars, unconditional advocacy of armed struggle, and Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The World Peace Council danced a tightrope during the Cold War between Soviet security interests, systemic ambitions, and underlying communist postulates.

In 1942, Horkheimer & Adorno moved to Pacific Palisades, CA, & began work on Dialectic of Enlightenment. During the same year, the Instit for Social Research, under Horkheimer's direction, organized a series of symposia devoted to the "theory of needs in advanced industrial society." Five meetings, focusing on this topic, were held during the summer of 1942. In Discussion of a Paper by Ludwig Marcuse on the Relationship of Need and Culture in Nietzsche (July 14, 1942), it becomes clear that a crucial turning point was reached for critical theory: the question became "Marx or Nietzsche?" While Adorno enthusiastically supported Nietzsche's ideologies, both Pollock & Marcuse excused them. Though Horkheimer chose the middle ground, he remained somewhat committed to Marx. Also included in the discussion were Gunther Anders & an unidentified individual who presented an analysis of Aldous Huxley's Brave New World. The precis of Marcuse's paper & comments of the six discussants are included. K. A. Larsen

Taxation varies widely among democracies. Yet scholars disagree whether differences in political institutions help produce the variation. This article identifies top-down & bottom-up mechanisms by which political institutions are thought to influence taxation. It then combines political & economic data on more than 50 democracies to evaluate the impact of political institutions on government revenues. Cross-sectional & pooled time series analyses that include controls for economic conditions & partisan ideologies of governments confirm an indirect impact of these institutions: there is a curvilinear relationship between the size of political parties in a democracy & the tax revenues collected. Yet the effect of party size on policy outcomes is limited to a subset of democracies. The article opens new paths for research on the roles of electoral, constitutional, legislative, & party institutions in democratic policy making around the world. 5 Tables, 3 Appendixes, 48 References. Adapted from the source document.

Following a framework developed by Susan Gal & Judith Irvine (1995), this article illustrates how Basque medium schools promulgate an androcentric vision of the Basque nation. First, male privilege is upheld in textbooks through the erasure of women's contributions to Basque language & culture, so that men appear as the quintessential Basque speakers & cultural agents. Secondly, language ideologies about Spanish & Basque recursively construct Basque ethnic identity is such a way that it centers on vernacular Basque, whose primary marker is a second person pronoun, ' hi', which indirectly indexes male speakers & masculinity. An iconic relationship is thereby created between authentic Basque identity, Basque culture, Basque linguistic forms, & masculinity. However, women have challenged this male privilege in various domains, thereby opening up the possibility of a Basque nation that embraces its female as well as its male members. 2 Tables, 9 Figures, 50 References. Adapted from the source document.

Many Western environmental activist groups and theorists have sounded the call for the Earth's salvation from the "global environmental crisis." What is lacking, however, is some reflection on the ramifications of framing the problem globally and on the justifications for particular solutions. This article examines the "ecomessiah" (saviors of the Earth) phenomenon to investigate the impacts of these types of programs. Specifically, we examine the "global environmental ethic" proposed by J. Baird Callicott. His program, presented as an inclusive system that incorporates non-Western belief systems, trades heavily on Western science as an authority and a justification. We contend that his ethic, although well-intentioned, rests on assumptions and uses of science that subvert both non-Western ideologies and non-Western interests rather than revere them. Consequently, the inherent flaws undermine the feel-good one-world rhetoric that he espouses.

"Der Beitrag behandelt Folge- und Begleiterscheinungen der weitgehend immer noch unkontrolliert sich vollziehenden Massenzuwanderung nach Deutschland, ohne daß hier entsprechende Aufnahmemöglichkeiten bestehen. Er untersucht, welche Widerstände dazu führen, daß eine umfassende öffentliche Diskussion sowohl der entstandenen Probleme als auch möglicher Lösungsstrategien blockiert wird. Politisches wie gesellschaftliches Ziel sollte - wie in klassischen Einwanderungsländern - eine freiwillige Integration bzw. Assimilation der Zuwanderermehrheit sein bei gleichzeitiger Möglichkeit für Minderheiten, sozial integriert in Deutschland zu leben. Die Minderheiten müssen dabei das Primat der deutschen Bevölkerung ebenso akzeptieren wie den Vorrang der deutschen Grundkultur vor den hinzugekommenen Gastkulturen. Nur so können die ohnehin unausweichlichen Konflikte gemildert und Akzeptanz erreicht werden. Ausländer- bzw. Minderheitenforderungen dürfen keine Überforderung der Inländer darstellen. Die seit langem bestehenden Tabuisierungen und Fehlentwicklungen im Zusammenhang mit dem Asyl- und Leistungsmißbrauch sowie die Kriminalität bestimmter Gruppen von Ausländern werden diskutiert wie auch eine Schätzung der finanziellen Belastungen. Auf das wachsende Mißverhältnis zwischen der Zahl der Zuwanderer und dem Arbeitskräftebedarf bzw. zwischen dem gegebenen und dem geforderten Qualifikationsprofil sowie auf die daraus resultierenden sozial- und gesellschaftspolitischen Folgen wird hingewiesen. Erscheinungsformen zunehmender Desintegration (konkurrierende Kulturen, Ghettobildung, Entstehung gewaltbereiter Jugendbanden usw.) werden ebenso erörtert wie unterschiedliche Konzepte der Einwanderungspolitik in anderen Ländern. Es ist unübersehbar, daß hinsichtlich sämtlicher Aspekte der Zuwanderung dringender Handlungsbedarf besteht. Eine enttabuisierte, sich endlich an Realitäten und nicht an Illusionen und Ideologien orientierende Diskussion über die zunehmenden Probleme wird somit zur wichtigsten Voraussetzung für politisches Handeln." (Autorenreferat)

The societies of Romania & the US South are compared to determine what factors contribute to social dysfunction & stagnation. Analysis of early-20th-century Romanian society is necessary to understand the lack of democracy & strong social institutions in present-day Romania. The negative effects of the absence of defensive & autonomous organizations for Romanian peasants, disregard of the Romanian bourgeoisie, & the Romanian Orthodox Church on the establishment of civil society in Romania are studied. Although Romania experienced pre-WWII cultural & economic growth, such gains were tied to the emergence of a totalitarian & anti-Semitic state. Comparison to the US South indicates that both societies share ideologies, eg, exclusion of political participation by landholding elites. It is concluded that possibilities of democratization & creation of capitalist markets in Romania are hindered by citizen resentment of Western nations & strong nationalist sentiment. J. W. Parker

Economic, cultural, & political factors that contributed to the downfall of Italy's Christian Democratic Party & Communist Party during the 1990s & emergence of the political parties that comprise Italy's Northern League during the same period are studied. Noting the prevalence of Catholic & communist ideologies in northern Italy, differences in the territorial political subcultures of this region are discussed, eg, whereas Catholic cultures emphasize social participation, the communist cultures value political activity. Analysis of electoral trends for the Christian Democratic Party & Communist Party, 1946-1992, demonstrates that communist regions did not experience administrative redefinition. It is contended that the economic development of the Catholic rural regions during the 1990s is responsible for these regions' political instability. The notion of transaction costs is used to explain current differences in the Catholic & communist political regions. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 2 Maps. J. W. Parker

Implications of the confluence of premodern, modern, & postmodern ideologies & the emergence of "strategic ambivalence" in the global society for the viability of progressivist approaches to democracy are investigated. The effects of the emergence of "hypermodern" globalization in contemporary Western society are studied in the context of Belgium. The persistence of globalization since the late 15th century, its connection to capitalist society, & consequences of the appearance of a new globalization for Western nations are reviewed. The cultural dimensions of hypermodernity are examined, highlighting the conflux of various flexibilities & reflexivities, creation of multiple subjectivities, & appearance of a "transitional zone" created by the melding of hypermodernity's multiple forces. Consequently, the establishment of a progressivist approach embedded in radical democratic politics is advocated; the movement in contemporary Belgium to engage radical democracy is discussed. Alternative models of creating a radical-democratic system for hypermodern progressivists are also offered. 69 References. J. W. Parker