Suchergebnisse

SUMMARY This paper investigates the relations of the social, political, economic and societal movement feminism insofar as it affects theatre within the statistics of the field, methods of creative process and its expression. The statistics released in 2019 indicate that Lithuania has not made any progress in the field of gender equality since 2005, and therefore it is crucial to examine how systematic and internalized sexism correlates with artistic and social – societal processes. This paper is divided into four parts and acts as a full-fledged study of feminism in theatre using diverse perspectives. This research uses the premise of women as "Other" proposed by Simone de Beauvoir: contemplating on woman, which was created by and for Man, it aims to give feminism a time and location frame, describe its waves and find its manifestation within theatre in general terms. In the second part, the author offers an innovative approach to the organisation of creative process by including feminism as a creative strategy. This strategy aims not only for the world portrayed on stage, but also for rehearsal processes and structuration of work, contextualisation, and usage of the tools proposed by intersectional feminism. In the third part, potentially adverse effects of feminism are discussed i.e. censorship and euphemizing of rhetoric and phenomena in theatrical discourses. The last part, studies the example of the show "Requiem for a Woman" (dir. Uršulė Bartoševičiūtė, produced by Lithuanian State Youth Theatre, Lithuanian Music and Theatre Academy and Iceland University of the Arts, premiered at culture bar KABLYS+CULTURE on 19 and 20 of August 2020). The creative process where feminism was employed as a creative strategy and stimulated a healthy dialogue amongst all members of the creative team is scrutinized in this part. This research aspires to create a supplemented theatrical theory and practice that is capable of encompassing and systematizing the need of intersectional feminism in theatre.

SUMMARY This paper investigates the relations of the social, political, economic and societal movement feminism insofar as it affects theatre within the statistics of the field, methods of creative process and its expression. The statistics released in 2019 indicate that Lithuania has not made any progress in the field of gender equality since 2005, and therefore it is crucial to examine how systematic and internalized sexism correlates with artistic and social – societal processes. This paper is divided into four parts and acts as a full-fledged study of feminism in theatre using diverse perspectives. This research uses the premise of women as "Other" proposed by Simone de Beauvoir: contemplating on woman, which was created by and for Man, it aims to give feminism a time and location frame, describe its waves and find its manifestation within theatre in general terms. In the second part, the author offers an innovative approach to the organisation of creative process by including feminism as a creative strategy. This strategy aims not only for the world portrayed on stage, but also for rehearsal processes and structuration of work, contextualisation, and usage of the tools proposed by intersectional feminism. In the third part, potentially adverse effects of feminism are discussed i.e. censorship and euphemizing of rhetoric and phenomena in theatrical discourses. The last part, studies the example of the show "Requiem for a Woman" (dir. Uršulė Bartoševičiūtė, produced by Lithuanian State Youth Theatre, Lithuanian Music and Theatre Academy and Iceland University of the Arts, premiered at culture bar KABLYS+CULTURE on 19 and 20 of August 2020). The creative process where feminism was employed as a creative strategy and stimulated a healthy dialogue amongst all members of the creative team is scrutinized in this part. This research aspires to create a supplemented theatrical theory and practice that is capable of encompassing and systematizing the need of intersectional feminism in theatre.

Despite the complicated and ambiguous concept of populism, researches of populism phenomena are spreading in the field of political sciences. Howe- ver, analysis of populism in baltic states region are still scarce. The aim of this article is to review the leading theoretical approaches of populism studies and to prove that the most relevant standpoint is to treat populism as a thin ideology, also to investigate political parties programs during the parliament election period of 2011-2012. Three criterions of populist ideology were adapted in this research. Results have shown that there were 10 populist ideology parties in baltic states: 4 in Lithuania, 3 in Latvia and 3 in Estonia. However, they have a very different significance in the political system. Three populist ideology parties entered national parliaments: "Order and Justice" and "Way of Courage" in Lithuania and Centre Party in Estonia. Moreover, Estonia has the greatest number of voters who choose populist ideology parties and this number is irrelevant in Latvia. This outcome could be explained by the fact that Estonian party system is the most consolidated, whereas political parties in Latvia generally lack concrete ideological stances.

Despite the complicated and ambiguous concept of populism, researches of populism phenomena are spreading in the field of political sciences. Howe- ver, analysis of populism in baltic states region are still scarce. The aim of this article is to review the leading theoretical approaches of populism studies and to prove that the most relevant standpoint is to treat populism as a thin ideology, also to investigate political parties programs during the parliament election period of 2011-2012. Three criterions of populist ideology were adapted in this research. Results have shown that there were 10 populist ideology parties in baltic states: 4 in Lithuania, 3 in Latvia and 3 in Estonia. However, they have a very different significance in the political system. Three populist ideology parties entered national parliaments: "Order and Justice" and "Way of Courage" in Lithuania and Centre Party in Estonia. Moreover, Estonia has the greatest number of voters who choose populist ideology parties and this number is irrelevant in Latvia. This outcome could be explained by the fact that Estonian party system is the most consolidated, whereas political parties in Latvia generally lack concrete ideological stances.

Despite the complicated and ambiguous concept of populism, researches of populism phenomena are spreading in the field of political sciences. Howe- ver, analysis of populism in baltic states region are still scarce. The aim of this article is to review the leading theoretical approaches of populism studies and to prove that the most relevant standpoint is to treat populism as a thin ideology, also to investigate political parties programs during the parliament election period of 2011-2012. Three criterions of populist ideology were adapted in this research. Results have shown that there were 10 populist ideology parties in baltic states: 4 in Lithuania, 3 in Latvia and 3 in Estonia. However, they have a very different significance in the political system. Three populist ideology parties entered national parliaments: "Order and Justice" and "Way of Courage" in Lithuania and Centre Party in Estonia. Moreover, Estonia has the greatest number of voters who choose populist ideology parties and this number is irrelevant in Latvia. This outcome could be explained by the fact that Estonian party system is the most consolidated, whereas political parties in Latvia generally lack concrete ideological stances.

The dissertation addresses the expression of ideology of the paramilitary organisation –the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union – in the Lithuanian society in the period 1919–1940. With reference to historiography and the sources, which have been only episodically studied to this day, the paper presents a comprehensive picture of the organisation's activities and its capacity to make an impact. The organisation, which was founded in the midst of the Wars of Independence, was not disbanded after they were over and did not only act in military but also in cultural and sport spheres. The study attempts to identify the causes that determined the establishment of the organisation in the Lithuanian society and its activities before the Soviet occupation despite the continuous political changes. The thesis attempts to determine the scope to which the Riflemen ideology affected the Lithuanian society and its individual segments. The analysis of the relationship of the Riflemen and their ideology with other groups – political parties, public authorities, public organisations and ethnic communities – enables us to determine its level of impact. The research pays considerable attention to the circumstances of formation of the LRU and compares this process with the development of other paramilitary organisations that functioned in Eastern and Central Europe. The paper also reviews the means used to disseminate the ideas of the Riflemen in the society and evaluates their capacity to make an impact with due regard to the general development of the LRU.

The dissertation addresses the expression of ideology of the paramilitary organisation –the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union – in the Lithuanian society in the period 1919–1940. With reference to historiography and the sources, which have been only episodically studied to this day, the paper presents a comprehensive picture of the organisation's activities and its capacity to make an impact. The organisation, which was founded in the midst of the Wars of Independence, was not disbanded after they were over and did not only act in military but also in cultural and sport spheres. The study attempts to identify the causes that determined the establishment of the organisation in the Lithuanian society and its activities before the Soviet occupation despite the continuous political changes. The thesis attempts to determine the scope to which the Riflemen ideology affected the Lithuanian society and its individual segments. The analysis of the relationship of the Riflemen and their ideology with other groups – political parties, public authorities, public organisations and ethnic communities – enables us to determine its level of impact. The research pays considerable attention to the circumstances of formation of the LRU and compares this process with the development of other paramilitary organisations that functioned in Eastern and Central Europe. The paper also reviews the means used to disseminate the ideas of the Riflemen in the society and evaluates their capacity to make an impact with due regard to the general development of the LRU.

The dissertation addresses the expression of ideology of the paramilitary organisation –the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union – in the Lithuanian society in the period 1919–1940. With reference to historiography and the sources, which have been only episodically studied to this day, the paper presents a comprehensive picture of the organisation's activities and its capacity to make an impact. The organisation, which was founded in the midst of the Wars of Independence, was not disbanded after they were over and did not only act in military but also in cultural and sport spheres. The study attempts to identify the causes that determined the establishment of the organisation in the Lithuanian society and its activities before the Soviet occupation despite the continuous political changes. The thesis attempts to determine the scope to which the Riflemen ideology affected the Lithuanian society and its individual segments. The analysis of the relationship of the Riflemen and their ideology with other groups – political parties, public authorities, public organisations and ethnic communities – enables us to determine its level of impact. The research pays considerable attention to the circumstances of formation of the LRU and compares this process with the development of other paramilitary organisations that functioned in Eastern and Central Europe. The paper also reviews the means used to disseminate the ideas of the Riflemen in the society and evaluates their capacity to make an impact with due regard to the general development of the LRU.

The dissertation addresses the expression of ideology of the paramilitary organisation –the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union – in the Lithuanian society in the period 1919–1940. With reference to historiography and the sources, which have been only episodically studied to this day, the paper presents a comprehensive picture of the organisation's activities and its capacity to make an impact. The organisation, which was founded in the midst of the Wars of Independence, was not disbanded after they were over and did not only act in military but also in cultural and sport spheres. The study attempts to identify the causes that determined the establishment of the organisation in the Lithuanian society and its activities before the Soviet occupation despite the continuous political changes. The thesis attempts to determine the scope to which the Riflemen ideology affected the Lithuanian society and its individual segments. The analysis of the relationship of the Riflemen and their ideology with other groups – political parties, public authorities, public organisations and ethnic communities – enables us to determine its level of impact. The research pays considerable attention to the circumstances of formation of the LRU and compares this process with the development of other paramilitary organisations that functioned in Eastern and Central Europe. The paper also reviews the means used to disseminate the ideas of the Riflemen in the society and evaluates their capacity to make an impact with due regard to the general development of the LRU.

The dissertation addresses the expression of ideology of the paramilitary organisation –the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union – in the Lithuanian society in the period 1919–1940. With reference to historiography and the sources, which have been only episodically studied to this day, the paper presents a comprehensive picture of the organisation's activities and its capacity to make an impact. The organisation, which was founded in the midst of the Wars of Independence, was not disbanded after they were over and did not only act in military but also in cultural and sport spheres. The study attempts to identify the causes that determined the establishment of the organisation in the Lithuanian society and its activities before the Soviet occupation despite the continuous political changes. The thesis attempts to determine the scope to which the Riflemen ideology affected the Lithuanian society and its individual segments. The analysis of the relationship of the Riflemen and their ideology with other groups – political parties, public authorities, public organisations and ethnic communities – enables us to determine its level of impact. The research pays considerable attention to the circumstances of formation of the LRU and compares this process with the development of other paramilitary organisations that functioned in Eastern and Central Europe. The paper also reviews the means used to disseminate the ideas of the Riflemen in the society and evaluates their capacity to make an impact with due regard to the general development of the LRU.

The dissertation addresses the expression of ideology of the paramilitary organisation –the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union – in the Lithuanian society in the period 1919–1940. With reference to historiography and the sources, which have been only episodically studied to this day, the paper presents a comprehensive picture of the organisation's activities and its capacity to make an impact. The organisation, which was founded in the midst of the Wars of Independence, was not disbanded after they were over and did not only act in military but also in cultural and sport spheres. The study attempts to identify the causes that determined the establishment of the organisation in the Lithuanian society and its activities before the Soviet occupation despite the continuous political changes. The thesis attempts to determine the scope to which the Riflemen ideology affected the Lithuanian society and its individual segments. The analysis of the relationship of the Riflemen and their ideology with other groups – political parties, public authorities, public organisations and ethnic communities – enables us to determine its level of impact. The research pays considerable attention to the circumstances of formation of the LRU and compares this process with the development of other paramilitary organisations that functioned in Eastern and Central Europe. The paper also reviews the means used to disseminate the ideas of the Riflemen in the society and evaluates their capacity to make an impact with due regard to the general development of the LRU.

The concept of flexicurity is based on the idea that two goals – more flexibility and more security – in the labour market are not contradictory but mutually supportive and can be implemented simultaneously. It is also promoted by the EU as a solution for coping with various challenges labour markets face. The official EU documents (the main is Lisbon Strategy50) state that in order to remain competitive, reduce segmentation and combat the high unemployment level, the Member states have to implement the flexicurity strategy in four spheres. First, more flexible and reliable contractual arrangements have to be guaranteed. Second, comprehensive lifelong learning strategies should be developed in order to ensure the adaptability and employability of workers. Third, effective active labour market policies that help people to cope with transitions to new jobs have to be implemented. Fourth, modern social security systems that provide adequate income support, encourage employment, and facilitate labour market mobility must be assured. The object of this article is the implementation of the Flexicurity Strategy on the Lithuanian labour market. The aim of this study was to analyse the EU impact on Lithuania's national employment policy in the area of flexicurity and the role of political parties' ideology in this process. In order to achieve the goal, the concept of flexicurity and its evaluation model were introduced. Then the Europeanization theoretical approach and main factors influencing the of the EU impact on national policies were overviewed. Finally, a piece of the input–process–output model was used to quantify the implementation of the Flexicurity Strategy in Lithuanian labour market. Also, an analysis of legislative initiatives in the Parliament was conducted. It helped to evaluate whether the ideology of ruling parties influenced the content of the law initiatives (in the flexicurity area). The main findings of this article are as follows: – the EU impact on national employment policy in the area of flexicurity was minimal despite the favourable attitude of political parties towards the EU. The analysis of various indicators revealed that the biggest change happened in the input stage of flexicurity and all trials were about the promotion of the functional and numerical aspects of flexibility. As regards the other dimensions and levels, the situation mostly remained status quo; – political parties in the government were quite active in proposing various bills connected with flexicurity. However, only about half of them reflected the EU attitude to flexicurity. Also, employment policy reform measures were chosen selectively, and flexicurity as a strategy was not implemented. One of the reasons was a high selectivity of implemented measures and the lack of approach to flexicurity as a strategy. It could be changed by starting to initiate public debates and discussions about the principle of flexicurity (until now, no public debates on this topic have been organized in the country). This could help to increase public awareness, deepen understanding and to find an appropriate solution; – the left wing government was more active in implementing the income security dimension in the labour market. Most of the accepted decisions contradicted the EU attitude to how security should be promoted: they were connected with a more active use of passive labour market policies. Meanwhile, the right-wing government was more active in promoting flexibility in the labour market. Also, it accepted more "EU-friendly" laws. This confirmed the statement that the ideology of the ruling parties has an explanatory impact while choosing and initiating legislative proposals on flexicurity. However, this statement requires further research, because during the analysis it was impossible to limit the impact of the economic crisis on legislative initiatives. An additional analysis revealed that this factor had also an impact on adopting laws related to the labour market flexibility.

The concept of flexicurity is based on the idea that two goals – more flexibility and more security – in the labour market are not contradictory but mutually supportive and can be implemented simultaneously. It is also promoted by the EU as a solution for coping with various challenges labour markets face. The official EU documents (the main is Lisbon Strategy50) state that in order to remain competitive, reduce segmentation and combat the high unemployment level, the Member states have to implement the flexicurity strategy in four spheres. First, more flexible and reliable contractual arrangements have to be guaranteed. Second, comprehensive lifelong learning strategies should be developed in order to ensure the adaptability and employability of workers. Third, effective active labour market policies that help people to cope with transitions to new jobs have to be implemented. Fourth, modern social security systems that provide adequate income support, encourage employment, and facilitate labour market mobility must be assured. The object of this article is the implementation of the Flexicurity Strategy on the Lithuanian labour market. The aim of this study was to analyse the EU impact on Lithuania's national employment policy in the area of flexicurity and the role of political parties' ideology in this process. In order to achieve the goal, the concept of flexicurity and its evaluation model were introduced. Then the Europeanization theoretical approach and main factors influencing the of the EU impact on national policies were overviewed. Finally, a piece of the input–process–output model was used to quantify the implementation of the Flexicurity Strategy in Lithuanian labour market. Also, an analysis of legislative initiatives in the Parliament was conducted. It helped to evaluate whether the ideology of ruling parties influenced the content of the law initiatives (in the flexicurity area). The main findings of this article are as follows: – the EU impact on national employment policy in the area of flexicurity was minimal despite the favourable attitude of political parties towards the EU. The analysis of various indicators revealed that the biggest change happened in the input stage of flexicurity and all trials were about the promotion of the functional and numerical aspects of flexibility. As regards the other dimensions and levels, the situation mostly remained status quo; – political parties in the government were quite active in proposing various bills connected with flexicurity. However, only about half of them reflected the EU attitude to flexicurity. Also, employment policy reform measures were chosen selectively, and flexicurity as a strategy was not implemented. One of the reasons was a high selectivity of implemented measures and the lack of approach to flexicurity as a strategy. It could be changed by starting to initiate public debates and discussions about the principle of flexicurity (until now, no public debates on this topic have been organized in the country). This could help to increase public awareness, deepen understanding and to find an appropriate solution; – the left wing government was more active in implementing the income security dimension in the labour market. Most of the accepted decisions contradicted the EU attitude to how security should be promoted: they were connected with a more active use of passive labour market policies. Meanwhile, the right-wing government was more active in promoting flexibility in the labour market. Also, it accepted more "EU-friendly" laws. This confirmed the statement that the ideology of the ruling parties has an explanatory impact while choosing and initiating legislative proposals on flexicurity. However, this statement requires further research, because during the analysis it was impossible to limit the impact of the economic crisis on legislative initiatives. An additional analysis revealed that this factor had also an impact on adopting laws related to the labour market flexibility.

The concept of flexicurity is based on the idea that two goals – more flexibility and more security – in the labour market are not contradictory but mutually supportive and can be implemented simultaneously. It is also promoted by the EU as a solution for coping with various challenges labour markets face. The official EU documents (the main is Lisbon Strategy50) state that in order to remain competitive, reduce segmentation and combat the high unemployment level, the Member states have to implement the flexicurity strategy in four spheres. First, more flexible and reliable contractual arrangements have to be guaranteed. Second, comprehensive lifelong learning strategies should be developed in order to ensure the adaptability and employability of workers. Third, effective active labour market policies that help people to cope with transitions to new jobs have to be implemented. Fourth, modern social security systems that provide adequate income support, encourage employment, and facilitate labour market mobility must be assured. The object of this article is the implementation of the Flexicurity Strategy on the Lithuanian labour market. The aim of this study was to analyse the EU impact on Lithuania's national employment policy in the area of flexicurity and the role of political parties' ideology in this process. In order to achieve the goal, the concept of flexicurity and its evaluation model were introduced. Then the Europeanization theoretical approach and main factors influencing the of the EU impact on national policies were overviewed. Finally, a piece of the input–process–output model was used to quantify the implementation of the Flexicurity Strategy in Lithuanian labour market. Also, an analysis of legislative initiatives in the Parliament was conducted. It helped to evaluate whether the ideology of ruling parties influenced the content of the law initiatives (in the flexicurity area). The main findings of this article are as follows: – the EU impact on national employment policy in the area of flexicurity was minimal despite the favourable attitude of political parties towards the EU. The analysis of various indicators revealed that the biggest change happened in the input stage of flexicurity and all trials were about the promotion of the functional and numerical aspects of flexibility. As regards the other dimensions and levels, the situation mostly remained status quo; – political parties in the government were quite active in proposing various bills connected with flexicurity. However, only about half of them reflected the EU attitude to flexicurity. Also, employment policy reform measures were chosen selectively, and flexicurity as a strategy was not implemented. One of the reasons was a high selectivity of implemented measures and the lack of approach to flexicurity as a strategy. It could be changed by starting to initiate public debates and discussions about the principle of flexicurity (until now, no public debates on this topic have been organized in the country). This could help to increase public awareness, deepen understanding and to find an appropriate solution; – the left wing government was more active in implementing the income security dimension in the labour market. Most of the accepted decisions contradicted the EU attitude to how security should be promoted: they were connected with a more active use of passive labour market policies. Meanwhile, the right-wing government was more active in promoting flexibility in the labour market. Also, it accepted more "EU-friendly" laws. This confirmed the statement that the ideology of the ruling parties has an explanatory impact while choosing and initiating legislative proposals on flexicurity. However, this statement requires further research, because during the analysis it was impossible to limit the impact of the economic crisis on legislative initiatives. An additional analysis revealed that this factor had also an impact on adopting laws related to the labour market flexibility.

The concept of flexicurity is based on the idea that two goals – more flexibility and more security – in the labour market are not contradictory but mutually supportive and can be implemented simultaneously. It is also promoted by the EU as a solution for coping with various challenges labour markets face. The official EU documents (the main is Lisbon Strategy50) state that in order to remain competitive, reduce segmentation and combat the high unemployment level, the Member states have to implement the flexicurity strategy in four spheres. First, more flexible and reliable contractual arrangements have to be guaranteed. Second, comprehensive lifelong learning strategies should be developed in order to ensure the adaptability and employability of workers. Third, effective active labour market policies that help people to cope with transitions to new jobs have to be implemented. Fourth, modern social security systems that provide adequate income support, encourage employment, and facilitate labour market mobility must be assured. The object of this article is the implementation of the Flexicurity Strategy on the Lithuanian labour market. The aim of this study was to analyse the EU impact on Lithuania's national employment policy in the area of flexicurity and the role of political parties' ideology in this process. In order to achieve the goal, the concept of flexicurity and its evaluation model were introduced. Then the Europeanization theoretical approach and main factors influencing the of the EU impact on national policies were overviewed. Finally, a piece of the input–process–output model was used to quantify the implementation of the Flexicurity Strategy in Lithuanian labour market. Also, an analysis of legislative initiatives in the Parliament was conducted. It helped to evaluate whether the ideology of ruling parties influenced the content of the law initiatives (in the flexicurity area). The main findings of this article are as follows: – the EU impact on national employment policy in the area of flexicurity was minimal despite the favourable attitude of political parties towards the EU. The analysis of various indicators revealed that the biggest change happened in the input stage of flexicurity and all trials were about the promotion of the functional and numerical aspects of flexibility. As regards the other dimensions and levels, the situation mostly remained status quo; – political parties in the government were quite active in proposing various bills connected with flexicurity. However, only about half of them reflected the EU attitude to flexicurity. Also, employment policy reform measures were chosen selectively, and flexicurity as a strategy was not implemented. One of the reasons was a high selectivity of implemented measures and the lack of approach to flexicurity as a strategy. It could be changed by starting to initiate public debates and discussions about the principle of flexicurity (until now, no public debates on this topic have been organized in the country). This could help to increase public awareness, deepen understanding and to find an appropriate solution; – the left wing government was more active in implementing the income security dimension in the labour market. Most of the accepted decisions contradicted the EU attitude to how security should be promoted: they were connected with a more active use of passive labour market policies. Meanwhile, the right-wing government was more active in promoting flexibility in the labour market. Also, it accepted more "EU-friendly" laws. This confirmed the statement that the ideology of the ruling parties has an explanatory impact while choosing and initiating legislative proposals on flexicurity. However, this statement requires further research, because during the analysis it was impossible to limit the impact of the economic crisis on legislative initiatives. An additional analysis revealed that this factor had also an impact on adopting laws related to the labour market flexibility.