Suchergebnisse

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

The ideology of the free market, at the beginning of the transformation was used in a propagandistic manner that was similar to the one used in the communist period of the Polish history. The Author presents a convincing polemic debate with the neoliberal dogmas and myths. The Book also includes the lessons learnt from the Icelandic banking crisis that are relevant for any constitutional reformer. Finally, it offers a suggestive prospect to increase the efficacy of the Polish State.

The aim of the article was to analyze the ideology of the People's Party–Our Slovakia (Ľudová strana naše Slovensko, ĽSNS), established in 2009. The first part of the text discusses the definitions of political extremism and then presents this phenomenon in Slovakia in a historical perspective. The most important categories of topics discussed by ĽSNS in election programs and party rhetoric, as well as party activity to date were analyzed in detail: the nation, anti-Roma and anti-immigration attitudes, and distance towards the West.

The author highlights that Russia has ceased to be the liberator and the stronghold of the global revolution, the leader of the bloc, the defender of the 'only right ideology' and the model of a political system for other states, it was the times of the USSR. This realization Moscow continuously pursue policy to regain its position on the international arena. It is unlikely, however, that Russia will be able to fulfill her ambition by means of territorial expansion: the primary role of the economy inern international relations allows us to assume that Russia will not decide to enter an open confrontation with theWest as she is gradually made increasingly more dependent onWestern financial centers. ; The author highlights that Russia has ceased to be the liberator and the stronghold of the global revolution, the leader of the bloc, the defender of the 'only right ideology' and the model of a political system for other states, it was the times of the USSR. This realization Moscow continuously pursue policy to regain its position on the international arena. It is unlikely, however, that Russia will be able to fulfill her ambition by means of territorial expansion: the primary role of the economy inern international relations allows us to assume that Russia will not decide to enter an open confrontation with theWest as she is gradually made increasingly more dependent onWestern financial centers.

The US reaction to 9/11 set off a chain of events leading to the raise of the most radical strain of revolutionary Salafism ideology incarnated by the Islamic State. The analysis of IS worldview allows one to observe its striking compatibility with the fundamental tenets of Terror Management Theory (TMT). The main proposition of this article is that the Islamic State's worldview should be interpreted as a product of an ideological evolution triggered/amplified by the Global War on Terror (GWOT), leading towards reenergization of the revolutionary Salafi narrative and increasingly radical – and thus psychologically efficient but strategically flawed – terror management device.

Despite a certain degree of chaos characterizing the Polish political arena, Polish society can be said to be capable of relatively accurate categorization of political parties with respect to their position in the left – right spectrum; two thirds of society are also able to identify their own views in this respect. What differentiates Polish society from Western European societies, though, is the lack of correlation between ones'position in the social structure and ideology, as well as the negligible importance of economic matters in one's identification as a left – right winger. The emergence of two strong political parties referring to themselves as right-wing (Civic Platform – PO and Law and Justice – PiS), accompanied by the weakening of the left of the political arena in Poland has resulted in this tendency becoming even stronger. ; Despite a certain degree of chaos characterizing the Polish political arena, Polish society can be said to be capable of relatively accurate categorization of political parties with respect to their position in the left – right spectrum; two thirds of society are also able to identify their own views in this respect. What differentiates Polish society from Western European societies, though, is the lack of correlation between ones'position in the social structure and ideology, as well as the negligible importance of economic matters in one's identification as a left – right winger. The emergence of two strong political parties referring to themselves as right-wing (Civic Platform – PO and Law and Justice – PiS), accompanied by the weakening of the left of the political arena in Poland has resulted in this tendency becoming even stronger.

The West has been one of the most significant reference criteria for the Russian political, historical or ideological thought. The reason for this is that Russian identity has been shaped mainly by virtue of comparison to the West. Therefore, Russian self-reflection is always assessed by means of Russian relation to the West. This relation has assumed various dimensions in different times, yet it has always ranged from utter admiration for the Western civilization to extreme disapproval of its achievements. At present Russia no longer develops her relations with theWest on the fragile foundations of ideology that has been substituted by the factors of national interest or higher necessity. Therefore it seems that when asked "Where are you heading, Russia?" she is going to keep answering "Westwards" for a long time to come. ; The West has been one of the most significant reference criteria for the Russian political, historical or ideological thought. The reason for this is that Russian identity has been shaped mainly by virtue of comparison to the West. Therefore, Russian self-reflection is always assessed by means of Russian relation to the West. This relation has assumed various dimensions in different times, yet it has always ranged from utter admiration for the Western civilization to extreme disapproval of its achievements. At present Russia no longer develops her relations with theWest on the fragile foundations of ideology that has been substituted by the factors of national interest or higher necessity. Therefore it seems that when asked "Where are you heading, Russia?" she is going to keep answering "Westwards" for a long time to come.

The paper shows some aspects of 'border identity' of the two Spanish cities-exclaves: Ceuta and Melilla. It analyses the multicultural dimensions of coexistence between Muslim (Moroccan) and Spanish populations. The article refers to some political, social and economic challenges: Moroccan revindication policy, growing number of Muslim communities, illegal migration, the phenomenon of violent radicalization inspired by the jihadi ideology etc. In this context, the paper focuses on the most important elements of 'the border identity' which are crucial to further the understanding of social problems in these cities. The methodological
analysis is based on the integration of historical and system methods as well as scientific research and investigation conducted in Spain. Regarding some integration and inclusion efforts there are still unsolved social and economic problems that may have infl uence on the coexistence of different ethnocultural communities in the future.

Critical reflections over marxist ideology, and especially political system in the USSR, were present in the polish political thought in the first half of the XXth century, due to publications, among others, by Adam Krzyżanowski, Stanisław Mackiewicz or Marian Zdziechowski. An important role in spreading anti-communist ideas played magazine "Fight with bolshevism" established in 1927 by Henryk Glass. The main task of the editorial board was to inform the Polish nation about the threats coming out from communism. To fulfill this task, magazine published official papers of the Communist International, communist parties, soviet government etc., along with some communist confidential materials. "Fight with bolshevism" used all possible means to warn the society of the danger coming from the east. The author talks over the most important problems and topics took up by the magazine, as well as the social undertakings supported by it.

Critical reflections over marxist ideology, and especially political system in the USSR, were present in the polish political thought in the first half of the XXth century, due to publications, among others, by Adam Krzyżanowski, Stanisław Mackiewicz or Marian Zdziechowski. An important role in spreading anti-communist ideas played magazine "Fight with bolshevism" established in 1927 by Henryk Glass. The main task of the editorial board was to inform the Polish nation about the threats coming out from communism. To fulfill this task, magazine published official papers of the Communist International, communist parties, soviet government etc., along with some communist confidential materials. "Fight with bolshevism" used all possible means to warn the society of the danger coming from the east. The author talks over the most important problems and topics took up by the magazine, as well as the social undertakings supported by it.

The Author analyses the infl uence of confl ict in Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the domestic and foreign policy of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. He proves that the described confl ict for many years dominated in the political life of this country and was a basis of the ideology and the programs of elites struggling for power. In the struggle of the elites, the military elites played the main role, while being an important path to advancement to the peaks of power. The author tries to explain the infl uence of the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia question on political transformation of the states in confl ict. Another important thread of the analysis is to search answers to the question, how tradition, culture, psychology, life styles and political interests of elites in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia affect the course and the effects of a peacemaking process aimed solving the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

This paper is focused on the links between reform agendas and their rationales in higher education and in welfare state services across Europe. Lessons learnt from past and ongoing welfare state reforms can be useful in understanding ongoing and future higher education reforms. Research on reforming European welfare states is a missing context in research on reforming European universities. We intend to fill this gap and briefly explore possible links between these two largely isolated policy and research areas. European universities and European welfare states are closely linked today because they are heavily dependent on public funding – and the competition for public funding between the different claimants to it is on the rise. Reforms of both sectors are also closely linked to increasing intergenerational conflicts over public resources in aging societies, and pressures on both sectors are linked to the shrinking tax base, the power of the neoliberal ideology, and changing social attitudes to both welfare and universities. Problems of both sectors and solutions to them are increasingly being defined at a global level through transnational reform discourses. ; This paper is focused on the links between reform agendas and their rationales in higher education and in welfare state services across Europe. Lessons learnt from past and ongoing welfare state reforms can be useful in understanding ongoing and future higher education reforms. Research on reforming European welfare states is a missing context in research on reforming European universities. We intend to fill this gap and briefly explore possible links between these two largely isolated policy and research areas. European universities and European welfare states are closely linked today because they are heavily dependent on public funding – and the competition for public funding between the different claimants to it is on the rise. Reforms of both sectors are also closely linked to increasing intergenerational conflicts over public resources in aging societies, and pressures on both sectors are linked to the shrinking tax base, the power of the neoliberal ideology, and changing social attitudes to both welfare and universities. Problems of both sectors and solutions to them are increasingly being defined at a global level through transnational reform discourses.

Głównym tematem artykułu jest analiza prawicowo-ekstremistycznych nastrojów w społeczeństwie niemieckim, których rzecznikiem stają się coraz częściej przedstawiciele klasy średniej. Nieudany projekt wielokulturowości niemieckiej, długotrwały kryzys gospodarczy w Europie, zjawisko terroryzmu islamskiego i fala uchodźców stworzyły atmosferę ksenofobizmu i rasizmu. W efekcie tworzone są partie oraz nieformalne ugrupowania, które oczekują od państwa zmian w polityce azylowej i artykułują potrzebę utrwalania tożsamości narodowej. Tworzące się ad hoc ruchy społeczne odnoszą się krytycznie do niemieckiego systemu politycznego gromadząc określoną część elektoratu. Jeden z ruchów obywatelskich pod nazwą Pegida demonstruje nie tylko przeciwko radykałom muzułmańskim, a islamowi w ogóle. Organizatorzy i zwolennicy Pegidy dystansują się publicznie od ekstremistów prawicowych, ale wykorzystują lęki przed islamskim terrorem i szerzą nastroje niechęci wobec uchodźców i obcych. Pytanie badawcze dotyczy perspektyw utrwalania demokratycznych standardów w pozjednoczeniowym społeczeństwie niemieckim przez klasę średnią, która może stać się najważniejszym elementem wpływającym na opinię publiczną. Renesans ideologii faszystowskiej wymusił konieczność wykreowania nowego modelu komunikowania społecznego pomiędzy klasami. Percepcja tej ideologii jest przedmiotem badawczym sfery aksjologicznej. ; The main topic of this paper is the analysis of right-wing extremist sentiments in German society. Representatives of the middle-class are mostly identified with these political tendencies. The unsuccessful multicultural project in the Federal Republic of Germany, long-lasting economic crisis in Europe, Islamic terrorism and the wave of immigrants have led to the spread of xenophobia and racism. Thus, many new parties and various informal groups are being formed that expect the government to change the asylum policy of the state and which express their need to consolidate national identity. These social groups demonstrate a critical attitude to the German political system, attracting a certain portion of the protesting electorate. One of the citizens' movements, named Pegida, is demonstrating against not only radical Muslims but Islam as a whole. The organizers and supporters of Pegida publicly distance themselves from right-wing extremists, but use the fears of Islamic terror to spread general negative sentiments towards refugees and foreigners. The research question refers to the prospects of instilling democratic standards in the middle class of German society after the post-unification period. This social class may be the most important factor influencing public opinion. The renaissance of fascist ideology has forced the creation of a new model of communication between social classes. The perception of right-wing ideology is the object of research in the axiological sphere.