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In the study major attention is given to the intellectual nature of the Fabian Society and its connections with the Labour Party. The Fabian Society was founded in 1884 by a group of middle-class intellectuals. The character of the Society was established under the leadership of such men as Sidney Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and Edward Pease. The initial Marxist influence on the Fabian Society is a reason why the Fabians took up a definitely Socialist standpoint, why they did not content them-selves with a left-wing Radical position. The Fabians desired to educate all classes toward socialism through publications and lectures. The Fabian Society has directed its main efforts to economic, social and political reform. Change was to come about by the "permeation" of existing institutions. The process of permeation meant promoting Fabian ideals through personal influence among members of Parliament and government officials, as well as getting more sympathetic men elected to local government and Parliament. In the early twentieth century, after considerable debate, the Society decided to join the newly formed Labour Party ; Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza ideologii Towarzystwa Fabianów i jej wpływu na formowanie się Labour Party. Towarzystwo zostało utworzone w 1884 roku przez intelektualistów z klasy średniej. Program był formułowany przede wszystkim przez Sidneya Webba, George'a Bernarda Shawa i E dwarda Pease`a. Analizując liczne źródła ideowe, podkreślić należy znaczenie doktryny marksizmu, ponieważ to on miał decydujące znaczenie dla tożsamości Towarzystwa, które określało się jako socjalistyczne. Działalność fabianów opierała się przede wszystkim na pisaniu pamfletów, esejów i przekonywaniu osób decydujących o polityce o słuszności ich socjalistycznych postulatów, dotyczących sfery politycznej, socjalnej i ekonomicznej. W ten sposób chcieli oni przenikać do rządzących elit politycznych – właśnie przenikanie było ich metodą działania. Na początku XX wieku zdecydowali się na podjęcie próby utworzenia partii politycznej i w 1903 roku przystąpili do formującej się Labour Party, "wyposażając" ją w ideologię.

Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza ideologii Towarzystwa Fabianów i jej wpływu na formowanie się Labour Party. Towarzystwo zostało utworzone w 1884 roku przez intelektualistów z klasy średniej. Program był formułowany przede wszystkim przez Sidneya Webba, George'a Bernarda Shawa i E dwarda Pease`a. Analizując liczne źródła ideowe, podkreślić należy znaczenie doktryny marksizmu, ponieważ to on miał decydujące znaczenie dla tożsamości Towarzystwa, które określało się jako socjalistyczne. Działalność fabianów opierała się przede wszystkim na pisaniu pamfletów, esejów i przekonywaniu osób decydujących o polityce o słuszności ich socjalistycznych postulatów, dotyczących sfery politycznej, socjalnej i ekonomicznej. W ten sposób chcieli oni przenikać do rządzących elit politycznych – właśnie przenikanie było ich metodą działania. Na początku XX wieku zdecydowali się na podjęcie próby utworzenia partii politycznej i w 1903 roku przystąpili do formującej się Labour Party, "wyposażając" ją w ideologię. ; In the study major attention is given to the intellectual nature of the Fabian Society and its connections with the Labour Party. The Fabian Society was founded in 1884 by a group of middle-class intellectuals. The character of the Society was established under the leadership of such men as Sidney Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and Edward Pease. The initial Marxist influence on the Fabian Society is a reason why the Fabians took up a definitely Socialist standpoint, why they did not content them-selves with a left-wing Radical position. The Fabians desired to educate all classes toward socialism through publications and lectures. The Fabian Society has directed its main efforts to economic, social and political reform. Change was to come about by the "permeation" of existing institutions. The process of permeation meant promoting Fabian ideals through personal influence among members of Parliament and government officials, as well as getting more sympathetic men elected to local government and Parliament. In the early twentieth century, after considerable debate, the Society decided to join the newly formed Labour Party

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

Critical reflections over marxist ideology, and especially political system in the USSR, were present in the polish political thought in the first half of the XXth century, due to publications, among others, by Adam Krzyżanowski, Stanisław Mackiewicz or Marian Zdziechowski. An important role in spreading anti-communist ideas played magazine "Fight with bolshevism" established in 1927 by Henryk Glass. The main task of the editorial board was to inform the Polish nation about the threats coming out from communism. To fulfill this task, magazine published official papers of the Communist International, communist parties, soviet government etc., along with some communist confidential materials. "Fight with bolshevism" used all possible means to warn the society of the danger coming from the east. The author talks over the most important problems and topics took up by the magazine, as well as the social undertakings supported by it.

Critical reflections over marxist ideology, and especially political system in the USSR, were present in the polish political thought in the first half of the XXth century, due to publications, among others, by Adam Krzyżanowski, Stanisław Mackiewicz or Marian Zdziechowski. An important role in spreading anti-communist ideas played magazine "Fight with bolshevism" established in 1927 by Henryk Glass. The main task of the editorial board was to inform the Polish nation about the threats coming out from communism. To fulfill this task, magazine published official papers of the Communist International, communist parties, soviet government etc., along with some communist confidential materials. "Fight with bolshevism" used all possible means to warn the society of the danger coming from the east. The author talks over the most important problems and topics took up by the magazine, as well as the social undertakings supported by it.

The Author analyses the infl uence of confl ict in Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the domestic and foreign policy of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. He proves that the described confl ict for many years dominated in the political life of this country and was a basis of the ideology and the programs of elites struggling for power. In the struggle of the elites, the military elites played the main role, while being an important path to advancement to the peaks of power. The author tries to explain the infl uence of the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia question on political transformation of the states in confl ict. Another important thread of the analysis is to search answers to the question, how tradition, culture, psychology, life styles and political interests of elites in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia affect the course and the effects of a peacemaking process aimed solving the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

Przedmiotem rozważań podjętych w artykule są: powody, dla których wielokulturowość budowana poprzez przyjmowanie imigrantów jest niezbędna Polsce i Polakom, diagnoza wielokulturowości w wymiarze deskryptywnym – jako rzeczywistości społeczno-demograficznej oraz świadomościowym – jako formy percepcji społecznej odmienności kulturowej, wreszcie stan zaawansowania prac na budowaniem ideologii/polityki multikulturalizmu w naszym kraju. Wyżej wskazane kwestie zostaną omówione poprzez odwołanie się do danych demograficznych, analiz antropologicznych, socjologicznych i politologicznych, a także różnego typu dokumentów urzędowych, w tym aktów prawnych. ; Poland is per saldo an emigration country (over 3 million people left the country between 1980 and 2014). Demographic analyses predict significant ageing of the population and a population decline in the next decades. Immigrants constitute less than 2% of the Polish populace and for many of them Poland is a place of seasonal residence or transit point in their journey to Western Europe. Therefore, Poland and the Poles need cultural diversity that results from immigration. Poland needs its own policy/ideology of multiculturalism that would include the long-term goals of the state and all its present and future residents. This policy should integrate legislation with development of social awareness (the level of positive tolerance) through education and increased use of expert knowledge. It should also use positive and negative experience of multicultural states of the 'old' European Union. Polish migration policy needs a serious social debate that goes beyond the development of tools to respond to the phenomenon of migration. Currently, immigrants in Poland encounter manyadaptation and integration problems. They live separately from the host society and remain 'invisible'. Poland has just begun a long journey to build a modern open society and Polish inhabitants, using the Charles Taylor's words, face the challenge of negotiations over the so-called space of recognition.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

Od początku procesu integracji europejskiej badacze stawiają pytania dotyczące dynamiki i kryzysu integracji europejskiej. Proponowali i wciąż proponują nowe pola i pytania badawcze dotyczące teoretycznych i empirycznych ujęć problematyki nieprawidłowości w Unii Europejskiej, głównie ostatnich lat. W nurt ten włącza się też autor niniejszego artykułu odnosząc się do zmiennych (zależnych i niezależnych) określających rozpoznawaną analitycznie zaburzoną dynamikę integracji i Unii Europejskiej. Zamiarem autora była ekspozycja zaburzonej dynamiki systemu Unii i procesu integracji europejskiej oraz towarzyszących im kryzysów, które wywołują w świecie nauki, polityki i m ediów wiele często wykluczających się debat i polemik. Zarówno agenda badawcza o charakterze teorio-poznawczym, jak i empiryczno-poznawczym odnosi się do naukowego poszukiwania antykryzysowego finalité politique. Treść zaproponowanego artykułu potwierdza pluralizm myśli integracyjnej, w ramachktórego żadna pojedyncza teoria lub koncepcja teoretyczna nie wystarcza do wyjaśnienia komplikujących się, wielo-wektorowych kryzysowych zjawisk i interakcji wynikających z integracji europejskiej. Z tego względu "Unia w opisie i naukowej analizie" to nie zawsze to samo co "Unia w działaniu" . To sprawia, że mamy do czynienia z rosnącą autonomią koncepcji teoretycznych względem praktyki funkcjonowania integracji europejskiej. Niniejszy tekst udowadnia również, że w teoretycznych próbach ujęcia integracji europejskiej oraz jej kryzysów dochodzi do swoistego przenikania jednych paradygmatów do drugich czy też samorzutnego rozprzestrzeniania i "zlewania" się wybranych elementów poglądów teoretycznych, do tej pory przypisywanych różnym wręcz odmiennym teoriom i koncepcjom. Z uwagi na powyższe, autor proponuje czytelnikom podjęcie dalszych poszukiwań odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczące prawdy (obiektywnej i subiektywnej) o dysfunkcjonalnościach towarzyszących Unii Europejskiej. Odpowiedzi, które posłużyć mają również do inspiracji, kontynuacji i pogłębiania analizy dynamiki integracji europejskiej. ; Researchers have posed questions concerning the dynamics and crisis of European integration since its beginnings. They have proposed and continue to propose new research fields and questions on the theoretical and empirical approaches to the issue of irregularities in the European Union, in particular the most recent ones. The author of this paper joins this trend, and takes a standpoint with respect to the (dependent and independent) variables that define the distorted dynamics of EU integration which have been analytically determined. The author intends to expose the distorted dynamics o f the EU system and European integration, as well as the crises that accompany them, fuelling numerous academic, political and media debates and polemics. The research agenda of both an epistemological and empirical nature concerns the academic search for an anti-crisis finalité politique. The paper confirms the pluralistic nature of integration ideology, where no single theory or theoretical concept suffices to explain the increasingly complex, multi-directional crisis-related phenomena and interactions following from European integration. Therefore "the Union as described and academically analysed" is not always equivalent to "the Union in action." That is why we are dealing with the growing detachment o f theoretical concepts from the practical activities within the process o f European integration. This paper demonstrates that the theoretical attempts at presenting European integration and its crises result in a certain permeation o f paradigms between different concepts and in spontaneous promulgation and 'merging' o f selected elements of theoretical outlooks that were assigned to quite different, or even contradictory theories and concepts.