Suchergebnisse

In 1942, proletarian writer, Takeda Rintarō, was sent from Japan to the Dutch East-Indies (Indonesia) as part of the Sendenbu (propaganda squad), where he led the literature section in the Keimin Bunka Shidōshō (cultural center) in Jakarta. Jawa sarasa documents Takeda Rintaro's activities and cultural experiences in Java, Indonesia, after he returned to Japan in 1944. Most Japanese literature and cultural writings about Nanyō or Nanpō ("South Islands" - South Asia and the Pacific, including Indonesia) from this era reference the concept of Imperialism in Asia. In the pre-war period, stereotypes such as dojin (local primitive) and tōmin (islander) defined South Island people as being lesser than or "other" than the Japanese people. Japanese literary depictions of tropical Eden's and exotic "uncivilized people" reflect similar perceptions and writings by Western authors towards Asia in the 19th century. This paper explores Takeda Rintarō's perspectives of "otherness" in prewar discourses about Indonesia. Through the influence of "The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" propaganda concept, the ideology of "sameness" was becoming a hegemonic cultural idea in Takeda's writings about Indonesia. Conversely, however, Takeda's depiction of the double-occupation of Java, with the political rule of Holland and economic domination of daily life by Chinese immigrants, implied criticism of Japan's administrative policies regarding economic exploitation in Java. Takeda's criticisms of Japanese policy are bedded in his emotion for the nature, culture and people of Indonesia.

In the study major attention is given to the intellectual nature of the Fabian Society and its connections with the Labour Party. The Fabian Society was founded in 1884 by a group of middle-class intellectuals. The character of the Society was established under the leadership of such men as Sidney Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and Edward Pease. The initial Marxist influence on the Fabian Society is a reason why the Fabians took up a definitely Socialist standpoint, why they did not content them-selves with a left-wing Radical position. The Fabians desired to educate all classes toward socialism through publications and lectures. The Fabian Society has directed its main efforts to economic, social and political reform. Change was to come about by the "permeation" of existing institutions. The process of permeation meant promoting Fabian ideals through personal influence among members of Parliament and government officials, as well as getting more sympathetic men elected to local government and Parliament. In the early twentieth century, after considerable debate, the Society decided to join the newly formed Labour Party ; Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza ideologii Towarzystwa Fabianów i jej wpływu na formowanie się Labour Party. Towarzystwo zostało utworzone w 1884 roku przez intelektualistów z klasy średniej. Program był formułowany przede wszystkim przez Sidneya Webba, George'a Bernarda Shawa i E dwarda Pease`a. Analizując liczne źródła ideowe, podkreślić należy znaczenie doktryny marksizmu, ponieważ to on miał decydujące znaczenie dla tożsamości Towarzystwa, które określało się jako socjalistyczne. Działalność fabianów opierała się przede wszystkim na pisaniu pamfletów, esejów i przekonywaniu osób decydujących o polityce o słuszności ich socjalistycznych postulatów, dotyczących sfery politycznej, socjalnej i ekonomicznej. W ten sposób chcieli oni przenikać do rządzących elit politycznych – właśnie przenikanie było ich metodą działania. Na początku XX wieku zdecydowali się na podjęcie próby utworzenia partii politycznej i w 1903 roku przystąpili do formującej się Labour Party, "wyposażając" ją w ideologię.

Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza ideologii Towarzystwa Fabianów i jej wpływu na formowanie się Labour Party. Towarzystwo zostało utworzone w 1884 roku przez intelektualistów z klasy średniej. Program był formułowany przede wszystkim przez Sidneya Webba, George'a Bernarda Shawa i E dwarda Pease`a. Analizując liczne źródła ideowe, podkreślić należy znaczenie doktryny marksizmu, ponieważ to on miał decydujące znaczenie dla tożsamości Towarzystwa, które określało się jako socjalistyczne. Działalność fabianów opierała się przede wszystkim na pisaniu pamfletów, esejów i przekonywaniu osób decydujących o polityce o słuszności ich socjalistycznych postulatów, dotyczących sfery politycznej, socjalnej i ekonomicznej. W ten sposób chcieli oni przenikać do rządzących elit politycznych – właśnie przenikanie było ich metodą działania. Na początku XX wieku zdecydowali się na podjęcie próby utworzenia partii politycznej i w 1903 roku przystąpili do formującej się Labour Party, "wyposażając" ją w ideologię. ; In the study major attention is given to the intellectual nature of the Fabian Society and its connections with the Labour Party. The Fabian Society was founded in 1884 by a group of middle-class intellectuals. The character of the Society was established under the leadership of such men as Sidney Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and Edward Pease. The initial Marxist influence on the Fabian Society is a reason why the Fabians took up a definitely Socialist standpoint, why they did not content them-selves with a left-wing Radical position. The Fabians desired to educate all classes toward socialism through publications and lectures. The Fabian Society has directed its main efforts to economic, social and political reform. Change was to come about by the "permeation" of existing institutions. The process of permeation meant promoting Fabian ideals through personal influence among members of Parliament and government officials, as well as getting more sympathetic men elected to local government and Parliament. In the early twentieth century, after considerable debate, the Society decided to join the newly formed Labour Party

Multiculturalism as an ideology claims that Western societies ought to be transformed into patchworks of ethnicities, religions and races. It is supposed to help the economy grow. It also cancels out nationalism – the root cause of conflict and war. Immigration brings about such social transformation. From the mid-1980s that ideology set out the limits of public debate and underpinned immigration policies. However, the multicultural consensus of Western elites of opinion, power and money seems to be crumbling. Erstwhile marginalized, its critique becomes ever louder.

The Prosperous and Justice Party or Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) is one of the parties different from a political party most, and more than that it can be seen that PKS is coming from the Muslim community in Indonesia. In the current development of Indonesian political parties, there is an impression that ideology of Indonesian political partis are moving to the middle. PKS has choosen to be an open political party or it can understood PKS is now determined to be one of the pluralistic parties who adopt pluralism and the diversity. This research wants to examine the value behind an opened ideology by Regional Council (DPW) of PKS in West Java in political communication perspective. Qualitative approach is used with ethnographic sudy. Data are collected by observations, interviews and documentary study on the internal and external informants of PKS. The result shows that opened ideology of DPW PKS of West Java are based on three values: ideological value, sociological value, and political value.

The paper attempts at presenting diversity in discourse research and defining educational discourse in its new cognitive-procesual aspect. The analysis is concentrated on formalized educational discourse undergoing ideological influences through mass, public and government supervised education. For the detailed discussion multiperspective method including critical and rhetorical analysis has been proposed acknowledging the separateness of makro and discursive strategies together with their topoi in the common ideological – cognitive mean.

The article analyzes transformation of the ideological factor of terrorism in 21st century. The author emphasizes transition from grand narratives (Marxism, fascism) to little narratives of new social movements. In his opinion terrorism without ideology is more dangerous than ideological terrorism.