Suchergebnisse

This article examines the political discourse on foreign-culture immigrants, that forms the agenda of the Danish government. The difficulties of integrating migrants increase with the influx of asylum seekers and family reunification, when the rate of their admission exceeds the rate of naturalisation (absorption) of diasporas, that Danes see as a threat to social cohesion. A "preventive" immigration policy has emerged, demonstrating significant restrictions that reduce the influx of refugees. The discourse of restrictive policy supported by the electorate determined the government's agenda based on agreements between the center-left Social Democratic Party, the center-right Liberal Party of Wenströ, and the far-right Danish National Party (DNP) with its anti-immigrant agenda. At the same time, the ruling parties, weakening the support of the extreme right-wing parties, "intercept" the provisions of the DNP programme.

Restrictions on the political agenda concern mainly foreign-culture immigrants: strict regulation of the admission of asylum seekers, granting a residence permit, family reunification, initial distribution to municipalities and resettlement of immigrant "ghettos". This is combined with the education of immigrants based on the values ​​of social cohesion, work for the welfare state, and the inclusion of immigrant children in educational institutions. The discourse also includes the issues of deportation of immigrants, including asylum seekers, who commit crimes, the detention of asylum seekers not in Denmark and the EU countries, but in third countries that the government intends to make special agreements with. Taking into account the difficulties of returning refugees to the countries of origin, even if life there has become safer, this option is considered the most optimum, and appropriate work is being carried out in this direction.

The EU leadership condemns such a policy, but in the conditions of the weakness of its immigration policy, legal collisions, as well as the weakening of the solidarity of the Union members, there is no political opportunity from the outside to forcibly adjust the Danish state policy. In other EU countries, Denmark's preventive restrictive policy can be perceived as a positive model for the reception and integration of refugees of other cultures. The Danish experience is also useful for Russia, where problems arise in working with foreign-culture diasporas. In addition, such restrictive policies are helping to strengthen mobilisation mechanisms to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.

Over the last few decades, immigrant adaptation issues have continued to bear relevance both in Russia and around the world. Those who relocated to new places of residence no longer attach themselves to one place (locale), nation (state-civil community), or culture, which, of course, takes a toll on their self-perception and adaptation – this creates new opportunity and new dimensions in terms of identity. This mostly applies to civil, ethnic and local identities, due to their complex nature and their proportion between the country of origin and host environment. Both foreign and Russian researchers recognize the importance of studying immigrant identities, which is regarded as one of the components of their capacity for integration. This article considers the proportion of Russian identity, identity of country of origin, as well as local and ethnic identities of Azerbaijani immigrants living in Russia. Their readiness to transform their self-consciousness, with it being a key indicator of their integration into Russian society, is analyzed. This study's empirical basis consists of data from an all-Russian survey among labor immigrants, conducted by the HSE and CEPRS in 19 Russian regions in 2017, as well as data from semi-structured interviews with Azerbaijani immigrants living in Moscow, which helped identify situational factors in their hierarchy of identities and understand the foundations on which their self-consciousness is based. Analyzed is how immigrants' identity structure is influenced by age and place of residence, education level, type of immigration and duration of stay in Russia. It was revealed, based on in-depth interviews, that Russian identity among Azerbaijanis is based around a state-civil foundation, while in the case of elder generations it is based around their having been a common nation in the past. A conclusion is drawn indicating a transnational direction in Azerbaijani immigrants' identity, with ethnic identity prevailing, which fits in favorably with a developing sense of connection to Russia both among circular and long-term migrants. In relation to comparable studies conducted in 2011, analyzed are the increasingly more positive assessments of the host Russian environment by Azerbaijani immigrants, which, in our estimation, creates a favorable foundation for developing a positive Russian identity among them.

The article analyzes the dynamics of perception of the migration situation by the host population in the Republic of Mordovia. Public opinion is being monitored on potential problems created by immigrants when moving to the region, on their impact on ethno-confessional relations and the social and criminogenic situation.
The empirical base included the results of annual regional sociological studies of the ethno-confessional and migration situation conducted in the period 2021–2023. The sociological survey was conducted in accordance with the Methodological Recommendations for Conducting Sociological Research in the subjects of the Russian Federation proposed by the Federal Agency for Nationalities of the Russian Federation (FADN of Russia). This methodology makes it possible to carry out sociological monitoring of key indicators of the state of ethno-confessional relations and migration processes in the Russian Federation. The volume of the sample population was n = 700 people, the representative features were gender, age, place of residence and nationality. As a tool for collecting primary information, a quantitative method was used — an individual face-to-face interview at the respondent's place of residence using a paper questionnaire (PAPI).
It was revealed that in Mordovia, the attitude towards immigrants is gradually changing: the share of the population concerned about the problems of competition in the labor market, the deterioration of ethno-confessional relations, experiencing anxiety from the presence of migrant workers is decreasing. It is determined that the presence of immigrants in the region does not provoke an aggravation of ethnic conflicts and the idea of restricting/reducing the entry of migrants is becoming less popular.
The author concludes that the attitude of the receiving population to immigrants is determined by the level of socio-economic development of the region.

Introduction. The article is devoted to Persians who served in the Early Byzantine armed forces. Even during the Principate period, alae and cohortes which were originally recruited from Parthians were part of the Roman imperial army. Units from Persian defectors and prisoners were also created from the 4th to the 6th century. Methods. Using tools of the positivist methodology makes it possible to provide a critical analysis of information from the sources. At the same time, the prosopographical method allows to study mechanisms of integration of immigrants from neighboring realms into the Early Byzantine society using examples of individual fates. Analysis. According to "Notitia Dignitatum", a significant part of military units of Persian origin served in eastern provinces of the empire. It is also known that cavalry vexillationes which consisted of immigrants from Iran were included in mobile armies. Some numeri with Persian prisoners were transferred to Italy in the 6th century. These units consisted mainly of heavily armed horsemen who were famous for eastern neighbors of Rome and Byzantium. In the framework of the presented article, the author refers to individual personalities who held commanding posts in the imperial armed forces. It is important to note that among them there were representatives of the Sasanian family. Ormizdas, the son of Hormizd II, Kavad, the grandson of Kavad I, and Khosrow II sought to find salvation from Iranian strifes at the court of the emperors. These individuals were considered as completely loyal to Byzantium candidates for the Shahanshah's throne. However, only Khosrow II managed to return victorious to Iran in 591 with the support of the eastern Roman emperor Maurice. Results. The author concludes that military service was the main channel of integration into the society of the empire for Persian immigrants as well as other foreigners in the Late Antique period. © 2020 Volgograd State University. All rights reserved.

Some of the most significant consequences of transnational immigration is growing religious diversity and finding a way to manage it. This article considers the concept of pluralism, the differences in religious pluralism between America and Western Europe occurring due to immigration, as well as the roles and possibilities of immigrant religions in the process of adapting to the host society. The history of immigration, models of immigrant incorporation and adaption, patterns of religious pluralism and types of secularism strongly vary in the aforementioned regions. Religion in America is a positive resource and a basis for incorporating immigrants into American society, their recognition in public life, assimilation and construction of an American identity. By contrast, in Western Europe immigrant religions, particularly Islam, are perceived primarily as an obstacle to incorporating immigrants into European societies and their recognition in the public domain. This is explained mainly by the secularist mindset of European people in general, their uncertain "private" religiosity in the context of "Euro-secularity", the European concept of religion's place in the "private domain", as well as types of state-religion relations and institutional patterns of recognition which differ from America.

Crisis in the Dublin System has shown that despite common European standards, migration policy is often built by the participating States on their own. The article deals with the modern experience of the Italian Republic in the sphere of providing international and humanitarian protection in the conditions of mass migratory flows. The author analyzes Italian legislation aimed at implementing the right to asylum in accordance with international and regional human rights standards. Commentary on the possible types of protection of forced migrants in the territory of the Italian Republic is given. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the grounds for granting the subsidiary protection status, as well as to the reasons for providing humanitarian protection in case of rejection of the international protection status. The conclusion is made about the growing importance of human rights protection in the Italian foreign policy.Key words: Italy, European Union, human rights, international protection, asylum, refugees, subsidiary protection, humanitarian protection. ; Кризис Дублинской системы показал, что, несмотря на единые общеевропейские стандарты, миграционная политика зачастую выстраивается государствами-участниками самостоятельно. В статье рассматривается современный опыт Итальянской Республики в сфере предоставления международной и гуманитарной защиты в условиях массового наплыва мигрантов. Анализируется итальянское законодательство, направленное на реализацию права на убежище в соответствии с международными и региональными стандартами прав человека. Дается толкование существующих на территории Италии видов защиты вынужденных мигрантов. Особое внимание уделяется анализу оснований предоставления статуса бенефициара субсидиарной защиты, а также подробно исследуются причины оказания гуманитарной защиты в случае отказа в статусе международной защиты. Делается вывод о возрастающем значении защиты прав человека во внешней политике государства.Ключевые слова: Италия, Европейский союз, права человека, международная защита, убежище, беженцы, субсидиарная защита, гуманитарная защита.

Mass labor migration presents a formidable challenge to the host countries who have to find efficient policies of integrating new social groups while retaining the political support of their own population. This article aims at exploring the changes in attitudes towards immigrants in Russia. It is based on the findings of the European Social Survey, which included five waves of polling in Russia between 2006 and 2016. We calculated the indicators of the attitudes towards immigrants of same race/ethnic group, immigrants of different race/ethnic group, and immigrants from poorer countries outside Europe and compared their dynamics in the last ten years. We also calculated the dynamics of average values of our indicators with regard to threat perception: whether economic or cultural threat of immigration was perceived as paramount by the population in Germany, Sweden, Spain, Poland, and the UK. We conclude that the trends of attitude change in Russia and the European countries go in the opposite directions. If in Russia the number of people who are wary of or reject immigrants grows incrementally, in the European countries it decreases. Much more often than the Europeans, Russian people are inclined to believe that immigration undermines national economy, corrupts national culture, and overall makes Russia a worse place for living. Correlational analysis is used to reveal the difference between majorants of intolerant attitude towards immigrants of different race/ethnic group: in the European countries, immigrants are mostly regarded as a cultural threat whereas in Russia they are perceived as both cultural and economic threat.Key words: attitude to immigration, xenophobia in Russia, xenophobia in Europe, economic factors of xenophobia, cultural factors of xenophobia, European Social Survey ; Цель статьи – получить объективное представление о динамике и тенденциях восприятия иностранных мигрантов жителями России. Эмпирической базой исследования послужили данные пяти волн проекта «Европейское социальное исследование» (ESS), в которых принимала участие Россия с 2006 по 2016 г. Рассчитываются и сравниваются индексы отношения к различным категориям иммигрантов (одноэтничные, иноэтничные, неквалифицированная рабочая сила) на протяжении последних десяти лет; динамика средних значений индикаторов их восприятия как экономической и культурной угрозы в России и пяти европейских странах: Германии, Швеции, Испании, Польше и Великобритании. На основе полученных результатов авторы делают вывод о том, что тренды отношения к иммиграции в России и европейских странах диаметрально противоположны. Если в России количество людей, негативно относящихся к мигрантам различных категорий, на протяжении десятилетия стабильно увеличивается, то в европейских странах оно, наоборот, уменьшается. С помощью корреляционного анализа делается вывод о различии доминант интолерантного отношения к иноэтничным мигрантам: в странах Европы – это их восприятие преимущественно как культурной угрозы, в России – и как культурной, и как серьезной экономической угрозы.Ключевые слова: отношение к иммиграции, ксенофобия в России, ксенофобия в Европе, экономические факторы ксенофобии, культурные факторы ксенофобии, Европейское социальное исследование

The paper focuses on the international legal and political regulation of the rights of immigrants, as the latter are outlined in the major international declarations and agreed upon by the most countries in the world. Ideological principles that underpin existing international treaties concerning the status of immigrants are analyzed. The author examines the main problems that arise from practical implementation of principles and norms underlying applicable conventions.Key words: international treaties, immigration, immigration policy, political and social rights ; Основное внимание в статье уделяется вопросу международного правового и политического регулирования прав иммигрантов, зафиксированного в наиболее известных международных соглашениях, участниками которых являются большинство стран мира. В статье рассматриваются идеологические приоритеты, положенные в основу действующих международных договоров, касающихся статуса иммигрантов. Кроме того, автор рассматривает основные проблемы, связанные с практическим применением заложенных в соответствующие конвенции принципов и норм.Ключевые слова: международные соглашения, иммиграция, иммиграционная политика, политические и социальные права.

Раздел "Международные отношения и внешняя политика" ; В статье проведен анализ мер по интеграции иммигрантов во французское общество, которые были предприняты французскими правительствами в конце ХХ — начале ХХI в. Автор пришел к следующим выводам: возникновение проблемы интеграции иммигрантов было вызвано изменениями в процессе иммиграции во Францию и переходом французского общества к постиндустриальной фазе развития, французским политикам удалось найти эффективный способ социально-экономической интеграции иммигрантов, утвердить свой пример аккультурации пришлого населения, нерешенная проблема активного включения иммигрантов в политическую жизнь затрагивает основы политической культуры французского общества и связана с вопросом о сохранении национальной идентичности. = The article gives the analysis of measures on immigrants' integration in the French society, which were taken by French governments at the end of the 20th — beginning of the 21st century. The author came to the following conclusions: the emergence of the problem of immigrants' integration was caused by the changes in the process of immigration to France and transition of the French society to the post-industrial phase of development; French politicians managed to find an effective way of social and economic integration of immigrants, to establish their own pattern of acculturalization of newcomers; the unsolved problem of active involvement of immigrants in political life concerns the foundations of political culture of the French society and is related to the question of national identity preservation.

Israel gehört weltweit zu den Ländern mit der höchsten Qualifikationstruktur der Bevölkerung. Der Autor untersucht, welchen Anteil die Immigranten aus der UdSSR bzw. Rußland unter diesen Spezialisten stellen. Wie die Auswertung von entsprechenden Statistiken ergibt, ist der Anteil von hochqualifizierten Spezialisten unter diesen Immigranten überdurchschnittlich hoch. Diese These wird in dem Beitrag mit zahlreichen Zahlen belegt. Dennoch verläuft der Eingliederungsprozeß dieser Spezialisten in den israelischen Arbeitsmarkt zögerlicher als bei den Immigranten im Durchschnitt. (BIOst-Mrk)

March 23-24, 2018 at the Faculty of History of Moscow State University the Student Scientific Society and the Department of Modern and Contemporary History held a scientific conference "Immigration and immigrants in the history of Western Europe and America as a phenomenon of the Modern and Contemporary Times". It was attended by specialists in the field of history, political science, philology, oriental studies - including students, undergraduates and graduate students from Moscow State University, MGIMO (U), Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, RUDN University, HSE, Bashkir State Pedagogical University named after M.Akmula, Vladimir State University , Saratov State Law Academy, Nizhnevartovsk State University, Altai State University, and Ain-Shams University (Cairo, Egypt). ; 23-24 марта 2018 года на историческом факультете МГУ Студенческое научное общество и кафедра новой и новейшей истории провели научную конференцию "Иммиграция и иммигранты в истории Западной Европы и Америки как феномен Нового и Новейшего времени". В ней приняли участие специалисты в области истории, политологии, филологии, востоковедения - в том числе студенты, магистранты и аспиранты из МГУ, МГИМО (У) МИД РФ, РУДН, НИУ ВШЭ, Башкирского государственного педагогического университета имени М.Акмуллы, Владимирского государственного университета, Саратовской государственной юридической академии, Нижневартовского государственного университета, Алтайского государственного университета, а также университета Айн-Шамс (г. Каир, Египет).

Die innenpolitische Konstellation in Israel ist durch die Massenimmigration aus der früheren UdSSR und aus Rußland in entscheidender Weise beeinflußt worden. Sowohl die Mentalität der israelischen Gesellschaft als auch die bis dahin gängigen Integrationsmuster haben sich stark verändert. Dabei stellen die russischen Immigranten nach Meinung des Verfassers das einzig wirksame Bollwerk gegen die wachsende Tendenz zur theokratischen Dominanz in diesem Staate dar. Wirtschaftlich kommt den im Durchschnitt hochqualifizierten russischen Immigranten eine bedeutende Rolle zu. Außenwirtschaftlich müßte das einander komplementäre Potential Israels und Rußlands nach Meinung des Autors noch stärker genutzt werden, wobei auch hier den russischen Immigranten eine Schlüsselfuktion als "Brückenbauer" zukommt. Im Hinblick auf den politischen Konflikt im Nahen Osten gehört Rußland nach wie vor zu den dominierenden regionalen Kräften, ohne die eine Friedensregelung nicht möglich ist. (BIOst-Mrk)