Suchergebnisse

Avrupa'da yükselişe geçen popülist ve otoriter siyasi dönüş, göçmen gruplarını hedef alan hem söylemler hem politikalar üzerinde etkili olmuştur. Bu çalışma, popülist bir dönüşüm yaşayan Macaristan'daki Türk göçmenlerin deneyimlerini incelemektedir. Avrupa'daki Türk göçmenler kapsamlı bir şekilde incelenmiş olsa da Macaristan'daki küçük ama artan Türk göçmen nüfusu çok az gözlemlenmiştir. Macaristan, liberal Avrupa değerleri ve yükselen popülist söylem arasında gidip gelmektedir. Macaristan'da özellikle Müslümanları hedef alan dışlayıcı söylemin, Türklerin göçmen olarak gündelik deneyimlerini nasıl değerlendirdiklerine yansıması beklenmektedir. Araştırma, Macaristan'daki Türklerle yapılan 20 yarı yapılandırılmış, derinlemesine görüşmeye dayanmaktadır. Katılımcılar kartopu yöntemine göre seçilmiştir. Bulgular, olumsuz deneyimlerden ziyade olumlu deneyimlere işaret etmektedir. Görüştüğümüz Türk göçmenlere göre bunun bir nedeni, Macaristan'daki Türklerin profilleri ve diğer göçmen gruplarına göre nispeten az sayıda olmaları ve bu nedenle daha az hedef haline gelmeleridir. İkincisi, Macarlar ve Türkler arasındaki sosyal ve kültürel benzerlikler, genel olarak olumlu tutumları desteklemektedir. Üçüncüsü, Türkiye ile Macaristan arasındaki yakın siyasi ilişkiler, Türkler ve Macarlar arasında uzlaşmacı ilişkilere yol açmaktadır. Bu bulgular, Macaristan'daki Türklerin, Orbán'ın otoriter ve popülist söyleminden olumsuz etkilenmediklerini iddia eden, diğer göçmen gruplarından ayrışan bir grup olduğuna işaret etmektedir.

As a result of efforts to establish a common migration policy and harmonize European countries since the 1990s, European countries began to want to include the migration regime in the EU acquis. In those years, the goal of European migration policy was to combat irregular migration. Turkey's more intrusive control over migration has also put pressure on European countries. Because Türkiye has become a transit country that opens space for irregular immigrants. In this context, a strong immigration policy has been established in order to respond to the expectations of Europe's institutional and legal regulations. Among these regulations, there are some decisions regarding labor migration. In this study, Turkey's Eleventh Development Plan was examined within the framework of the concept of "sustainable development", taking into account Turkey's current development goals. In consequence of these investigations, new business areas that have emerged recently have been identified and analyzed.

The European Union (EU) has been challenged by several crises lately. In addition to Brexit, the Euro crisis, and the migration crisis; global issues such as the coronavirus pandemic and the Russian attack on Ukraine affected the EU. The migration crisis, on the one hand, differs from the above-mentioned crises with one remarkable feature. The member states have no real consensus about forming a common migration policy. Besides, for geographic reasons, some member states put much more burden on immigrants. Agreeing on immigration becomes impossible for the border countries on the migration route and also transit countries. The paper argues that, unlike the other crises of the EU, the migration crisis reinforces EU integration in such a way that disputes between member states prevent the EU from making institutional changes about the issue. The study results assume that the other above-mentioned crises, on the other hand, stimulated institutional change throughout the EU. In light of this information, this study evaluates, using a method of relevant literature review and comparing the arguments of the researchers, how the migration issue became a subject of dispute between member states by evaluating the 2015 crisis.

According to the data of the Presidency of Migration Management (2021), the largest group of irregular migrants detected in Türkiye in 2021 were Afghans. The arrival of irregular migrants from Afghanistan to Türkiye alongside the Syrian refugees have caused a negatively charged reaction in Turkish society and from the main parties in the opposition. Based on this apparent reaction against the arrival of Afghan
refugees, the claim can be made that Afghans are now the new "other" category in Türkiye. We identify two hashtags used on Twitter to protest the arrival of Afghans, which are #sınırnamustur (border is honor) and #hudutnamustur (frontier is honor) having the same meaning in Turkish and are Trend Topics on Twitter. The purpose of this study is to examine the reason why there are two hashtags on Twitter to protest the arrival of Afghan immigrants, what the differences and similarities are between
the two in terms of how Afghans are defined and what kinds of hate speech they are subjected to. For this purpose, we applied Craswell's mixed model in this study using both content analysis and social network analysis techniques. The investigation results reveal that the hashtag #sınırnamustur is a manifestation of a political endeavor, asserting that Afghan refugees are associated with a 'security challenge'. In contrast, the hashtag #hudutnamustur represents a response from the general populace, embodying elements of cultural superiority.

Immigrants who came to Türkiye in masses after the internal conflicts in Syria in 2011 were put under temporary protection, a status in international law, and started to live with the Turkish people. This temporary status has transformed into de facto permanent co-living after the past ten years. This situation necessitated the implementation of policies that require social cohesion between Syrians and Turks. Education is the most important tool in ensuring social cohesion. In this study, it is aimed to reveal the policies implemented for the inclusion of Syrians under temporary protection in to the Turkish education system and what the results of these policies are. In the study, the statistical data of state institutions, legal regulations, academic research and news in the media were handled and the document analysis method was used. In this context, all dimensions of the subject from primary education to higher education were categorized and the findings were shared with the reader in a systematic way. The findings show that the Syrians, who were thought to be temporary at first, were planned to continue their education in the camps without obtaining a diploma or document, but with the prolongation of the war, necessary legal arrangements were made for their inclusion in the Turkish National Education System and Higher Education. In the field studies made, it was observed that Despite the arrangements technical and social problems continued in practice and the desired level of participation in post-primary education could not be achieved. In addition, it has been revealed that the results of education policies for Syrians under temporary protection are related to the cultural structure of the cities where Syrians live in Türkiye, their geographical proximity to Syria, the population of Arab origin in the city, the status of schools, and the qualifications and experiences of teachers. In this context, it has been evaluated that effective language learning in all age groups, ensuring school attendance and increasing the number of academicians and students in the academy should be priority policy issues to ensure social cohesion.