Suchergebnisse

The remolding of the state from an autocratic to a democratic one in postwar Japan is sometimes regarded as a successful case of external intervention for state-building. When Americans landed in Japan two weeks after Japan's acceptance of unconditional surrender, they expected to meet a fanatic and intransigent people. Instead they were surprised by the orderly and peaceful behavior of Japanese soldiers and citizens (Tamaki 2005, 13-20). Disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, and reintegration (into their home towns/villages) of millions of soldiers proceeded surprisingly smooth between 1945 and 1948. The authoritarian state gave way to a democratic one within two years of the beginning of the American occupation and democracy has persisted since1. And finally, the Japanese economy had already begun to experience high growth when the occupation ended in April 1952. In every respect, American occupation policies seem to have been successful. Against this image of the American occupation in Japan, this paper will argue that American policies were only partially helpful in the democratic remolding and economic development of postwar Japan. The prewar political and economic experiences of the Japanese themselves, and the psychological impact of the defeat, played equally important roles in the democratic rebirth of the Japanese state. Those in search of solutions to the development challenges facing fragile countries today should understand that Japan's 'success' did not begin in 1945 and was not the result of a peace settlement quickly followed by new institutions. The ground work for Japanese success was 80-90 years in the making. Analysis of state-building, economic development and democracy in Japan must start from the Meiji restoration of 1868.

In recent times World and Global History became
the fast growing sections of international historiography,
mainly due to the interest in North American universities,
but also followed by an increasing interest in other
world regions. The first European Congress in World and
Global History, held from September, 22 to 25, 2005 at the
University of Leipzig, explored the field and tried to answer
if there are specific European traditions and practices to
write and research world history in a global age. In the following
section reports from the panels organised during this
conference give an impression of a first step towards a new
way to think and to discuss about history on the European
continent but also in contact with scholars from Australia,
the Americas, Asia and Africa.

Transformative strategies for the development of higher education, pointed out in the list of key educational competencies of the 21st century by international organizations of various levels, are associated with the processes of becoming and transformation of individuals as integral subjects of cognition and action within the framework of communicative strategies for the formation of a global civil society. The implementation of transformative educational strategies in a meaningful aspect requires inter- and transdisciplinary methodologies to research the process of transformative adult learning aimed at developing an "integral person", and not just its rational-cognitive aspects. Within this holistic approach, questions arise about the nature of the transformative changes in the basic ontological and anthropological components of the educational process in the context of the transition epoch, namely, the becoming a global transcultural civil society. In order to clarify the features of such transformations, the dynamics of the phenomena and concepts of identity and self is examined in terms of a change in the conceptual landscape of culture. Various disciplinary and transdisciplinary approaches to their definition are analyzed. The relevance of the concepts of multiple identity (as an open permanent identification process) and the transversal self (as a process-dialogue unity of differences) in the liminal space at the global and individual levels are substantiated. ; Трансформативні стратегії розвитку вищої освіти, артикульовані в переліку ключових освітніх компетентностей ХХІ століття міжнародними організаціями різного рівня, пов'язані з процесами становлення і трансформації індивідів як цілісних суб'єктів пізнання і дії в межах комунікативних стратегій формування глобального громадянського суспільства. Реалізація трансформативних стратегій вищої освіти в змістовному аспекті вимагає інтер- і трансдисциплінарних методологій дослідження процесу трансформативного навчання дорослих, спрямованого на розвиток «цілісної людини», а не тільки його раціонально-когнітивних складових. В рамках такого холістичного підходу постають питання про природу трансформативних змін основних онто-антропологічних складових освітнього процесу в контексті епохи переходу, а саме становлення глобального транскультурного громадянського суспільства. З метою прояснення особливостей таких трансформацій розглядається динаміка феноменів і концептів ідентичності і самості на тлі зміни концептуального ландшафту культури. Аналізуються різні дисциплінарні і трансдисциплінарні підходи до їх визначення і обґрунтовується релевантність концептів множинної ідентичності як відкритого перманентного процесу ідентифікації та трансверсальної самості як процесуально-діалогової єдності відмінностей у просторі лімінальності на глобальному та індивідуальному рівнях. ПОСИЛАННЯ Бауман,З. (2002). Индивидуализированное общество. Пер. с англ. под ред. В.Л.Иноземцева. – М.: Логос. Бейтсон, Г. (2000). Экология разума. Избранные статьи по антропологии, психиатрии и эпистемологии (Пер. с англ.). М.: Смысл, 2000. Боас Ф. (2011). Ум первобытного человека. Академия фундаментальных исследований: этнология. Красанд, 2011. Взято з http://www.opentextnn.ru/man/?id=3337 Гердер И.Г. (1977). Идеи к философии истории человечества. Пер. и примеч. А.В.Михайлова. М., 1977. Горбунова Л. (2014). Транскультурна освітня стратегія в контексті викликів глобалізації. Філософія освіти. Philosophy of Education,1 (14), 158-198. Взято з www.philosopheducation.com Иглтон Т. (2012). Идея культуры. Пер с англ. И. Кушнаревой. М.: Изд. Дом Высшей школы экономики. Кастельс М. (2000). Информационная эпоха: экономика, общество и культура: Пер. с англ. Под науч. ред. О.И.Шкаратана. М.: ГУ ВШЭ. Лиотар Жан-Франсуа (1998 ). Состояние постмодерна. Перевод с французского Н.А.Шматко. М.: Изд-во «Алетейя», Санкт-Петербург. Малиновский Б. (1998). Магия, наука и религия. Пер.с англ. М.: «Рефл-бук». Мосс М. (2011). Об одной категории человеческого духа: понятие личности, понятие «я». Мосс М. Общества. Обмен. Личность. Труды по социальной антропологии. Пер. с фр. М.: КДУ. 325-352. Тайлор Э.Б. (1989). Первобытная культура. М., 1989. Фуко М. (1977). Слова и вещи: археология гуманитарных наук. Перевод с французского. М.: «Прогресс». Эриксон Э. (1996). Детство и общество. Изд-е 2-е, перераб. и доп. Пер. с англ. СПб: Ленато, АСТ «Университетская книга». Юнг, К.Г. (2003). Воспоминания, мечты, размышления. Мн.: «Харвест». Взято з lib.ru/PSIHO/JUNG/memdreamrefs.txt Appadurai, A. (Ed). (2001). Globalization. Durham: Duke University Press. Взято з http://www.worldcat.org/title/globalization/oclc/177124342 Brubaker, R., & Cooper, F. (2000). Beyond 'identity'. Theory and Society, 29,1-47.URL: https://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/./brubaker/./18_Beyond_Ident. Cohen, A. P. (Ed.) (2000). Signifying Identities: Anthropological Perspectives on Boundaries and Contested Values. London: Routledge. Взято з www.academia.edu/./Anthony_P._Cohen_Signifying_Ident. Ewing, K. P.(1990). The Illusion of Wholeness: Culture, Self, and the Experience of Inconsistency. Ethos,18(3), 251-78. Взято з http://www.academia.edu/2081742/The_illusion_of_wholeness_Culture_self_and_the_experience_of_inconsistency Festinger, L. (1957). A theory of cognitive dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Взято з https://www.google.com.ua/search?q=Festinger,+L.+(1957)+A+theory+of+cognitive+dissonance Geertz, C. (1983). 'From the native's point of view': On the nature of anthropological understanding. Local knowledge: Further essays in interpretive anthropology. 55-70. New York: Basic Books. Взято з hypergeertz.jku.at/GeertzTexts/Natives_Point.htm Hall, S. (2016). Cultural Studies 1983: A Theoretical History. In:Stuart Hall: Selected Writings. Duke University Press. Взято з https://www.dukeupress.edu/cultural-studies-1983 Hermans, H. J. M., & Kempen, H. J. G. (1998). Moving cultures: The perilous problems of cultural dichotomies in a globalizing society.American Psychologist, 53(10), 1111-1120. Взято з http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.53.10.1111 Hermans, H. J. M., & Dimaggio, G. (2007). Self, identity, and globalization in times of uncertainty: A dialogical analysis. Review of General Psychology. 11(1). 31-61. Взято з https://www.taosinstitute.net/./hermans___dimaggio__in_re. Kroeber, A. L., & Kluckhohn, C. (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. Cambridge, MA: Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology. Взято з www.pseudology.org/Psyhology/CultureCriticalReview1952a.pdf Kusserow, A. S. (1999). Crossing the great divide: Anthropological theories of the western self. Journal of Anthropological Research. 55. 541-562. Взятол з www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10./jar.55.4.3631614 Land R., Rattray J., Vivian P. (2014). A Closer Look at Liminality: Incorrigibles and Threshold Capital. In: Threshold Concepts: From Personal Practice to Communities of Practice. Proceedings of the National Academy's Sixth Annual Conference and the Fourth Biennial Threshold Concepts Conference. National Academy for Integration of Research, Teaching and Learning. Взято з http://www.tara.tcd.ie/bitstream/handle/2262/73147/EPub_2012Proceedings.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y Lasch, C. (1984). The Minimal Self: Psychic Survival in Troubled Times, London: Pan Books. 1984. Взято з https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/724189.The_Minimal_Self Lewis, J. (2002). From Culturalism to Transculturalism. Iowa Journal of Cultural Studies 1 (Spring). Взято з http://ir.uiowa.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1003&context=ijcs Morris, B. (1994). Anthropology of the self: The individual in cultural perspective. London: Pluto Press. Взято з https://www.amazon.com/Anthropology-Self-Individual-Cultural-Perspective/dp/0745308589 Quinn, N. (2006). The self. Anthropological Theory. 6(3). 362-384. взято з http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1463499606066893 Said, E. (1993). Culture and Imperialism. L., P. XXIX. взято з https://janeaustensummer.files.wordpress.com/2016/01/culture_and_imperialism.pdf Van Meijl, T. (2007). Beyond economics: Transnational labour migration in Asia and the Pacific. International Institute for Asian Studies Newsletter, No. 43, 17. Взято з ijds.lemoyne.edu/journal/3_1/./IJDS.3.1.13.VanMeijl.pdf Van Meijl, T. (2008). Culture and Identity in Anthropology: Reflections on 'Unity' and 'Uncertainty' in the Dialogical Self. International Journal for Dialogical Science. Fall, 2008, Vol. 3, No. 1, 165-190. Взято з ijds.lemoyne.edu/journal/3_1/pdf/IJDS.3.1.13.VanMeijl.pdf Wolf, E. R.(1982). Europe and the People without History. Berkeley: University of California Press. Взято з https://is.muni.cz/el/1490/jaro2015/CZS13/um/lecture1/1_4_Wolf.pdf Wright, S. (1998). The Politicization of 'Culture'. Anthropology Today,14(1), 7-15. Взято з https://xa.yimg.com/kq/groups/22927858/./wright+1998.pdf Young, M. (2004). Malinowski: Odyssey of an anthropologist,1884-1920. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Взято з https://books.google.com.ua/books?isbn=1137354976

The essential resource on strategy and the making of the modern worldThe New Makers of Modern Strategy is the next generation of the definitive work on strategy and the key figures who have shaped the theory and practice of war and statecraft throughout the centuries. Featuring entirely new entries by a who's who of world-class scholars, this new edition provides global, comparative perspectives on strategic thought from antiquity to today, surveying both classical and current themes of strategy while devoting greater attention to the Cold War and post-9/11 eras. The contributors evaluate the timeless requirements of effective strategy while tracing the revolutionary changes that challenge the makers of strategy in the contemporary world. Amid intensifying global disorder, the study of strategy and its history has never been more relevant. The New Makers of Modern Strategy draws vital lessons from history's most influential strategists, from Thucydides and Sun Zi to Clausewitz, Napoleon, Churchill, Mao, Ben-Gurion, Andrew Marshall, Xi Jinping, and Qassem Soleimani.With contributions by Dmitry Adamsky, John Bew, Tami Biddle, Hal Brands, Antulio J. Echevarria II, Elizabeth Economy, Charles Edel, Eric S. Edelman, Andrew Ehrhardt, Lawrence Freedman, John Lewis Gaddis, Francis J. Gavin, Christopher J. Griffin, Ahmed S. Hashim, Eric Helleiner, Wayne Wei-siang Hsieh, Seth G. Jones, Robert Kagan, Jonathan Kirshner, Matthew Kroenig, James Lacey, Guy Laron, Michael V. Leggiere, Margaret MacMillan, Tanvi Madan, Thomas G. Mahnken, Carter Malkasian, Daniel Marston, John H. Maurer, Walter Russell Mead, Michael Cotey Morgan, Mark Moyar, Williamson Murray, S.C.M. Paine, Sergey Radchenko, Iskander Rehman, Thomas Rid, Joshua Rovner, Priya Satia, Kori Schake, Matt J. Schumann, Brendan Simms, Jason K. Stearns, Hew Strachan, Sue Mi Terry, and Toshi Yoshihara

In the epoch of total deception, moral and ethical dilemmas, ideological diversity, and confusion when the crisis is becoming a permanent state, it's getting more and more challenging to define such phenomena as hegemony and resistance, then to explain their quintessence. As more transnational networks and actors are appearing in the global landscape international political order is becoming more entangled. Some of the transnational ties are formal but there is an informal web of connections that are much difficult to discern. In this context of the accelerated transfiguration of the global system, it is crucial to make sense of how hegemony and resistance are functioning. In the following article, I will rely on philosophical works of Alain Badiou, Jean Baudrillard, Gilles Deleuze, also works of Russian author Leo Tolstoy and modern tv series such as The Leftovers, Fight Club, and Black Mirror to get the picture of how hegemony and resistance adjusted to the rapid change

Mrs. Spew is spending a couple of weeks with me in Europe, so I thought we would wander through the middle of Germany before going to northern Italy.  We wanted to see some castles and some history, and we have gotten a heap of both.Our first stop was Dresden, which, of course, resonated with me since I read Slaughterhouse Five in high school, which was in the context of the firebombing that utterly destroyed the city and is now seen as something far worse than gratuitous.  We saw occasional memorials and unrepaired walls here and there, but it was mostly out of sight.  Definitely not out of our minds.  We stayed in the old town area, which is how we maximize the walking and the sightseeing.  We were close to the massive central cathedral, heaps of palaces (now museums), city halls, and the river.  We had some excellent food here including both Spanish and German tapas (best German food I have had, I think, in my three months here).  There was a wonderfully silly, cheesy "experience" where one gets some headphones to listen to the narration of a character from long ago trying to figure out how he died as we get a tour of the remnants of the fortress.  We also went into a pretty amazing art museum that had a great collection of statues including a replica of David and a display of East Germany/communist era art, which tended to focus on American imperialism.      We spent our next morning at Schloss Weesenstein, which is between Dresden and the border with Czechia.  It looked v ery small and uncastle-like from the road, but very big and very castle-ish from the inside.  It had some very funky display tendencies including paintings that would then have a figure/mannequin sticking out of it to give the face in the picture a 3-D body.  It was one of the places where the Nazis put (stolen) art to protect it from the bombing with the castle at Nuremberg being another. Leipzig was the least spectacular place.  Still some pretty sights, big cathedrals including one where J.S. Bach is buried (but we couldn't find the actual site within the place). Speaking of which, Nuremberg is pretty spectacular.  On the way in, we stopped by the Zeppelin grounds where the Nazis had huge rallies.  The structures don't look the same, in part because the American troops blew up the giant swastika on the platform, and partly because other parts of the superstructure were falling apart, so they got demolished.  It was strange to be standing exactly where Hitler stood way back when. We then drove into Nuremberg, where google maps led us astray a bit.  We managed to get to our hotel and then walked around, yes, the older part of town.   A very pretty river runs through the city.  We went up to the hill to the Imperial castle that overlooks the town.  We spent most of our time there, looking at the gardens and going through the museum.  It had lots of medieval armor/arms displays and much discussion of how imperial rule worked.  The emperor didn't stay put, but would visit castles around the empire to network, to show that his authority was everywhere, to rule on local disputes, etc.  The big tower had at the top pictures on each side, showing what that view looked like before the war, at the end of the war, and then after the rubble was picked up.  Nuremberg got hit very hard by allied bombing--because of its symbolic importance as well as being a transportation hub and industrial center.        And then to put all this into context, on our way out, we stopped by the Nuremberg Trial Memorial/Museum.  there was a whole lot of history packed into  a relatively small space.  Surprisingly, nearly all of the text was in German despite the tribunal being an English/French/Russian affair, and a sharp contrast to the rally grounds displays.  So, we had to listen to the audio guide read the English translation of the displays.  It slowed us down a bit, and we had to skip some stuff.  But a fascinating experience and a nice bookend to the rally grounds.   Then it was on to Erfurt, a smaller city that avoided being bombed.  I asked my wife which of the places we visited had the highest burgermeister/meisterburger quotient, and Erfurt edged out the others.  A really beautiful town with a funky covered bridge with shops, a very large citadel, and more ice cream stores per linear meter than pretty much anywhere else.  Why they have a bread dude statue?  I have no idea.Random observations along the wayI guess the whole thing of densely populated areas is that the areas in between are empty?  So much of the roads in between these places had nothing but farms, windmills, and solar panels.  Autobahn!  Superfast but lots of places with strict limits--keeps you awake.  The roads are so well constructed that it is easy to go uber-fast without feeling it--our rental car is also pretty smooth.  So, yeah, I have generally been driving at speeds that I would never approach in North America... while still getting passed by much, much faster cars.Strange parking processes.  In a mall in Leipzig, the parking machine spit out a yellow token, not a ticket.  So, when I returned to the car, I had to put the token into a normal payment machine, which I had expected to spit out a ticket. Nope, it spit out another token.  But it worked.  In another parking structure, it takes a picture of your license plate, so on your way to your car, you enter your license plate number into the machine and it spits out a ticket to let you out of the lot?  Speaking of driving, I learned how to drive a manual in high school, shortly after passing my driving test.  My mother's Datsun 310 only had four gears plus reverse.  I did learn the funkiness of how to get some sticks into reverse when I was a parking attendant in high school--yes, they hired a 16 year old!  Anyhow, after leaving home, my manual car experiences have been far apart and few, like when I landed in Brussels to drive to the Arnhem bridge (it was not too far for me, but my next stop was as jet lag hit me hard) about fourteen years ago.  So, this rental SUV has got six gears, which means I sometimes put into third rather than fifth or fourth rather than sixth.  Oops.  Oh, and my first gear skilz (the hardest gear) are not so great.  So, a few clumsy starts at stop lights.  Unlike the hard time I had figuring out how to get into reverse at the forementioned Brussels airport, I quickly realized the trick with this car was pushing down on the stick to get it into reverse.Lunches on the road didn't always work out.  We kept finding restaurants near our routes to be closed--on the way out of Dresden/Schloss and in Bamberg in between Nurenberg and Erfurt.  We ultimately just waited to eat in Leipzig. In Bamberg, we settled for a Turkish doner cart in the parking lot of a grocery store, and, as all of my Turkish doner experiences have been in Germany this year, it was super tasty.I don't remember the trams being this fast in Berlin.  In Erfurt and in some of the other places, they are fast and jeez, they are close to the sidewalks.  Tomorrow, we drive back to Berlin, drop off the rental car, and get on a plane to Venice.  We will have about five days in Italy split between Venice and Milan.  I have never been to either place, and Mrs. Spew last visited ... before Iran-Contra.  She has been keeping me from getting gelato since it supposed to be pretty good where we are going.  Auf wiedersehn! 

Paul Matzko









This global public opinion poll asking respondents whether they have a favorable view of the USA has been bouncing around the interwebs. The topline finding — the US is pretty popular! — surprised many American cultural critics who remember the bad old days of the Iraq War when global criticism of US imperialism surged.
I find the handful of countries where the opinion of the US remains more negative just as interesting. Hungary's worst‐​in‐​Europe result is amusing given how the far Right in the US fetishizes Viktor Orban's reactionary politics. American Hungary stans suffer from sublimated self‐​hatred, wishing they could be as xenophobic and culturally chauvinist as team "Make Hungary Magyar Again."
But the other outlier country on this list with a marked dislike of the US might be more of a surprise to Americans: Australia. We're almost underwater Down Under. This is in sharp contrast with how highly Americans think of Australia; if you combine all positive responses from this survey, Americans consider Australia their warmest ally. Which means the gulf between how Americans and Australians view each other would be one of the widest in the world!
As it so happens, I spent eight summers as a teenager living in Australia. That certainly doesn't make me a country expert — and it's been two decades since I was last there — but it does mean that Australian antipathy towards the US doesn't take me by surprise.
That dislike was very much on the surface when I was a 10 or 11 year old trying to make Aussie friends. The most popular country singer in Australia at the time was the man, the legend, John Williamson. I've written about Australian country music elsewhere, but I can still sing many of Williamson's top hits from memory, including his rip‐​roaring nationalist anthem "A Flag of Our Own" (1991). Williamson was a republican, which meant that he believed Australia should leave the British Commonwealth, reject the monarchy, and take the British stripes off the Australian flag. Here's the song's chorus:
'Cause this is Australia and that's where we're from We're not Yankee side‐​kicks or second class P.O.M.s And tell the Frogs what they can do with their bomb Oh we must have a flag of our own

Let me decipher that for you. P.O.M.s stands for "Prisoners of Her Majesty," or Brits, which is often amended with an adjective such as "whingeing POMs" to describe those who yearn for ye olde country and constantly complain about Australia's supposedly backward ways. This was a particularly popular complaint in Australia in the aftermath of Australia's 1975 constitutional crisis. The Australian Governor‐​General — a crown appointee in a mostly symbolic role — had invoked a long neglected royal power and replaced the elected left‐​wing prime minister with a conservative. (For comparison, imagine the hoopla if King Charles III were to kick British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak out of office and install a Labour prime minister!)
"Frogs," of course, are the French, who were on the radar of Aussie nationalists in the 90s for conducting nuclear testing in their Polynesian colonies — which Australia considered its own backyard — and doing so without regard for the effects of nuclear fallout on surrounding islands and Australia itself.
That leaves us with Yankees, commonly shorted to "Yanks," which quickly becomes, via Australia's penchant for rhyming puns, "Septic Tanks," or then shortened further to "seppos." (Aussies are world leaders in slang. It's like if Cockney wasn't just the lingo of one neighborhood in London but had been exported en masse via prison ships, transported to the other side of the globe, and then had taken over an entire continent. Oh wait…)
Maybe you're wondering why America made that opprobrious list alongside the POMs and Frogs. We weren't testing any nukes in the Pacific (at least, we hadn't for a while) and we weren't meddling in their domestic politics (though blaming the CIA for the 1975 constitutional crisis remains popular among Aussie conspiracists).
But when this song was released in 1991, the Australian military had just participated in the US‐​led Gulf War. Although suffering no combat casualties, Australian nationalists saw this as yet another example of Australia blindly serving the interests of foreign superpowers, from dying at the command of callous British generals in the trenches at Gallipoli — the subject of a 1981 blockbuster starring a young Mel Gibson — to the failed fight alongside the Yanks in the jungles of Vietnam.
Bear in mind that Australia's anti‐​Vietnam War protests in 1970 were the *largest* protests in their history; by contrast, the much feted anti‐​Vietnam war protests in the US don't even crack our top 27! Australia's involvement in the Iraq War did little to assuage critics who believed Australia should stop playing second fiddle to the US, especially after leaked documents showed that the Aussie government's primary purpose for sending troops was to cozy up to the US. All the talk about eradicating weapons of mass destruction and promoting democracy was merely "mandatory rhetoric."
However, when I was a teenager in Australia in the late‐​90s, especially while visiting rural communities in Northern Queensland, the complaint I heard the most often revolved around US trade policy, specifically US tariffs on the import of Australian lamb meat. I remember riding around the bush in a ute (flatbed pickup truck) with a local farmer who was spitting mad about US tariffs and who said that the Monica Lewinsky scandal was Bill Clinton getting his just desserts for harming Aussie sheep farmers. What a thought! Australian headlines from the time were simply scathing in their critique of Clinton's hypocrisy in signing a free trade deal with Canada and Mexico while slapping new tariffs on Australia.
Yet other than the mad cow panic, meat import policies — let alone veal tariffs, lol — have never been a major political issue in recent US national politics. But they sure mattered a great deal to Australia, which is the second largest sheep exporting country in the world (Australia and New Zealand combine for an incredible 93% of the global market). In any case, US trade policy in the 1990s fit with Australian nationalists' broader critique of the US as a bully who simply expected Australia to meekly comply with its broader geopolitical agenda regardless of whether it was in Australia's own national interest.
So Australians' mixed opinions regarding the US are grounded in real, pragmatic considerations. It's yet another situation in which our imperial entanglements and trade protectionism have provoked blowback.
It's possible that in the future those feelings might revert towards the more US‐​positive, Australasian mean given Chinese economic and military expansionism in the region. Up until now, Australia has been insulated from the downside risks of Chinese expansion — funnily enough, the intervening Indonesians have been a more significant target for Australian jingoism — while benefitting greatly as a supplier of raw materials for the post‐​Mao Chinese economic miracle. Until the pandemic, Australia hadn't experienced a recession in nearly thirty years (!).
On a more speculative note, if Noah Smith and other India boosters are correct, Australia's role as a potential trading partner with India could matter as much for that country's success as its trade with China has for the past three decades. Last year, Australia signed a new free trade deal with India and expects its exports to triple by 2035. And given the ongoing decoupling of global investment from the Chinese market, Australia could benefit from a major boost of foreign investment given its proximity and ties with India, Vietnam, and other high growth South and Southeast Asian markets (nicknamed "Altasia"). There's little in the way of Australia enjoying another thirty years of torrid economic growth.
The US should forge a new, peer relationship with Australia, signaling that it takes Australia seriously as a vital regional ally rather than treating it as a junior partner in our foreign misadventures. We have a golden opportunity to do so right now. As Doug Bandow has noted, China has foolishly kicked off a trade war with Australia, and while Trump considered following suit with new tariffs on Australian exports, he was finally persuaded not to. We should take advantage of China's mistake by expanding our 2005 free trade agreement with Australia and lower rates on agricultural products that are feeling the pinch from Chinese tariffs.
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"Thèse en cotutelle : Université Laval, Québec, Canada, Philosophiæ doctor (Ph. D.) et Université de Strasbourg, Strasbourg, France" ; Tableau d'honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2019-2020 ; Si Platon a choisi d'écrire des dialogues, c'est parce qu'ils illustrent le mouvement de la pensée et de la connaissance dans l'âme. Questionner et répondre permettent de réaliser sa propre ignorance. Toutefois, l'accès au savoir par le dialogue est plus difficile dès que l'on s'adresse à des âmes récalcitrantes ou à une foule, car un tel procédé prend du temps et nécessite la bonne volonté des participants. C'est le constat de cette difficulté à transmettre la vérité en politique que pose le Gorgias et auquel Platon cherche à remédier. Si le dialogue est impossible avec la foule, alors que la politique repose sur le soin des âmes de la cité, comment dès lors éduquer la masse ? Il faudrait développer un usage légitime de la rhétorique pour transmettre la vérité en politique. On considère souvent que ce projet de fondation ne s'effectue que dans les dialogues du Phèdre et des Lois. Pourtant, le Gorgias, qui se déroule pendant la guerre du Péloponnèse, ne se réduit pas à une critique de l'enseignement du célèbre rhéteur, Gorgias de Léontinoi. Au contraire, la remise en question épistémologique et morale de son « art oratoire » est la condition de possibilité de l'émergence d'une belle dêmêgoria (503a7). Le présent travail propose d'en faire l'étude en accordant une attention particulière au mouvement du dialogue et aux différents visages de la rhétorique qu'incarnent les personnages. On discernera trois étapes fondamentales dans le dialogue : la réception, la réfutation et la refondation dialectique de la rhétorique qui sont finalement reproduites à une échelle plus réduite et métaphorique dans le mythe eschatologique qui conclut l'oeuvre. Le premier moment permet de dégager les raisons de l'émergence de l'art oratoire à Athènes par une analyse du contexte polémique dans lequel le Gorgias a été écrit en tenant compte des multiples références qui ont été transposées par Platon (l'Éloge d'Hélène de Gorgias, les Cavaliers d'Aristophane, les Traités hippocratiques, le Contre les Sophistes d'Isocrate, La guerre du Péloponnèse de Thucydide et l'Antiope d'Euripide). La deuxième étape permet de saisir le double dévoilement de la rhétorique et du dialogue. D'un côté, Gorgias se révèle incapable de définir sa propre pratique et apparaît inconscient des conséquences dramatiques qu'elle engendre sur ses disciples. De l'autre, Socrate instaure un espace discursif dans lequel il peut réduire la rhétorique à une empirie en dégonflant ses prétentions épistémologiques (celle d'être un art) et politiques (celle d'être une puissance qui vise le plus grand des biens). Cette mise en parallèle de deux manières de parler permet d'opposer la maîtrise d'un savoir dialogique par Socrate à l'incompétence de Gorgias. Cette réfutation appelle un renversement complet de la conception de la justice, de la politique, et de l'existence. Affrontant ensuite Pôlos et Calliclès, Socrate analyse à la fois les conséquences néfastes de la rhétorique sur leurs âmes et sur la Cité, mettant en parallèle leur dégénérescence morale avec celle d'Athènes. Ce faisant, il s'attaque à deux confusions majeures qui sous-tendaient la pratique gorgianique du discours : penser que faire ce que l'on veut est un pouvoir qui rend libre et prendre le plaisir pour le bien. Le maître de Platon devient ainsi historien et juge de la politique corruptrice menée par les figures illustres d'Athènes que sont Thémistocle, Miltiade, Cimon et Périclès, livrant au passage une interprétation opposée à celle de Thucydide sur l'impérialisme athénien. Ce travail de sape de l'édifice rhétorique mène finalement à sa refondation. À partir de ces réfutations, Socrate théorise une nouvelle rhétorique dont il fait par ailleurs usage sur la personne de Calliclès. Ce nouvel emploi philosophique émerge à partir d'un ordre naturel. En effet, alors que Calliclès rejetait l'égalité imposée par la démocratie et appuyait sa thèse de l'homme fort sur une certaine vision de la nature, Socrate fondera précisément son renversement politique et judiciaire sur une conception naturelle et ordonnée, en considérant le cosmos. De l'ordre et de l'harmonie mathématique, il dégagera une égalité géométrique, proportionnelle, qui permettra de redonner sa juste place à la rhétorique. Ce renversement sera ultimement réalisé métaphoriquement dans le mythe eschatologique clôturant le dialogue. ; If Plato chose to write dialogues, it is because they illustrate the movement of thought and knowledge in the soul. The form of question and answer allows the recollection, beginning with the recollection of one's own ignorance. The access to knowledge through the practice of dialogue, however, is made more difficult once we take on recalcitrant souls or a crowd as interlocuters, for such a practice takes time and demands the goodwill of all concerned. It is this difficulty of transmitting truth in politics that the Gorgias lays bear and that Plato attempts to remedy. If dialogue is impossible with the crowd, even though politics rests on the care of citizens' souls, how then to educate the masses? One must develop a legitimate way of using rhetoric to transmit truth in politics. We often consider that this foundational project is carried out only in the Phaedrus and the Laws. Nevertheless, the Gorgias, which unfolds during the Peloponnesian War, cannot be reduced to a critique of the teachings of the celebrated rhetor, Gorgias of Leontini. On the contrary, by calling his "oratorical art" into question, both morally and epistemologically, one establishes the conditions for the emergence of a good dêmêgoria (503a7). This study proposes to examine Plato's questioning of Gorgias' art by affording particular attention to the movement of the dialogue and to the different faces of rhetoric embodied by its characters. We will set out three fundamental steps in the dialogue: the reception, refutation, and dialectical refoundation of rhetoric, which are finally reproduced metaphorically, though on a smaller scale, in the eschatological myth that concludes the work. The first moment allows us to identify the reasons for the emergence of the art of rhetoric in Athens through an analysis of the polemical context in which the Gorgias was written, taking into account the many literary references woven into the dialogue by Plato (e.g. to Gorgias' In Praise of Helen, Aristophanes' Knights, the Hippocratic Treatises, Isocrates' Against the Sophists, The Peloponnesian War of Thucydides, and Euripides' Antiope). The second step allows us to grasp the double unveiling of rhetoric and dialogue. On the one hand, Gorgias is revealed to be incapable of defining his own practice and appears unconscious of its dramatic effects on his disciples. On the other hand, Socrates creates a discursive space in which he can reduce rhetoric to set of empirical data by deflating its claims, both epistemological (i.e. that of being an art) and political (i.e. that of being a power that aims at the highest of goods). This paralleling of two ways of speaking allows us to contrast Socrates' mastery of dialogical knowledge with Gorgias' incompetence. This refutation calls for a complete reversal of our conception of justice, politics, and of existence itself. In his subsequent confrontations with Pôlos and Callicles, Socrates analyses both the harmful consequences of rhetoric on their souls and on the City, comparing their moral degeneracy with that of Athens. In doing so, he tackles two major confusions that underpinned the Gorgianic practice of oratory, namely, that freedom is to be found in doing what we want and that the good is to be found in pleasure. Plato's master thus becomes both historian and judge of the corrupting policies pursued by the great figures of Athenian politics, including Themistocles, Miltiades, Cimon, and Pericles, offering an interpretation of Athenian imperialism opposite to that of Thucydides. This work of undermining the rhetorical edifice ultimately leads to its re-foundation. From these refutations, Socrates theorises a new rhetoric, one that he puts into practice in his exchange with Callicles. This new philosophical use of rhetoric emerges from the natural order of things. Indeed, while Callicles rejects the equality imposed by democracy and bases his thesis of the strong man on a certain vision of nature, Socrates founds his own reimagining of politics and justice on a natural and ordered conception of the cosmos. From order and mathematical harmony, he will produce a geometric and proportional equality that will finally allow rhetoric to be restored to its rightful place. This last twist will be realized metaphorically in the eschatological myth that closes the dialogue.

Daniel Justice presents on the Global Native Literary Studies panel. Global Native Literary Studies: This panel provides an opportunity to reflect on Indigenous worlds and Indigenous literary worlds. Through their fiction as well as their political, institutional, scholarly and cultural work, each of the panelists has explored the range of ways and reasons for Indigenous engagement with literary arts. Chantal Spitz's character Tetiare (in English translation) "washes away… dirt by writing." Albert Wendt's character Alapati is encouraged for his ability "to story our lives history and refusal to become nothing." Daniel Justice's character Tobhi recalls Strivix counseling a Dragonfly who claims "I don't know how to be a Dragonfly" with the suggestion "All ye got to do it tell yer people's story, and ye'll figure it out." What questions, aspirations and political 'lines in the sand' have underpinned 'Global Native Literary Studies'? What lessons have been learned in Indigenous and Pacific worlds about writing, regionalism and 'the global'? What strengths and dimensions of Indigenous Studies and Pacific Studies could contribute to scholars and students grappling with the notion of 'World Literature'? What Samoan, Tahitian and Cherokee concepts could contribute to scholars and students grappling with the notion of 'World Literature'? Rather than proposing how or why Indigenous and Pacific texts might be included in a concept of (and classes about) 'World Literature' on the basis of the fact these too are 'part of the world,' the panelists will be invited to suggest how 'World Literature,' Pacific and Indigenous Literary worlds might mutually engage. Moderator: Alice Te Punga Somerville Panelists: Chantal Spitz, Daniel Justice, Albert Wendt

In this edition, the reader will find ten articles distributed in two thematic sections: Cooperation and asymmetric international integration in matters of security, strategy and commerce and Global culture in international relations.Cooperation and asymmetric international integration in matters of security, strategy and commerce We opened the 2018-I edition of the article entitled "How to strengthen EU-China cooperation based on Belt and Road", by the authors Weidong Wang and Simona Picciau; in which the Belt and Road initiative, presented by the Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2013, promotes cooperation and the strengthening of person-to-person connections between Asia, Africa, and Europe. China has already signed cooperation agreements with more than forty States and trained thirty others. This initiative impacted the establishment of relations between China and the European Union, based on win-win cooperation and aimed at fostering mutual respect.Sonia Alda Mejías publishes her article "The challenges of Latin America to project as a regional actor in the field of international security", in which she considers the possibility of Latin America to project itself as a regional actor in the field of global security from a qualitative methodology. Also, reference as necessary the processes of subregional or regional integration and the development of national and international multilateral cooperation in the field of security and defense, and the participation of Latin American countries in international peace missions, from a sovereignty perspective very marked.The article "Notions of safety and control in the Northern Border Plan: an expression of teichopolitics", by the authors Gilberto Aranda and Cristian Ovando, considers the teichopolitics as a current expression of segmented globalization, which not only raises the erection of walls. Chile manifested this policy in the 70s, undermining border areas as preventive mechanisms to a foreign invasion and today, through the Northern Border Plan. This securitization mechanism aims to guarantee the continuity of trade flows and the cultural consequences that it entails, from the constructivist approach.Pablo Garcés Velástegui presents his article "Latin American integration as a wicked problem: the case for a plural approach". In this paper, social planning is not any problem, but a "wicked", not docile, a problem of exact sciences that involves a public policy issue; a problem hard to define, unique, inherently paradoxical, important, subject to many interpretations and, thus, without a correct solution. Latin American integration has these characteristics, and the implications are relevant for academics and decision makers. If regional integration continues to be approached as an easy problem, the results will probably continue to disagree with expectations."The United Kingdom and Argentina: geopolitics of technological constraint and strategic-export controls", by Daniel Blinder, shows how the United Kingdom controls the export of military or dual-use technology to the Argentine Republic through its defense institutions and trade, as well as with others of an international nature. A strategic public policy at a local and global level represented in the logical space/power, relative to the possibility of Argentina acquiring sensitive technologies.The co-authors Roldán Andrés-Rosales, Luis Alberto Sánchez-Miter and José Nabor Cruz Marcelo, present the article entitled "Insecurity and its impact on tourism in Guerrero: a spatial approach, 1999-2014". This paper gives the reader the possibility to know how Mexican insecurity has affected the economic growth of the State and the region at the tourist level. This is done through a case study in Guerrero because it obeys one of the most insecure areas, classified worldwide, which is an index of violence that shows the concentration of the danger through the analysis of the figures of the Institute. National Statistics and Geography."Asymmetric regionalism as the axis of the South American resistance to Brazil (2000-2013)", by Rita Giacalone, assumes that regionalism in itself creates asymmetric tensions. Brazilian regionalism has realistic, constructivist and institutionalist features, which emphasize such asymmetries following the region-centric paradigm. The organizations built to support the regional and global projection of Brazil generated resistance in South American governments between 2000 and 2013. This article analyzes the opposition of Chile, Argentina, and Venezuela, through a decentralized multipolarity.Global culture in international relationsWe open this thematic section with the article by Juliano Oliveira Pizarro titled "Governance of sport: an inflection of global governance?" In this, it is considered that the global is a birthplace of diverse actors that exercise specific governments, as represented by football. A sport made a social and cultural mechanism that suffers direct impacts from the globalizing processes. FIFA is a non-profit, non-governmental organization, although it may not seem so, because its activities express hybrid and contradictory conditions, either from the perspective of global governance or as a multinational company.Luis González Tule, in his article "Organization of global space in 'classic' geopolitics: a view from critical geopolitics", starts at the roots of the geopolitics and its development, in between of European imperial rivalries, global wars, border mutations, political changes, significant technological developments and transformation in the dynamics of power (1870 and 1945). The classic indoctrinators coming from the main powers established the geopolitical discourses to their accommodation.Thus, this edition closes with the article "The emergence and increase of Anti-Semitism in the Governments of Hugo Chávez and its relationship with the deepening of the relations between Venezuela and Iran (2005-2013)", by Margarita Figueroa Sepúlveda, which establishes the growth of media and Chavez anti-Semitic incidents in 2004, as well as their direct proportional relationship with the rapprochement and creation of new ties with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The ideological convergence —based on anti-imperialism— is analyzed through the empirical evidence provided by primary and secondary sources. The author considers that anti-imperialism made Israel be conceived as an enemy of both countries.Thanking the confidence of the institutional authorities again to edit the Journal of International Relations, Strategy and Security, I invite you to know, use and disseminate the content of this edition. ; En esta edición el lector encontrará diez artículos distribuidos en dos secciones temáticas: Cooperación e integración internacional asimétrica en asuntos de seguridad, estrategia y comercio y Cultura global en relaciones internacionales.Cooperación e integración internacional asimétrica en asuntos de seguridad, estrategia y comercio Abrimos la edición 2018-I con el artículo denominado "Cómo fortalecer la cooperación EE. UU. - China basada en el cinturón y la carretera", de los autores Weidong Wang y Simona Picciau, en el cual la iniciativa belt and road, presentada por el presidente chino Xi Jinping en 2013, promueve la cooperación y el reforzamiento de las conexiones persona-a-persona entre Asia, África y Europa. China ya ha firmado acuerdos de cooperación con más de cuarenta Estados y capacitó a otros treinta. Esto impactó el establecimiento de relaciones entre China y la Unión Europea, basadas en la cooperación win-win y direccionadas al favorecimiento del respeto mutuo.Sonia Alda Mejías publica su artículo "Los desafíos de América Latina para proyectarse como actor regional en el ámbito de la seguridad internacional", en el que contempla la posibilidad de América Latina de proyectarse como actor regional en el ámbito de la seguridad internacional desde una metodología cualitativa. Asimismo, referencia como necesarios los procesos de integración subregional o regional y el desarrollo de la cooperación multilateral intra e internacional en el ámbito de la seguridad y la defensa, y la participación de los países latinoamericanos en las misiones internacionales de paz, desde una perspectiva soberanista muy marcada.El artículo "Las nociones de seguridad y control en el plan frontera norte: una expresión de teichopolítica", de los autores Gilberto Aranda y Cristian Ovando, considera la teichopolítica como una expresión actual de la globalización segmentada, la cual no solo plantea la erección de muros. Chile manifestó dicha política en los años 70, minando zonas fronterizas como mecanismos preventivos a una invasión extranjera y hoy, a través del plan Frontera Norte. Este mecanismo securitario pretende garantizar la continuidad de los flujos comerciales y las consecuencias culturales que conlleva, desde el enfoque constructivista.Pablo Garcés Velástegui presenta su artículo "Integración latinoamericana como un problema perverso: el caso para un abordaje plural". En este la planificación social no es un problema cualquiera, sino uno "perverso", nada dócil, un problema de ciencias exactas que conlleva un tema de política pública; un problema difícil de definir, único, inherentemente paradójico, importante, sujeto a muchas interpretaciones y, así, sin una solución correcta. La integración latinoamericana tiene estas características y las implicaciones son relevantes para académicos y tomadores de decisión. Si la integración regional continúa siendo abordada como un problema dócil, los resultados probablemente seguirán discordando con las expectativas."El Reino Unido y Argentina: geopolítica de la limitación tecnológica y controles de exportación estratégicos", de Daniel Blinder, muestra cómo el Reino Unido controla la exportación de tecnología militar o de uso dual a la República Argentina a través de sus instituciones de defensa y comercio, así como con otras de índole internacional. Una política pública estratégica a nivel local y global representada en la lógica espacio/poder, relativa a la posibilidad de que la Argentina adquiera tecnologías sensibles.Los coautores Roldán Andrés-Rosales, Luis Alberto Sánchez-Mitre y José Nabor Cruz Marcelo presentan el artículo titulado "La inseguridad y su impacto en el turismo en Guerrero: un enfoque espacial, 1999-2014", que le brinda al lector la posibilidad de conocer cómo la inseguridad mexicana ha afectado el crecimiento económico del Estado y la región a nivel turístico. Esto lo hacen a través de un estudio de caso en Guerrero, pues obedece a una de las zonas más inseguras, clasificada a nivel mundial, lo que constituye un índice de violencia que muestra la concentración del peligro a través del análisis de las cifras del Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía."El regionalismo asimétrico como eje de la resistencia sudamericana a Brasil (2000-2013)", de Rita Giacalone, supone que el regionalismo en sí mismo crea tensiones asimétricas. El regionalismo brasileño posee rasgos realistas, constructivistas e institucionalistas, que enfatizan tales asimetrías siguiendo el paradigma región-céntrico. Las organizaciones construidas para apoyar la proyección regional y global de Brasil generaron resistencia en Gobiernos sudamericanos entre 2000 y 2013. Este artículo analiza la resistencia de Chile, Argentina y Venezuela, mediante una multipolaridad descentralizada.Cultura global en relaciones internacionalesAbrimos esta sección temática con el artículo de Juliano Oliveira Pizarro titulado "Gobernanza del deporte: ¿una inflexión de la gobernanza global?". En este se considera que lo global es un espacio de nacimiento de diversos actores que ejercen gobiernos específicos, como lo representa el fútbol. Un deporte hecho mecanismo social y cultural que sufre impactos directos desde los procesos globalizadores. La FIFA es una organización no gubernamental sin fines lucrativos, aunque no lo parezca, pues sus actividades expresan condiciones híbridas y contradictorias, bien sea desde la óptica de la gobernanza global, o bien como una empresa multinacional.Por su parte, Luis González Tule, en su artículo "Organización del espacio global en la geopolítica "clásica": una mirada desde la geopolítica crítica", inicia en las raíces de la geopolíca y su desarrollo, en medio de rivalidades imperiales europeas, guerras mundiales, mutaciones fronterizas, cambios políticos, grandes desarrollos tecnológicos y transformación en las dinámicas de poder (1870 y 1945). Los doctrinantes clásicos provenientes de las principales potencias establecieron los discursos geopolíticos a su acomodo.Así, pues, la presente edición se cierra con el artículo "La emergencia y aumento del antisemitismo en los Gobiernos de Hugo Chávez y su relación con la profundización de las relaciones entre Venezuela e Irán (2005-2013)", de Margarita Figueroa Sepúlveda, que establece el crecimiento de los incidentes antisemitas mediáticos y chavistas en 2004, así como su relación directamente proporcional con el acercamiento y creación de nuevos lazos con la República Islámica de Irán. Se analiza la convergencia ideológica –sustentada en el antiimperialismo–, a través de la evidencia empírica proporcionada por fuentes primarias y secundarias La autora considera que el antiimperialismo hizo que Israel fuera concebido como enemigo de ambos países.Agradeciendo nuevamente la confianza de las autoridades institucionales para editar la Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad, los invito a conocer, usar y divulgar el contenido de la presente edición. ; Nesta edição o leitor encontrará dez artigos distribuídos em duas seções temáticas: Cooperação é integração internacional assimétrica em assuntos de seguran- ça, estratégia, comércio e Cultura global em relações internacionais.Cooperação e integração internacional assimétrica em assuntos de segurança, estratégia e comércioAbrimos a edição 2018-I com o artigo denominado "Como fortalecer a coopera- ção EE. UU - China baseada no cinturão e a estrada", dos autores Weidong Wang e Simona Picciau, no qual a iniciativa belt and road apresentada pelo presidente chino, Xi Jinping em 2013, promove a cooperação e o fortalecimento das conexões pessoa-a-pessoa entre a Ásia, África e a Europa. China já assinou acordos de cooperação com mais de quarenta Estados e treinou a outros trinta. Isto impactou o estabelecimento das relações entre a China e a União Europeia, baseadas na cooperação win-win e direcionadas ao favorecimento do respeito mútuoSonia Alda Mejías publica no seu artigo "Os desafios da América Latina para projetar-se como ator regional no âmbito da segurança internacional", no qual contempla a possibilidade da América Latina de projetar-se como ator regional no âmbito da segurança internacional desde uma metodologia qualitativa. Assim mesmo, referência como necessários, os processos de integração sub-regional ou regional e o desenvolvimento da cooperação multilateral "intra" e internacional no âmbito da segurança e a defesa, e a participação dos países latino-americanos nas missões internacionais de paz, desde uma perspectiva "soberanista" muito marcada.O artigo "As noções de segurança e controle no plano fronteira norte: uma expressão de "teichopolítica", dos autores Gilberto Aranda e Cristian Ovando, considera a "teichopolítica" como uma expressão atual da globalização segmentada, na qual não fala somente na construção de muros. Chile manifestou tal política nos anos 70, minando zonas de fronteiras como mecanismos preventivos a uma invasão estrangeira, através do plano Fronteira Norte. Este mecanismo de segurança pretende garantir a continuidade dos fluxos comerciais e as consequências culturais que leva, desde o foco construtivista. Pablo Garcés Velástegui apresenta seu artigo "Integração latino-americana como um problema perverso: o caso para uma abordagem plural". Neste a planificação social não é um problema qualquer, si não um problema "perverso", nada suave, um problema de ciências exatas que encaminha a um tema de política pública; um problema difícil de definir, único, inerentemente paradóxico, importante, sujeito a muitas interpretações e assim sem uma solução correta. A integração latino-americana tem estas características e as implicações são relevantes para acadêmicos e tomadores de decisão. Sem a integração regional continua sendo abordada como um problema suave, os resultados provavelmente continuarão discordando com as expectativas."O Reino Unido e Argentina: geopolítica da limitação tecnológica e controles de exportação estratégicas", de Daniel Blinder, mostra como o Reino Unido controla a exportação tecnologia militar ou de uso dual para a República Argentina através de suas instituições de defesa e comércio, assim também como com outras de caráter internacional. Uma política pública estratégica a nível local e global representada na lógica espaço/poder, relativa a possibilidade de que Argentina adquira tecnologias sensíveis.Os co-autores Roldán Andrés-Rosales, Luis Alberto Sánchez-Mitre e José Nabor Cruz Marcelo apresentam o artigo titulado "A insegurança e o seu impacto no turismo em Guerrero: um enfoque espacial, 1999-2014", que lhe oferece ao leitor a possibilidade de conhecer como a insegurança mexicana tem afetado o crescimento econômico do Estado e da região a nível turístico. Isto o faz através de um estudo de caso em Guerrero, pois abrange a uma das zonas mais inseguras, classificada a nível mundial, o que constitui um índice de violência que mostra a concentração do perigo através das análises das cifras do Instituto Nacional de Estatística e Geografia."O regionalismo assimétrico como eixo da resistência sul-americana ao Brasil (2000-2013)", de Rita Giacalone, supõem que o regionalismo em si mesmo cria tensões assimétricas. O regionalismo brasileiro possui rasgos realistas, construtivistas e institucionalistas, que enfatizam tais assimetrias seguindo o paradigma "região-centrico". As organizações construídas para apoiar a projeção regional e global do Brasil geram resistência nos Governos sul-americanos entre 2000 e 2013. Este artigo analisa a resistência do Chile, Argentina e Venezuela, mediante uma multipolaridade descentralizada.Cultura global em relações internacionaisAbrimos esta seção temática com o artigo de Juliano Oliveira Pizarro titulado "Governança do deporte: uma inflexão da governança global?". Neste se considera que o global é um espaço de nascimento de diversos atores que exercem governos específicos, como representa o futebol. Um esporte feito para mecanismo social e cultural que sofre impactos diretos desde os processos globalizadores. A FIFA é uma organização não governamental sem fins lucrativos, ainda que não pareça, pois, as suas atividades expressam condições híbridas e contraditórias, seja ela, desde a ótica da governança global ou bem como uma empresa multinacional.Luis González Tule, por sua parte, no seu artigo "Organização do espaço global na geopolítica "clássica": um olhar desde a geopolítica crítica", inicia nas raízes da geopolítica e seu desenvolvimento, em meio das rivalidades imperiais europeias, guerras mundiais, mutações de fronteiras, mudanças políticos, grandes desenvolvimentos tecnológicos e transformações nas dinâmicas do poder (1870 e 1945). Os doutrinantes clássicos provenientes das principais potencias estabeleceram os discursos geopolíticos de acordo a sua conveniênciaAssim, a presente edição se fecha com o artigo "A emergência e aumento do antissemitismo nos Governos de Hugo Chávez e sua relação com a aprofundamento das relações entre Venezuela e o Iram (2005-2013)", de Margarita Figueroa Sepúlveda, que estabelece o crescimento dos incidentes antissemitas mediáticos e chavistas em 2004, assim como a sua relação diretamente proporcional com a aproximação e criação de novos laços com a República Islâmica do Iram. Se analisa a convergência ideológica –sustentada no anti-imperialismo–, através da evidencia empírica proporcionada por fontes primárias e secundarias. A autora considera que o anti-imperialismo fez que Israel fosse concebido como inimigo de ambos países.Agradecendo novamente a confiança das autoridades institucionais para editar a Revista de Relações Internacionais, Estratégia e Segurança, os convido a conhecer, usar e divulgar o conteúdo da presente edição.

In this edition, the reader will find ten articles distributed in two thematic sections: Cooperation and asymmetric international integration in matters of security, strategy and commerce and Global culture in international relations.Cooperation and asymmetric international integration in matters of security, strategy and commerce We opened the 2018-I edition of the article entitled "How to strengthen EU-China cooperation based on Belt and Road", by the authors Weidong Wang and Simona Picciau; in which the Belt and Road initiative, presented by the Chinese president Xi Jinping in 2013, promotes cooperation and the strengthening of person-to-person connections between Asia, Africa, and Europe. China has already signed cooperation agreements with more than forty States and trained thirty others. This initiative impacted the establishment of relations between China and the European Union, based on win-win cooperation and aimed at fostering mutual respect.Sonia Alda Mejías publishes her article "The challenges of Latin America to project as a regional actor in the field of international security", in which she considers the possibility of Latin America to project itself as a regional actor in the field of global security from a qualitative methodology. Also, reference as necessary the processes of subregional or regional integration and the development of national and international multilateral cooperation in the field of security and defense, and the participation of Latin American countries in international peace missions, from a sovereignty perspective very marked.The article "Notions of safety and control in the Northern Border Plan: an expression of teichopolitics", by the authors Gilberto Aranda and Cristian Ovando, considers the teichopolitics as a current expression of segmented globalization, which not only raises the erection of walls. Chile manifested this policy in the 70s, undermining border areas as preventive mechanisms to a foreign invasion and today, through the Northern Border Plan. This securitization mechanism aims to guarantee the continuity of trade flows and the cultural consequences that it entails, from the constructivist approach.Pablo Garcés Velástegui presents his article "Latin American integration as a wicked problem: the case for a plural approach". In this paper, social planning is not any problem, but a "wicked", not docile, a problem of exact sciences that involves a public policy issue; a problem hard to define, unique, inherently paradoxical, important, subject to many interpretations and, thus, without a correct solution. Latin American integration has these characteristics, and the implications are relevant for academics and decision makers. If regional integration continues to be approached as an easy problem, the results will probably continue to disagree with expectations."The United Kingdom and Argentina: geopolitics of technological constraint and strategic-export controls", by Daniel Blinder, shows how the United Kingdom controls the export of military or dual-use technology to the Argentine Republic through its defense institutions and trade, as well as with others of an international nature. A strategic public policy at a local and global level represented in the logical space/power, relative to the possibility of Argentina acquiring sensitive technologies.The co-authors Roldán Andrés-Rosales, Luis Alberto Sánchez-Miter and José Nabor Cruz Marcelo, present the article entitled "Insecurity and its impact on tourism in Guerrero: a spatial approach, 1999-2014". This paper gives the reader the possibility to know how Mexican insecurity has affected the economic growth of the State and the region at the tourist level. This is done through a case study in Guerrero because it obeys one of the most insecure areas, classified worldwide, which is an index of violence that shows the concentration of the danger through the analysis of the figures of the Institute. National Statistics and Geography."Asymmetric regionalism as the axis of the South American resistance to Brazil (2000-2013)", by Rita Giacalone, assumes that regionalism in itself creates asymmetric tensions. Brazilian regionalism has realistic, constructivist and institutionalist features, which emphasize such asymmetries following the region-centric paradigm. The organizations built to support the regional and global projection of Brazil generated resistance in South American governments between 2000 and 2013. This article analyzes the opposition of Chile, Argentina, and Venezuela, through a decentralized multipolarity.Global culture in international relationsWe open this thematic section with the article by Juliano Oliveira Pizarro titled "Governance of sport: an inflection of global governance?" In this, it is considered that the global is a birthplace of diverse actors that exercise specific governments, as represented by football. A sport made a social and cultural mechanism that suffers direct impacts from the globalizing processes. FIFA is a non-profit, non-governmental organization, although it may not seem so, because its activities express hybrid and contradictory conditions, either from the perspective of global governance or as a multinational company.Luis González Tule, in his article "Organization of global space in 'classic' geopolitics: a view from critical geopolitics", starts at the roots of the geopolitics and its development, in between of European imperial rivalries, global wars, border mutations, political changes, significant technological developments and transformation in the dynamics of power (1870 and 1945). The classic indoctrinators coming from the main powers established the geopolitical discourses to their accommodation.Thus, this edition closes with the article "The emergence and increase of Anti-Semitism in the Governments of Hugo Chávez and its relationship with the deepening of the relations between Venezuela and Iran (2005-2013)", by Margarita Figueroa Sepúlveda, which establishes the growth of media and Chavez anti-Semitic incidents in 2004, as well as their direct proportional relationship with the rapprochement and creation of new ties with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The ideological convergence —based on anti-imperialism— is analyzed through the empirical evidence provided by primary and secondary sources. The author considers that anti-imperialism made Israel be conceived as an enemy of both countries.Thanking the confidence of the institutional authorities again to edit the Journal of International Relations, Strategy and Security, I invite you to know, use and disseminate the content of this edition. ; En esta edición el lector encontrará diez artículos distribuidos en dos secciones temáticas: Cooperación e integración internacional asimétrica en asuntos de seguridad, estrategia y comercio y Cultura global en relaciones internacionales.Cooperación e integración internacional asimétrica en asuntos de seguridad, estrategia y comercio Abrimos la edición 2018-I con el artículo denominado "Cómo fortalecer la cooperación EE. UU. - China basada en el cinturón y la carretera", de los autores Weidong Wang y Simona Picciau, en el cual la iniciativa belt and road, presentada por el presidente chino Xi Jinping en 2013, promueve la cooperación y el reforzamiento de las conexiones persona-a-persona entre Asia, África y Europa. China ya ha firmado acuerdos de cooperación con más de cuarenta Estados y capacitó a otros treinta. Esto impactó el establecimiento de relaciones entre China y la Unión Europea, basadas en la cooperación win-win y direccionadas al favorecimiento del respeto mutuo.Sonia Alda Mejías publica su artículo "Los desafíos de América Latina para proyectarse como actor regional en el ámbito de la seguridad internacional", en el que contempla la posibilidad de América Latina de proyectarse como actor regional en el ámbito de la seguridad internacional desde una metodología cualitativa. Asimismo, referencia como necesarios los procesos de integración subregional o regional y el desarrollo de la cooperación multilateral intra e internacional en el ámbito de la seguridad y la defensa, y la participación de los países latinoamericanos en las misiones internacionales de paz, desde una perspectiva soberanista muy marcada.El artículo "Las nociones de seguridad y control en el plan frontera norte: una expresión de teichopolítica", de los autores Gilberto Aranda y Cristian Ovando, considera la teichopolítica como una expresión actual de la globalización segmentada, la cual no solo plantea la erección de muros. Chile manifestó dicha política en los años 70, minando zonas fronterizas como mecanismos preventivos a una invasión extranjera y hoy, a través del plan Frontera Norte. Este mecanismo securitario pretende garantizar la continuidad de los flujos comerciales y las consecuencias culturales que conlleva, desde el enfoque constructivista.Pablo Garcés Velástegui presenta su artículo "Integración latinoamericana como un problema perverso: el caso para un abordaje plural". En este la planificación social no es un problema cualquiera, sino uno "perverso", nada dócil, un problema de ciencias exactas que conlleva un tema de política pública; un problema difícil de definir, único, inherentemente paradójico, importante, sujeto a muchas interpretaciones y, así, sin una solución correcta. La integración latinoamericana tiene estas características y las implicaciones son relevantes para académicos y tomadores de decisión. Si la integración regional continúa siendo abordada como un problema dócil, los resultados probablemente seguirán discordando con las expectativas."El Reino Unido y Argentina: geopolítica de la limitación tecnológica y controles de exportación estratégicos", de Daniel Blinder, muestra cómo el Reino Unido controla la exportación de tecnología militar o de uso dual a la República Argentina a través de sus instituciones de defensa y comercio, así como con otras de índole internacional. Una política pública estratégica a nivel local y global representada en la lógica espacio/poder, relativa a la posibilidad de que la Argentina adquiera tecnologías sensibles.Los coautores Roldán Andrés-Rosales, Luis Alberto Sánchez-Mitre y José Nabor Cruz Marcelo presentan el artículo titulado "La inseguridad y su impacto en el turismo en Guerrero: un enfoque espacial, 1999-2014", que le brinda al lector la posibilidad de conocer cómo la inseguridad mexicana ha afectado el crecimiento económico del Estado y la región a nivel turístico. Esto lo hacen a través de un estudio de caso en Guerrero, pues obedece a una de las zonas más inseguras, clasificada a nivel mundial, lo que constituye un índice de violencia que muestra la concentración del peligro a través del análisis de las cifras del Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía."El regionalismo asimétrico como eje de la resistencia sudamericana a Brasil (2000-2013)", de Rita Giacalone, supone que el regionalismo en sí mismo crea tensiones asimétricas. El regionalismo brasileño posee rasgos realistas, constructivistas e institucionalistas, que enfatizan tales asimetrías siguiendo el paradigma región-céntrico. Las organizaciones construidas para apoyar la proyección regional y global de Brasil generaron resistencia en Gobiernos sudamericanos entre 2000 y 2013. Este artículo analiza la resistencia de Chile, Argentina y Venezuela, mediante una multipolaridad descentralizada.Cultura global en relaciones internacionalesAbrimos esta sección temática con el artículo de Juliano Oliveira Pizarro titulado "Gobernanza del deporte: ¿una inflexión de la gobernanza global?". En este se considera que lo global es un espacio de nacimiento de diversos actores que ejercen gobiernos específicos, como lo representa el fútbol. Un deporte hecho mecanismo social y cultural que sufre impactos directos desde los procesos globalizadores. La FIFA es una organización no gubernamental sin fines lucrativos, aunque no lo parezca, pues sus actividades expresan condiciones híbridas y contradictorias, bien sea desde la óptica de la gobernanza global, o bien como una empresa multinacional.Por su parte, Luis González Tule, en su artículo "Organización del espacio global en la geopolítica "clásica": una mirada desde la geopolítica crítica", inicia en las raíces de la geopolíca y su desarrollo, en medio de rivalidades imperiales europeas, guerras mundiales, mutaciones fronterizas, cambios políticos, grandes desarrollos tecnológicos y transformación en las dinámicas de poder (1870 y 1945). Los doctrinantes clásicos provenientes de las principales potencias establecieron los discursos geopolíticos a su acomodo.Así, pues, la presente edición se cierra con el artículo "La emergencia y aumento del antisemitismo en los Gobiernos de Hugo Chávez y su relación con la profundización de las relaciones entre Venezuela e Irán (2005-2013)", de Margarita Figueroa Sepúlveda, que establece el crecimiento de los incidentes antisemitas mediáticos y chavistas en 2004, así como su relación directamente proporcional con el acercamiento y creación de nuevos lazos con la República Islámica de Irán. Se analiza la convergencia ideológica –sustentada en el antiimperialismo–, a través de la evidencia empírica proporcionada por fuentes primarias y secundarias La autora considera que el antiimperialismo hizo que Israel fuera concebido como enemigo de ambos países.Agradeciendo nuevamente la confianza de las autoridades institucionales para editar la Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad, los invito a conocer, usar y divulgar el contenido de la presente edición. ; Nesta edição o leitor encontrará dez artigos distribuídos em duas seções temáticas: Cooperação é integração internacional assimétrica em assuntos de seguran- ça, estratégia, comércio e Cultura global em relações internacionais.Cooperação e integração internacional assimétrica em assuntos de segurança, estratégia e comércioAbrimos a edição 2018-I com o artigo denominado "Como fortalecer a coopera- ção EE. UU - China baseada no cinturão e a estrada", dos autores Weidong Wang e Simona Picciau, no qual a iniciativa belt and road apresentada pelo presidente chino, Xi Jinping em 2013, promove a cooperação e o fortalecimento das conexões pessoa-a-pessoa entre a Ásia, África e a Europa. China já assinou acordos de cooperação com mais de quarenta Estados e treinou a outros trinta. Isto impactou o estabelecimento das relações entre a China e a União Europeia, baseadas na cooperação win-win e direcionadas ao favorecimento do respeito mútuoSonia Alda Mejías publica no seu artigo "Os desafios da América Latina para projetar-se como ator regional no âmbito da segurança internacional", no qual contempla a possibilidade da América Latina de projetar-se como ator regional no âmbito da segurança internacional desde uma metodologia qualitativa. Assim mesmo, referência como necessários, os processos de integração sub-regional ou regional e o desenvolvimento da cooperação multilateral "intra" e internacional no âmbito da segurança e a defesa, e a participação dos países latino-americanos nas missões internacionais de paz, desde uma perspectiva "soberanista" muito marcada.O artigo "As noções de segurança e controle no plano fronteira norte: uma expressão de "teichopolítica", dos autores Gilberto Aranda e Cristian Ovando, considera a "teichopolítica" como uma expressão atual da globalização segmentada, na qual não fala somente na construção de muros. Chile manifestou tal política nos anos 70, minando zonas de fronteiras como mecanismos preventivos a uma invasão estrangeira, através do plano Fronteira Norte. Este mecanismo de segurança pretende garantir a continuidade dos fluxos comerciais e as consequências culturais que leva, desde o foco construtivista. Pablo Garcés Velástegui apresenta seu artigo "Integração latino-americana como um problema perverso: o caso para uma abordagem plural". Neste a planificação social não é um problema qualquer, si não um problema "perverso", nada suave, um problema de ciências exatas que encaminha a um tema de política pública; um problema difícil de definir, único, inerentemente paradóxico, importante, sujeito a muitas interpretações e assim sem uma solução correta. A integração latino-americana tem estas características e as implicações são relevantes para acadêmicos e tomadores de decisão. Sem a integração regional continua sendo abordada como um problema suave, os resultados provavelmente continuarão discordando com as expectativas."O Reino Unido e Argentina: geopolítica da limitação tecnológica e controles de exportação estratégicas", de Daniel Blinder, mostra como o Reino Unido controla a exportação tecnologia militar ou de uso dual para a República Argentina através de suas instituições de defesa e comércio, assim também como com outras de caráter internacional. Uma política pública estratégica a nível local e global representada na lógica espaço/poder, relativa a possibilidade de que Argentina adquira tecnologias sensíveis.Os co-autores Roldán Andrés-Rosales, Luis Alberto Sánchez-Mitre e José Nabor Cruz Marcelo apresentam o artigo titulado "A insegurança e o seu impacto no turismo em Guerrero: um enfoque espacial, 1999-2014", que lhe oferece ao leitor a possibilidade de conhecer como a insegurança mexicana tem afetado o crescimento econômico do Estado e da região a nível turístico. Isto o faz através de um estudo de caso em Guerrero, pois abrange a uma das zonas mais inseguras, classificada a nível mundial, o que constitui um índice de violência que mostra a concentração do perigo através das análises das cifras do Instituto Nacional de Estatística e Geografia."O regionalismo assimétrico como eixo da resistência sul-americana ao Brasil (2000-2013)", de Rita Giacalone, supõem que o regionalismo em si mesmo cria tensões assimétricas. O regionalismo brasileiro possui rasgos realistas, construtivistas e institucionalistas, que enfatizam tais assimetrias seguindo o paradigma "região-centrico". As organizações construídas para apoiar a projeção regional e global do Brasil geram resistência nos Governos sul-americanos entre 2000 e 2013. Este artigo analisa a resistência do Chile, Argentina e Venezuela, mediante uma multipolaridade descentralizada.Cultura global em relações internacionaisAbrimos esta seção temática com o artigo de Juliano Oliveira Pizarro titulado "Governança do deporte: uma inflexão da governança global?". Neste se considera que o global é um espaço de nascimento de diversos atores que exercem governos específicos, como representa o futebol. Um esporte feito para mecanismo social e cultural que sofre impactos diretos desde os processos globalizadores. A FIFA é uma organização não governamental sem fins lucrativos, ainda que não pareça, pois, as suas atividades expressam condições híbridas e contraditórias, seja ela, desde a ótica da governança global ou bem como uma empresa multinacional.Luis González Tule, por sua parte, no seu artigo "Organização do espaço global na geopolítica "clássica": um olhar desde a geopolítica crítica", inicia nas raízes da geopolítica e seu desenvolvimento, em meio das rivalidades imperiais europeias, guerras mundiais, mutações de fronteiras, mudanças políticos, grandes desenvolvimentos tecnológicos e transformações nas dinâmicas do poder (1870 e 1945). Os doutrinantes clássicos provenientes das principais potencias estabeleceram os discursos geopolíticos de acordo a sua conveniênciaAssim, a presente edição se fecha com o artigo "A emergência e aumento do antissemitismo nos Governos de Hugo Chávez e sua relação com a aprofundamento das relações entre Venezuela e o Iram (2005-2013)", de Margarita Figueroa Sepúlveda, que estabelece o crescimento dos incidentes antissemitas mediáticos e chavistas em 2004, assim como a sua relação diretamente proporcional com a aproximação e criação de novos laços com a República Islâmica do Iram. Se analisa a convergência ideológica –sustentada no anti-imperialismo–, através da evidencia empírica proporcionada por fontes primárias e secundarias. A autora considera que o anti-imperialismo fez que Israel fosse concebido como inimigo de ambos países.Agradecendo novamente a confiança das autoridades institucionais para editar a Revista de Relações Internacionais, Estratégia e Segurança, os convido a conhecer, usar e divulgar o conteúdo da presente edição.

Contemporary hostility towards Muslims at the global level and the consolidation of Islam in the geopolitical context as an anachronic alterity to the West cannot be understood without addressing the dynamics of the LGBTQ globalization framework. Although this hostility has so far encompassed very diverse areas like the compatibility of Islam with democracy, the regulation of the visibility of Islam in the public space, and the institutionalization of Islam and its relation to immigration, currently there has been an intensification of a praxis of control over some Muslim subjects by contemporary nation-states. These practices have been accompanied by a certain rhetoric on antiterrorism, securitization, nationalism and patriotism, where the LGBTQ question has played a fundamental role. This phenomenon highlights the emergence of a specific form of Islamophobia—referred to as 'queered Islamophobia' in this article—related to what Puar (2007) coined as 'homonationalism' more than a decade ago to denounce an aspect of modernity marked by a convergence between diverse state practices, transnational LGBTQ politics and the emergence of new Islamophobic discourses nourished by the neoliberal instrumentalization of LGBTQ. The homonationalist logic is underpinned by a culturalist discourse that promotes a dichotomous view of the world, where the West —modern, secular and LGBTQ friendly— finds itself face to face with its alter ego —orientalized, anachronistic, Islamic fundamentalist and LGBTQ phobic. This confrontation becomes effective through the transnational production of two antagonistic subjects. National homosexual subjects can only exist outside the limits of religion embodying agency and resistance, and their national legitimacy is done at the expense of their depoliticization and their participation in the subalternization discrimination and criminalization of Muslim sexual-racial subjects. They, in turn, embody neo-Orientalist ideas that link Islam with a lack of agency, depravity and/or sexual repression and LGBTQ phobia, and seem to be invariably evaluated through the lens of LGBTQ Western neoliberal secularism. The theoretical construction of Muslim sexual-racial subjects and so-called Muslim homophobia is, at this time, central to debates on values and securitization in the West and is used to justify repressive antiterrorist measures within Western nation-states (Haritaworn, 2008). Hostility towards gender and sexual diversity connected to Islam and/or Muslims has been conceptualized in different ways. Authors like Abraham (2010) refer to it as hegemonic Muslim homophobia, while Massad (2008) categorizes it as Islamic resistance to Western imperialism. In either case, it seems clear that the assumption of religiosity, in the Geertzian (1966) sense, constitutes a determining element when defining what a Muslim is —or is not— and explains their attitudes towards LGBTQ (Rahman, 2014). The problem is particularly acute considering the urgent need to address LGBTQ phobia as a compendium of geographical, cultural, sociopolitical, economic and legislative factors that goes beyond the strictly religious question. Indeed, the current rejection towards LGBTQ based on traditionalist interpretations of Islam —'Islamicate LGBTQ phobia' in short— and the growing institutionalized repression against sexual and gender minorities in Islamicate nation-states are part of a problem with many elements that cannot be understood without addressing some issues. Firstly, the relationship between gender and sexual diversity in relation to the Islamic tradition is complex. The second question concerns the influence of colonialization and neocolonialization on the gradual transformation of the traditional forms of sex/gender diversity that developed in the historic lands of Islam, as well as on social perception and the legislation adopted regarding these forms in the aforementioned states. The emergence of sexual liberation movements in the United States and Europe in the 1970s entailed an ongoing process of homosexualization (Roscoe, 1997) through which contemporary globalized LGBTQ categories have spread around the world (Rao, 2015). When combined with the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the emergence of Islamicate nation-states, this process has constituted a threat to the continuity of the traditional forms of sex/gender dissidence. This phenomenon would not have been possible without the construction of an invented tradition of Muslim homophobia that is being instrumentalized both in the West—through the disciplinary apparatus of nation-states—and in Muslim-majority countries—through certain forces linked to Islamic fundamentalism—with the common purpose of legitimizing control over the internal order of the societies of both frameworks (Rahman, 2015). The main objective of this article is to review the state of the art of Islam in LGBTQ globalization by looking at the specific historical forms in which knowledge linked to each of these two axes is constituted, as well as the social practices, forms of subjectivities and power relations inherent to such knowledge from the point of view of surveillance, control and banishment strategies. This exercise will be materialised through the analysis of the two hegemonic oppositional positions of Islam and gender and sexual diversity—one of Islamicate LGBTQ phobia and the other of queered Islamophobia—through which Muslims in general and LGBTQ Muslims in particular are subalternized, discriminated against and criminalized today both in the West and in Muslim-majority countries. To that end, the present article proposes a queer approach that aims to contributes to international studies—and the contemporary debates within them—in which LGBTQ issues in relation to Islamic tradition are largely missing. In this regard, while the connections between race, ethnicity, religion, religion, class, gender, sexuality, state and nation have been addressed by certain disciplines of the social sciences, there is still reluctance to take queer contributions into account and, even more so, to frame them within the umbrella of the recently named field of Queer International Relations (Weber, 2016). For the purpose of this work, and without wishing to provide here a specific definition of a queer approach, what is really at stake in any queer research is not so much a specific methodological proposal, but rather a substantial political commitment to place gender and sexuality at the forefront of social science analysis, challenging, in so doing, the hegemonic orders denounced in their research. The queer approach is understood here, therefore, in the sense of moral and political commitment and counter-hegemonic denunciation, rather than in terms of disloyalty to conventional academic methods to which certain queer theorists refer. The article is structured in four sections: introduction, theoretical-methodological approach, discussion and conclusions. The introductory section clarifies from a critical anthropological perspective the relevance of the reconceptualization of religion as a category of analysis when approaching the study of Islam. The section on theoretical and methodological approach reflects on the implications of putting queer studies and international relations in conversation. The first discussion heading, focusing on Islamicate LGBTQ phobia, reflects on the relationship between sexual and gender dissidences, Islamic tradition and Muslim identity, as well as on the influence of colonization and neo-colonization on the current state of these dissidence within Muslim-majority countries. The second discussion heading, dealing with queered Islamophobia, delves into the framework of homonationalism and the consolidation of LGBTQ as a requirement for access to citizenship and as a civilizational marker of Muslim otherness. Finally, I present some brief conclusions and outline some possible future lines of research. ; El objetivo de este artículo es la elaboración de un estado de la cuestión sobre el islam en el marco de la globalización LGBTQ atendiendo a las formas históricas específicas en que se constituye el conocimiento vinculado a cada uno de estos dos ejes, además de las prácticas sociales, las formas de subjetividad y las relaciones de poder inherentes a tales conocimientos desde el punto de vista de las estrategias de vigilancia, control y prohibición. Este trabajo se ha llevado a cabo a través del análisis de las dos posiciones hegemónicas de oposición entre islam y diversidad sexual y de género —una, de LGBTQfobia islamizada, la otra, de islamofobia queerizada— sobre la base de las cuales las personas musulmanas, incluyendo las LGBTQ, son subalternizadas, discriminadas y criminalizadas en la actualidad, tanto en Occidente como en los países de mayoría musulmana. Este trabajo propone un enfoque queer a través del cual poner en conversación las Relaciones Internacionales y los estudios transnacionales y/o globales queer en torno a las conexiones contemporáneas entre raza, religión, clase, género, sexualidad, estado y nación desde un compromiso de denuncia contrahegemónica. Con el fin de profundizar en todas estas cuestiones el artículo está estructurado en cuatro secciones: introducción, enfoque teórico-metodológico, dos epígrafes de desarrollo y conclusiones. El apartado introductorio clarifica, desde una perspectiva antropológica crítica, la pertinencia de la reconceptualización de la religión como categoría de análisis a la hora de abordar el estudio del islam. El primer epígrafe de desarrollo, centrado en la LGBTQfobia islamizada, analiza los múltiples elementos geográficos, culturales, sociopolíticos, económicos y legislativos que componen esta problemática. El segundo epígrafe de desarrollo, dedicado a la islamofobia queerizada, profundiza en el ensamblaje del homonacionalismo y constata la consolidación de lo LGBTQ en tanto que requisito de acceso a la ciudadanía y como marcador civilizacional de la alteridad musulmana. Finalmente, en el apartado de conclusiones, se presenta un resumen de los resultados del trabajo y se pincelan algunas posibles futuras líneas de investigación.