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War has been an integral part of human history. The economical, political, social and technological advancement of society, has transformed primitive, tribal type wars into state waged wars that are highly organized and deadly. At the same time war appears to be taking new face. Today both states and non states wage war. Still ongoing insurgencies in Iraq and Afghanistan, remind us that not all wars are fought among nation-states. Majority of wars in past three decades were not interstate, when at least in one fighting side it was something other than a military force, organized and operating under the control of national government. Almost all of these conflicts had the external intervention by other states. War against terrorism has showed that state owned armed forces meet new type of enemy in battle field. Not only armies and navies, but also local warlords, nets of terrorist groups and criminal gangs are the force that state militaries have to deal with. So the aim of this paper is to find out, how new warfare affects the international system and answer the questions what are the implications of the new warfare for the Armed Forces, nation states and international system. This study consists of five parts. In the first part the three concepts, competing for the position of leading theory of conflict in the twenty first century are analyzed: realpolitik approach, Transformation theory, and Forth Generation Warfare theory. Main focus is on the later. Works of the leading proponents of 4GW theory are discussed in this part: M. Creveld's theoretical thoughts about decentralization of warfare and its 'decoupleation' from the state; W. S. Lind's Forth Generation model and main driving factors simulating generational shift; and T. X. Hammes's ideas about political, social and economic factors as a true drivers of generational change. The aim of this analysis was to derive characteristics of the New Warfare. This enabled to identify the most dominant, specific features of this type of war fighting: new actors, new space and asymmetry. The second part of the paper is devoted for substance of the identified features elaboration. Today new participants of the new warfare could be divided at least into two groups: state and non-state actors, while within each of the aforementioned groups possible all other divisions according certain criteria. This paper focuses on civilian and military sectors including private dimension in both. Space where new warfare is taking place could be viewed through two different levels: micro and macro. While talking about the third feature - asymmetry, here this issue is discussed in terms of ways and means. In each of the other three parts of the paper the implications of new warfare for Armed Forces, States an International System are discussed. Results of the research show the need for adaptation for armed forces in terms of cooperation with private sector and more military focused civilian institutions. Concerning the states, results of the analysis show the necessity of deeper cooperation and integration with "friendly" international actors and possibility of "isolation" concerning non friendly ones. In general research shows the need for international cooperation in order to find new tools required in new war fighting; and the effect of it – the loss of states monopoly over warfare, by transferring part of their sovereignty to private sector and international institutions. New non-state actors appear in international system willing and able to shape international security issues. This affects international system, which needs to adapt to new changes in this sphere. Not only international legal base concerning war and military conflicts has to be reconsidered, but also international tools of power projection should be re-examined in terms of their relevance and effectiveness.

War has been an integral part of human history. The economical, political, social and technological advancement of society, has transformed primitive, tribal type wars into state waged wars that are highly organized and deadly. At the same time war appears to be taking new face. Today both states and non states wage war. Still ongoing insurgencies in Iraq and Afghanistan, remind us that not all wars are fought among nation-states. Majority of wars in past three decades were not interstate, when at least in one fighting side it was something other than a military force, organized and operating under the control of national government. Almost all of these conflicts had the external intervention by other states. War against terrorism has showed that state owned armed forces meet new type of enemy in battle field. Not only armies and navies, but also local warlords, nets of terrorist groups and criminal gangs are the force that state militaries have to deal with. So the aim of this paper is to find out, how new warfare affects the international system and answer the questions what are the implications of the new warfare for the Armed Forces, nation states and international system. This study consists of five parts. In the first part the three concepts, competing for the position of leading theory of conflict in the twenty first century are analyzed: realpolitik approach, Transformation theory, and Forth Generation Warfare theory. Main focus is on the later. Works of the leading proponents of 4GW theory are discussed in this part: M. Creveld's theoretical thoughts about decentralization of warfare and its 'decoupleation' from the state; W. S. Lind's Forth Generation model and main driving factors simulating generational shift; and T. X. Hammes's ideas about political, social and economic factors as a true drivers of generational change. The aim of this analysis was to derive characteristics of the New Warfare. This enabled to identify the most dominant, specific features of this type of war fighting: new actors, new space and asymmetry. The second part of the paper is devoted for substance of the identified features elaboration. Today new participants of the new warfare could be divided at least into two groups: state and non-state actors, while within each of the aforementioned groups possible all other divisions according certain criteria. This paper focuses on civilian and military sectors including private dimension in both. Space where new warfare is taking place could be viewed through two different levels: micro and macro. While talking about the third feature - asymmetry, here this issue is discussed in terms of ways and means. In each of the other three parts of the paper the implications of new warfare for Armed Forces, States an International System are discussed. Results of the research show the need for adaptation for armed forces in terms of cooperation with private sector and more military focused civilian institutions. Concerning the states, results of the analysis show the necessity of deeper cooperation and integration with "friendly" international actors and possibility of "isolation" concerning non friendly ones. In general research shows the need for international cooperation in order to find new tools required in new war fighting; and the effect of it – the loss of states monopoly over warfare, by transferring part of their sovereignty to private sector and international institutions. New non-state actors appear in international system willing and able to shape international security issues. This affects international system, which needs to adapt to new changes in this sphere. Not only international legal base concerning war and military conflicts has to be reconsidered, but also international tools of power projection should be re-examined in terms of their relevance and effectiveness.

Many countries of the world consider the well-being of citizens to be one of their most important goals. Nowadays there is a growing concern about the well-being of older people. Considering the aging population, there is a call for social policies aimed at strengthening the well-being of older people. Therefore, recommendations were prepared for policymakers on possible ways to strengthen the well-being of the older age Lithuanian population. The recommendations are based on data from the 7th wave of the Survey of Health, Aging, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE). There were 2014 persons aged 50 and older interviewed in Lithuania in the 7th wave of the SHARE survey. Data on various aspects of well-being, health, work and economic situation, childhood circumstances, experiences of discrimination were analyzed. Based on different aspects of well-being it was found, that respondents can be grouped into high, low, and medium well-being clusters, moreover the analysis showed that the Lithuanian population has relatively low well-being compared to other countries. Recommendations were formulated covering possible measures for chronic diseases, co-morbid mental health disorders, work, economic situation, childhood environment, and personal life history. The recommendations are addressed to health, social and employment, education, and science policymakers.

As a result, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several "conflict constellations" (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc. Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental security requires complex approach to security. On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regime change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purposes by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights. Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect political regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. .

As a result, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several "conflict constellations" (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc. Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental security requires complex approach to security. On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regime change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purposes by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights. Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect political regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. .

As a result, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several "conflict constellations" (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc. Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental security requires complex approach to security. On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regime change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purposes by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights. Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect political regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. .

As a result, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several "conflict constellations" (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc. Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental security requires complex approach to security. On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regime change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purposes by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights. Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect political regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. .

Russian annexation of Crimea without "a gun fired" in 2014 marks a critical point when entire international community started realizing the power of modern informational threats which arises together with newest informational technologies. Ukraine as a victim of intensive informational warfare has become a pioneer in addressing these challenges through applying extensive countermeasures. Though the informational warfare facilitated conflict is ongoing in the country, latest polls have demonstrated the decrease in the support of the society for government actions towards confronting informational threats. The aim of the thesis, therefore, is to indicate what factors foster such reactions of the Ukrainian society in the context of wider debate over informational security and hybrid warfare. The theory of securization was chosen as a main ground of the analysis and an explanatory tool which provided valuable insights while describing the key variables. Thus, the three hypothesis were tested through process tracing method: H1: Ukrainian government is not capable and (or) is not willing to communicate their decisions to the society which leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization; H2: The division of society in smaller groups of interests leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization; H3: The expectations of the society in terms of countermeasures to information threats implemented by the government is not met and, as a result, it leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization. The conducted process tracing analyses has revealed the following implications: 1) the chosen strategy of Ukrainian government not to justify the implemented countermeasures can hardly explain the reactions of the society but the hypothesis cannot be denied by itself; 2) the division of the society in terms of its support for government action only partly provides an explanation regarding the outcomes of latest polls; 3) the strongest argument that passed "hoop" test is that society do not want to sacrifice the pro-western political course by threatening freedom of speech and press in order to maintain information security.

Russian annexation of Crimea without "a gun fired" in 2014 marks a critical point when entire international community started realizing the power of modern informational threats which arises together with newest informational technologies. Ukraine as a victim of intensive informational warfare has become a pioneer in addressing these challenges through applying extensive countermeasures. Though the informational warfare facilitated conflict is ongoing in the country, latest polls have demonstrated the decrease in the support of the society for government actions towards confronting informational threats. The aim of the thesis, therefore, is to indicate what factors foster such reactions of the Ukrainian society in the context of wider debate over informational security and hybrid warfare. The theory of securization was chosen as a main ground of the analysis and an explanatory tool which provided valuable insights while describing the key variables. Thus, the three hypothesis were tested through process tracing method: H1: Ukrainian government is not capable and (or) is not willing to communicate their decisions to the society which leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization; H2: The division of society in smaller groups of interests leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization; H3: The expectations of the society in terms of countermeasures to information threats implemented by the government is not met and, as a result, it leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization. The conducted process tracing analyses has revealed the following implications: 1) the chosen strategy of Ukrainian government not to justify the implemented countermeasures can hardly explain the reactions of the society but the hypothesis cannot be denied by itself; 2) the division of the society in terms of its support for government action only partly provides an explanation regarding the outcomes of latest polls; 3) the strongest argument that passed "hoop" test is that society do not want to sacrifice the pro-western political course by threatening freedom of speech and press in order to maintain information security.

Russian annexation of Crimea without "a gun fired" in 2014 marks a critical point when entire international community started realizing the power of modern informational threats which arises together with newest informational technologies. Ukraine as a victim of intensive informational warfare has become a pioneer in addressing these challenges through applying extensive countermeasures. Though the informational warfare facilitated conflict is ongoing in the country, latest polls have demonstrated the decrease in the support of the society for government actions towards confronting informational threats. The aim of the thesis, therefore, is to indicate what factors foster such reactions of the Ukrainian society in the context of wider debate over informational security and hybrid warfare. The theory of securization was chosen as a main ground of the analysis and an explanatory tool which provided valuable insights while describing the key variables. Thus, the three hypothesis were tested through process tracing method: H1: Ukrainian government is not capable and (or) is not willing to communicate their decisions to the society which leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization; H2: The division of society in smaller groups of interests leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization; H3: The expectations of the society in terms of countermeasures to information threats implemented by the government is not met and, as a result, it leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization. The conducted process tracing analyses has revealed the following implications: 1) the chosen strategy of Ukrainian government not to justify the implemented countermeasures can hardly explain the reactions of the society but the hypothesis cannot be denied by itself; 2) the division of the society in terms of its support for government action only partly provides an explanation regarding the outcomes of latest polls; 3) the strongest argument that passed "hoop" test is that society do not want to sacrifice the pro-western political course by threatening freedom of speech and press in order to maintain information security.

Russian annexation of Crimea without "a gun fired" in 2014 marks a critical point when entire international community started realizing the power of modern informational threats which arises together with newest informational technologies. Ukraine as a victim of intensive informational warfare has become a pioneer in addressing these challenges through applying extensive countermeasures. Though the informational warfare facilitated conflict is ongoing in the country, latest polls have demonstrated the decrease in the support of the society for government actions towards confronting informational threats. The aim of the thesis, therefore, is to indicate what factors foster such reactions of the Ukrainian society in the context of wider debate over informational security and hybrid warfare. The theory of securization was chosen as a main ground of the analysis and an explanatory tool which provided valuable insights while describing the key variables. Thus, the three hypothesis were tested through process tracing method: H1: Ukrainian government is not capable and (or) is not willing to communicate their decisions to the society which leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization; H2: The division of society in smaller groups of interests leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization; H3: The expectations of the society in terms of countermeasures to information threats implemented by the government is not met and, as a result, it leads to Ukrainians disapproval of the policy of information securization. The conducted process tracing analyses has revealed the following implications: 1) the chosen strategy of Ukrainian government not to justify the implemented countermeasures can hardly explain the reactions of the society but the hypothesis cannot be denied by itself; 2) the division of the society in terms of its support for government action only partly provides an explanation regarding the outcomes of latest polls; 3) the strongest argument that passed "hoop" test is that society do not want to sacrifice the pro-western political course by threatening freedom of speech and press in order to maintain information security.

This article focuses on the implications of the Lisbon Treaty on the decision-making process in the EU in general and Lithuania in particular. It argues that a new definition of the qualified majority voting (QMV) is an essential novelty of the Lisbon Treaty, which might change the current consensual character of the decision-making in the EU. It might, in turn, penalize those member states, which have specific preferences in certain policy areas. Extention of the QMV implies increasing preassure for the national policy-making. Benefits of this extention are conditioned by the character of the EU agenda at the national level. Aarticles offers, therefore, evaluation of the Lithuanian EU agenda in this respect.

This article focuses on the implications of the Lisbon Treaty on the decision-making process in the EU in general and Lithuania in particular. It argues that a new definition of the qualified majority voting (QMV) is an essential novelty of the Lisbon Treaty, which might change the current consensual character of the decision-making in the EU. It might, in turn, penalize those member states, which have specific preferences in certain policy areas. Extention of the QMV implies increasing preassure for the national policy-making. Benefits of this extention are conditioned by the character of the EU agenda at the national level. Aarticles offers, therefore, evaluation of the Lithuanian EU agenda in this respect.

This article focuses on the implications of the Lisbon Treaty on the decision-making process in the EU in general and Lithuania in particular. It argues that a new definition of the qualified majority voting (QMV) is an essential novelty of the Lisbon Treaty, which might change the current consensual character of the decision-making in the EU. It might, in turn, penalize those member states, which have specific preferences in certain policy areas. Extention of the QMV implies increasing preassure for the national policy-making. Benefits of this extention are conditioned by the character of the EU agenda at the national level. Aarticles offers, therefore, evaluation of the Lithuanian EU agenda in this respect.

This article focuses on the implications of the Lisbon Treaty on the decision-making process in the EU in general and Lithuania in particular. It argues that a new definition of the qualified majority voting (QMV) is an essential novelty of the Lisbon Treaty, which might change the current consensual character of the decision-making in the EU. It might, in turn, penalize those member states, which have specific preferences in certain policy areas. Extention of the QMV implies increasing preassure for the national policy-making. Benefits of this extention are conditioned by the character of the EU agenda at the national level. Aarticles offers, therefore, evaluation of the Lithuanian EU agenda in this respect.