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For more than century, race was a major interest in anthropology. Buildingon Johan Blumenbach's 1795 color classificaiton dividing humanity into white, black, brown, yellow and red, anthropologists further subdivided the people of the world into finer taxonomic categories. Hair form, shape of the nose, pigmentation of the eyes and the hair, stature, and the shaps of the head were among the many characteristics race classifiers added to skin color to enable them to fit populations into the typologies they designed. By the end of the 19th century, numerous races and subraces had been described, laying the groundwork for the direction the discipline would follow until the mid-20th century. It was expected that the development and refinement of a racial typology would lead to a framework for tracing lines of human evolution and routes of human migration.

This paper examines the social identity of Arabs and Jews in Israel and its relationship to the readiness for establishing and maintaining intergroup contact. Social identity is defined in terms of self-esteem and the national, civic, religious, familial, residential, and vocational subidentities. The structural coherence of the indentity system was demonstrated for both Jews and Arabs, but while subidentities among Jewish subjects tend to be positively interrelated, there is strain within the Arab system, revealed by a negative correlation between the national and civic subidentities, among others. Readiness for relations with members of the other group is higher for Arabs than for Jews and also more clearly related to several subidentities. Jewish readiness for social relations with Arabs is weakly related to the identity system. Identity variables may be promising mediators between situational antecedents and intergroup attitudes, but mainly for members of the minority.

The claim that children are valued greatly, but in , somewhat different ways by parents in various socio-economic and cultural groups was examined with a sample of Australian, Greek and Italian parents. Present results generally support earlier finding that husbands and wives have similar perceptions of childrearing, and for Australians in particular, higher socioeconomic status groups are less concerned about economic costs, and more sensitive to the restrictions of children. In contrast to the Australian-born, Southern European immigrants indicate somewhat more the Adult Status and Social Indentity benefits in having a family. While the cultural back ground of Southern Europeans appears instrumental in structuring the values of children, their lower socio-economic status appears to be a more significant explanation of differences between Southern Europeans and the native-born population in the costs of children and awareness of alternative sources of satisfaction to children.

SUMMARY:
The article by Tassadit Yacine explores the impact of Algeria on the formation of Pierre Bourdieu's sociological and political views. Bourdieu arrived in Algeria in 1955 as a soldier after graduation from the Ecole Normale Superieur. After his service he began teaching philosophy at the University of Algiers in 1958. Bourdieu became a vocal critic of the colonial war in Algeria while pursuing research into the sociology of transformation of Algerian rural society. Bourdieu's anti-colonial and anti-war views led to his deportation from Algeria.

According to Yacine, the Algerian experience was formative for Bourdieu. Studying the colonial society, Bourdieu acquired intimate knowledge of power relations and social stratifications, which he later applied in his studies of French rural societies, and French academic and popular cultures. It was in Algeria that Bourdieu developed his "social chirurgic method," and established an attentive approach not just to conventional, direct violence, but also to predominantly covert forms of domination through language, culture, and different forms of symbolic capital. To a large extent this happened during the process of Bourdieu's intensive socialization into the milieu of Algerian intellectuals, many of whom provided Bourdieu with detailed information on Algerian society.

In Algeria, Bourdieu's search for a scholarly identity coincided with the search for a political indentity, and both aspects imbued the sociologist with a methodology attentive to issues of domination. At the same time, his personal background – his origins in provincial France and his knowledge of cultural differences submerged in the French national state – prepared Bourdieu for understanding inequalities in Algeria.