Suchergebnisse

Europeanization implies that policies are to be shaped by considerations which go beyond the formal sovereignty of EU's member states. Claims for autonomy within the EU have been put forward not only by 'stateless' nations within plural and compound states, but also by regions demanding self-government. More often than not, meso-governments do not need par force the rationalising intervention of state central bureaucracies and elites. Autonomous regions enjoy additional economic and political security offered by the European Union and are gradually accommodated in a post-sovereignty era of progressive trans-nationalization. This chapter elaborates on the idea of multi-level citizenship as a 'civility compound' of collective attachments which favours regional territorial autonomy. Multiple identities expressed by Europeans are inserted in a variable continuum of territorial belongings and affinities grounded in values of human rights and solidarity. Both civil and political rights are being increasingly accomplished at the regional level of EU's member states. The exercise of civil and political rights has 'spilt over' into social citizenship. Attention is paid to the aspirations of regions and sub-state layers of governance to carry out welfare expansion based upon arguments of optimality, accountability, legitimacy, partnership and recalibration. ; Peer reviewed

Building the Indonesian character law means building the law of the values of the personality of the Indonesian nation, Pancasila (the five principles). The embodiment of the values of the principles: divinity, humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice animate and enliven the devolepment of national laws of Indonesia, able to respond the process and the changes that occur without leaving its legal indentity, Pancasila

El artículo señala los principales elementos políticoas alrededor de los cuales se fue definiendo la identidad nacional de los principales actores y grupos de poder en el Caribe colombiano en los primeros decenios de vida republicana.PALABRAS CLAVES:república, ciudadanía, identidad naional, poder político.ABSTRACTThis article shows the principal political aspects related to the definition of the national indentity of the main actors and groups in the Caribe Colombiano during the early period of the republican era.KEY WORDS:Republic, citizenship, national identy, political power.

В статье анализируются противоречия иерархических и плюралистических стратегий управления идентичностью в политическом проекте Модерна. Аргументируется необходимость корректировки концепции мультикультурализма, архаизирующей более универсальные ценности Модерна, в пользу иерархических принципов политической идентификации. ; The article analyses the tensions between hierarchical and pluralistic stategies in indentity management within the political project of Modernity. The author states the necessity of adjusting the multiculturalism paradigm according to the supremacy of hierarchical principles of political identification since it contributes to making the universal values of Modernity more archaic.

The report is organized into the following sections: section two presents the approach and methodology of the evaluation used. It gives an overview of the Identification Systems Analysis (ISA). Section three gives a detailed description of the Identity ecosystem in Cote d'Ivoire. It examines all the identification schemes that were considered of primary importance by the Mission and that were part of the interviews conducted. Where enough data was collected, the ISA analysis is performed and the color coded score is presented. Section four presents a series of recommendations to address the identification needs of the WB Project but also for improving the identification practices in the country in general. Those recommendations are based on the extensive experience that the World Bank ISA team has had in the course of applying the tool in similar environments. In addition to these primary sections, the report contains four appendices: appendix one presents the scoring methodology of ISA. Appendix two provides a brief history of identification regulations in Côte d'Ivoire. It is meant to give some legal context to the identification schemes currently in place. Appendix three discusses how the foundation of current identity schemes (national identity card and the voter register) were dictated by the Peace Accord of Ouagadougou, and what role identity played in the conflict and the exit from that period. Appendix four is a detailed overview of the important law on privacy. The so called Law No. 2013-450 related to the protection of personally identifying information, which was adopted in 2013 and is currently being enforced systematically. This is the Côte d'Ivoire adaptation of the ECOWAS law on data protection and it represents a very significant body of codified legislation.

Before I learnt about my feminism, I thought I was just loud and sexually confident. In 2017 I am still loud and sexually confident, but I also have research and embodied experiences to justify this. Understand this. With a growing understanding of my feminist whakapapa from Audre Lorde to My Mother, and the richness of knowledge they have left for us, I want to share, I want to be loud, I want to talk about sex, I want to talk about personal politics and how it honestly feels, not how it is supposed to feel. This may seem over-emotional, and it is. I over-react because just acting isn't enough for me. I'm over-emotional because emotional without questioning my feelings doesn't satisfy me. I write to understand my space and more than that, who I am within that space. Stripping back false constructions and ideals that have become ritual conformity to reveal, relearn, reverse and find an authentic sense of my identity.

Before I learnt about my feminism, I thought I was just loud and sexually confident. In 2017 I am still loud and sexually confident, but I also have research and embodied experiences to justify this. Understand this. With a growing understanding of my feminist whakapapa from Audre Lorde to My Mother, and the richness of knowledge they have left for us, I want to share, I want to be loud, I want to talk about sex, I want to talk about personal politics and how it honestly feels, not how it is supposed to feel. This may seem over-emotional, and it is. I over-react because just acting isn't enough for me. I'm over-emotional because emotional without questioning my feelings doesn't satisfy me. I write to understand my space and more than that, who I am within that space. Stripping back false constructions and ideals that have become ritual conformity to reveal, relearn, reverse and find an authentic sense of my identity.

Virginia Blînda Institut for East European Studies Romanian Academy Searching an identity: the destiny of the print censured in Moldavia - (1832-1862) ; Virginia Blînda Institut des Etudes Sud-Est Européennes Académie Roumaine A la recherche d'une identité: le destin de l'imprimé sous les ciseaux de la censure en Moldavie (1832-1862) La politique officielle du livre a été toujours liée au progrès de l'imprimérie qui restait une affaire d'Etat au fil de quelques siècles roumains. Le contrôle de l'imprimé a été, aux yeux des autorités, la plus sûre méthode de cacher ce qui était considéré comme dangereux pour la stabilité du régime. Après 1832, les décisions officielles sont plus précises et contraignantes suite à une diffusion et circulation plus alerte de l'imprimé. L'introduction officielle de la censure risquait par conséquent d'entraîner une mainmise absolue de l'Etat sur l'imprimerie. L'organisation de la culture publique dans les Principautés Roumaines (1832-1862) a presque toujours suivi le programme élaboré par le pouvoir politique et par l'Eglise, un programme destiné à tenir sous contrôle les formes d'expression culturelle. Malgré toutes ces obstructions, les libraires et les éditeurs-imprimeurs furent bien situés dans l'hiérarchie de l'élite citadine, tout en développant une type de relation privilégiée avec l'autorité et c'est ainsi qu'ils prirent distance par rapport à tout forme interdite du commerce de l'imprimé. La bonne conduite professionnelle et l'attitude «politically correct» à l'égard du pouvoir, recommandaient certaines personnes pour une place même à l'intérieur du mécanisme de la censure. La carrière d'Asaky - évoluant de l'éditeur-imprimeur au censeur - en témoigne.

Literary text very often appears as a political discourse. In this sense, many scholars have tried to see literature as an alternative historical and social documentation. Literature cannot also be separated from what is going on in the society. Even, it influences each other. This paper will demonstrate an interpretation of a literary text as feminist struggle in finding self indentity within the framework of sexual revolution. Feminist interpretation, it must be admitted, has been given a special place in the modern literary study. This paper will use Ireland's novels A Woman of the Future and City of Woman to reveal how the world of woman could be presented by a male writer. It also enlarges the discussion by using the philosophical as well as psychological perspective. In this way, literature can be seen as dialogic between various interests.

In this paper, we approach to the socialization trends of a group of women born in Malaga during the democratic Spanish Transition by using oral sources. Our objective is to highlight the importance of memory and contribute to establish a different insight into this historical period. I have reflected on the level of political commitment, expectations and indentity transformations experienced by a diversified group of women belonging to different age groups, social classes, educational and cultural background as well as civil status, reflecting their situation in their private sphere and and their participation in the public sphere. ; Nos aproximamos en este artículo a las pautas de socialización de un grupo de mujeres malagueñas durante la Transición democrática, a partir de las fuentes orales. Con ello queremos resaltar la importancia de la memoria y contribuir a establecer una mirada diferente sobre aquella etapa histórica. Hemos reflexionado sobre el grado de compromiso político, las expectativas y transformaciones identitarias de un grupo de mujeres diversificado por la edad, la clase social, la formación cultural y el estado civil, reflejando su situación en los ámbitos privados y su participación en la esfera pública.

Nos aproximamos en este artículo a las pautas de socialización de un grupo de mujeres malagueñas durante la Transición democrática, a partir de las fuentes orales. Con ello queremos resaltar la importancia de la memoria y contribuir a establecer una mirada diferente sobre aquella etapa histórica. Hemos reflexionado sobre el grado de compromiso político, las expectativas y transformaciones identitarias de un grupo de mujeres diversificado por la edad, la clase social, la formación cultural y el estado civil, reflejando su situación en los ámbitos privados y su participación en la esfera pública. ; In this paper, we approach to the socialization trends of a group of women born in Malaga during the democratic Spanish Transition by using oral sources. Our objective is to highlight the importance of memory and contribute to establish a different insight into this historical period. I have reflected on the level of political commitment, expectations and indentity transformations experienced by a diversified group of women belonging to different age groups, social classes, educational and cultural background as well as civil status, reflecting their situation in their private sphere and and their participation in the public sphere.

At the end of the 2000s, an independent scene created by young middle-class musicians and visual artists, mostly non-professionals, was formed in Lima. Influenced by the cultura popular, specific to a city that metamorphosed with andean migrations in the last quarter of the 20th century, they present creations that reflect who they are, and have a growing audience in their self-organized concerts and markets, the ferias. It is on the basis of this success, and on the fact that this cultural and organizational proposal seduces and brings together people from various districts of the immense capital, that we propose a study of the mechanisms of social reconstruction in an urban environment. We have thus worked in depth on the construction of Lima and on the categories that are legion there, in order to understand the birth, the success, the challenges of this scene and, above all, what it generates in the city.The movida, as its protagonists call it, operates in the greatest informality, like most of the activities in Lima. It claims its independence with an anti-system speech, while being able to modulate its position towards this system – which corresponds to the State and the institutions for the members of this scene – in order to develop its activities. The artists spread their productions and their speech through social networks which allow them to increase their visibility and their audience outside the media and official channels. They seduce their audience with a critique of capitalist and neoliberal policies, of government corruption, of the powerlessness of institutions and of what they perceive as an injunction to an identity categorization with the praise of "peruanity" or "multiculturalism" in which they do not recognize themselves and of which they are wary of the great media coverage. Here, contrary to what several works in anthropology have been able to affirm, identity claim do not correspond to the driving force of these people and does not explain the fact that this scene is at the origin of the creation of collectives, with an audience that meets and travels around the city to participate in the cultural events that the independent scene offers.This work, built from a field investigation in Lima with artists and their audience, demonstrates that the theme of identity turns out to be a fluid and inconsistent object, which is far from making any real sense when it comes to understanding the mechanisms and logics that govern social relationships. The social restructuring observed in Lima is above all conditioned by an urban context, ultra-connected and marked by the excesses of the neoliberal system, where people are more concerned with seeking collective alternatives to develop their activities and to respond to this system, rather than to promote, defend or seek an identity. ; À la fin des années 2000, une scène indépendante se forme à Lima, influencée par la cultura popular propre à une ville qui s'est métamorphosée avec les migrations andines dans le dernier quart du XXe siècle. Les artistes qui la composent présentent des créations à leur image et comptent un public grandissant dans leurs concerts et marchés, les ferias, organisés pour la plupart en autogestion au moment de notre enquête (2015-2018). C'est à partir de ce succès et du fait que cette proposition culturelle et organisationnelle séduise et rassemble des personnes issues de divers quartiers de l'immense capitale que nous proposons une étude sur les mécanismes de recompositions sociales dans un milieu urbain. Nous avons pour cela travaillé sur la construction de Lima et des catégories qui y sont légion afin de comprendre la naissance, le développement, les enjeux de cette scène et, surtout, ce qu'elle génère dans la ville. La movida, telle que ses protagonistes la nomment, fonctionne alors dans la plus grande informalité, qui est d'ailleurs en grande partie « normalisée » à Lima. Elle revendique son indépendance avec un discours antisystème, tout en étant capable de moduler sa position vis-à-vis de ce système (qui correspond, pour les artistes et le public, autant au capitalisme qu'à l'État et aux institutions) afin de développer ses activités. Les artistes diffusent leurs productions et leur discours par le biais des réseaux sociaux qui leur permettent d'accroître leur visibilité et leur audience en dehors des médias et des canaux officiels ou traditionnels tels que la radio et la télévision. Ils séduisent leur public avec une critique des politiques néolibérales, de la corruption du gouvernement et de ce qu'ils perçoivent comme une injonction à une catégorisation identitaire. Comme tous les Péruviens, ils sont en effet confrontés deux discours antagoniques : l'encensement et la très grande médiatisation d'une « péruanité », d'un « multiculturalisme » ou d'une « hybridation », feignant une unité identitaire nationale, contrebalancés par un discours qui catégorise et différencie. Dans ce contexte d'omniprésence de la thématique de l'identité ethnique et du multiculturalisme, les personnes sont enjointes à individualiser leur identité tout en formant une « nation », deux entreprises difficilement conciliables. Contrairement à ce que plusieurs travaux en anthropologie ont pu affirmer, l'identité et les revendications identitaires ne sont pas une explication générale et immuable des mouvements sociaux péruviens. Ce travail, construit à partir d'une enquête de terrain à Lima avec des artistes et leur public, montre que le thème de l'identité s'avère être un objet fluide et inconsistant qui est loin de faire totalement sens au moment de comprendre les mécanismes et logiques qui régissent les rapports sociaux. Les personnes se rassemblent autour d'une proposition à la fois culturelle et organisationnelle qui est à leur image ou qu'elles estiment juste et pertinente. L'informalité devient autogestion contre les productions de masse, on revendique une « culture populaire » en résistance à la globalisation culturelle et une position antisystème. En achetant des articles produits par ces artistes et en assistant à aux évènements de la scène indépendante, le public participe à la construction d'un système de production culturelle parallèle aux grandes industries et aux institutions culturelles officielles. Sans que nous ayons cherché à trancher sur l'authenticité de la proposition de la scène indépendante, cette dernière nous a permis de voir comment se créait une cohésion et une communauté autour de communs partagés par une génération de classe moyenne urbaine qui rejette les dérives du système néolibéral. Se rassembler pour créer un nouveau système et être critique vis-à-vis de celui dans lequel on se situe sont donc des moteurs de création de lien social et de collectifs urbains bien plus forts, dans ce que cas-là que la valorisation, la défense ou la recherche d'une identité.

At the end of the 2000s, an independent scene created by young middle-class musicians and visual artists, mostly non-professionals, was formed in Lima. Influenced by the cultura popular, specific to a city that metamorphosed with andean migrations in the last quarter of the 20th century, they present creations that reflect who they are, and have a growing audience in their self-organized concerts and markets, the ferias. It is on the basis of this success, and on the fact that this cultural and organizational proposal seduces and brings together people from various districts of the immense capital, that we propose a study of the mechanisms of social reconstruction in an urban environment. We have thus worked in depth on the construction of Lima and on the categories that are legion there, in order to understand the birth, the success, the challenges of this scene and, above all, what it generates in the city.The movida, as its protagonists call it, operates in the greatest informality, like most of the activities in Lima. It claims its independence with an anti-system speech, while being able to modulate its position towards this system – which corresponds to the State and the institutions for the members of this scene – in order to develop its activities. The artists spread their productions and their speech through social networks which allow them to increase their visibility and their audience outside the media and official channels. They seduce their audience with a critique of capitalist and neoliberal policies, of government corruption, of the powerlessness of institutions and of what they perceive as an injunction to an identity categorization with the praise of "peruanity" or "multiculturalism" in which they do not recognize themselves and of which they are wary of the great media coverage. Here, contrary to what several works in anthropology have been able to affirm, identity claim do not correspond to the driving force of these people and does not explain the fact that this scene is at the origin of ...

ABSTRACT: This article aim is to describe regarding customary law in the Indonesia legal system inconnection with Indonesia cionstitusian and other national law level and its impact toward the customary law application in the field.Based on this analytical study can be summerised that: 1). the structure of customary law in Indonesia national law system is the similar position with any other national law. The diffrerence among of them is customary law unrecorded writtenly such as national law; 2). UUD 1945 as Indonesia's constitusion recognises beside written law also available unwritten law as known with named customary law (hukum adat); 3). UUD 1945 more prioritise written law in form of undang-undang level and other Indonesia's national law level in creating and managing social live; 4). This reality must be responsed by parliament in craeting Qanun (regional law) in Aceh through accomodating customary law that grow, live and rise in the community, it is caused customary law is an awaranes of law rising in community as populer named living law; and 5). The judicial roles and the finder of law is very strategic in overseeing the legal awaranes occur in the community that must be used as the main consideration in handling particular legal case, therefore judicialprudence is one of legal indentity source whic lives in community. The Structure of Customary Law In Indonesia's Legal System

From the beginnig of the XVIIIth century to the middle of XXth one, many authors have reflexioned about the Spanish decadence in relation to modern Europe. The Decadence was converted in a topic of Spanish thought and influenced on the collective conscience about Spanish historical indentity from several points of view: the conscience of decadence in XVIIth century, the solutions of the Enlightenment and these of XXth-century liberal politicians and historians, ideological debates around the being of Spain between 1880 and 1940, the development of new interpretations since 1920 thanks to professional historians, finally the leaving of the concept of decadence as explicative key of the Spanish history. ; Muchos autores han reflexionado, desde comienzos del siglo XVII hasta mediados del XX, sobre las causas de la "decadencia" de España en el conjunto de la Europa moderna. La cuestión sobre la "decadencia" se convirtió en un tópico del pensamiento español e influyó en las tomas de conciencia colectiva sobre la identidad histórica de España desde distintos puntos de vista: la conciencia de decadencia en el XVII, las propuestas del Siglo de las luces y las de los políticos e historiadores liberales del XIX, los debates ideológicos en torno al ser de España entre 1880 y 1940, el desarrollo desde 1920 de nuevas interpretaciones por obra de historiadores profesionales, hasta concluir con el abandono del concepto de decadencia como clave explicativa de la historia de España.