Suchergebnisse

This paper examines the social identity of Arabs and Jews in Israel and its relationship to the readiness for establishing and maintaining intergroup contact. Social identity is defined in terms of self-esteem and the national, civic, religious, familial, residential, and vocational subidentities. The structural coherence of the indentity system was demonstrated for both Jews and Arabs, but while subidentities among Jewish subjects tend to be positively interrelated, there is strain within the Arab system, revealed by a negative correlation between the national and civic subidentities, among others. Readiness for relations with members of the other group is higher for Arabs than for Jews and also more clearly related to several subidentities. Jewish readiness for social relations with Arabs is weakly related to the identity system. Identity variables may be promising mediators between situational antecedents and intergroup attitudes, but mainly for members of the minority.

The claim that children are valued greatly, but in , somewhat different ways by parents in various socio-economic and cultural groups was examined with a sample of Australian, Greek and Italian parents. Present results generally support earlier finding that husbands and wives have similar perceptions of childrearing, and for Australians in particular, higher socioeconomic status groups are less concerned about economic costs, and more sensitive to the restrictions of children. In contrast to the Australian-born, Southern European immigrants indicate somewhat more the Adult Status and Social Indentity benefits in having a family. While the cultural back ground of Southern Europeans appears instrumental in structuring the values of children, their lower socio-economic status appears to be a more significant explanation of differences between Southern Europeans and the native-born population in the costs of children and awareness of alternative sources of satisfaction to children.

In this paper, we approach to the socialization trends of a group of women born in Malaga during the democratic Spanish Transition by using oral sources. Our objective is to highlight the importance of memory and contribute to establish a different insight into this historical period. I have reflected on the level of political commitment, expectations and indentity transformations experienced by a diversified group of women belonging to different age groups, social classes, educational and cultural background as well as civil status, reflecting their situation in their private sphere and and their participation in the public sphere. ; Nos aproximamos en este artículo a las pautas de socialización de un grupo de mujeres malagueñas durante la Transición democrática, a partir de las fuentes orales. Con ello queremos resaltar la importancia de la memoria y contribuir a establecer una mirada diferente sobre aquella etapa histórica. Hemos reflexionado sobre el grado de compromiso político, las expectativas y transformaciones identitarias de un grupo de mujeres diversificado por la edad, la clase social, la formación cultural y el estado civil, reflejando su situación en los ámbitos privados y su participación en la esfera pública.

Nos aproximamos en este artículo a las pautas de socialización de un grupo de mujeres malagueñas durante la Transición democrática, a partir de las fuentes orales. Con ello queremos resaltar la importancia de la memoria y contribuir a establecer una mirada diferente sobre aquella etapa histórica. Hemos reflexionado sobre el grado de compromiso político, las expectativas y transformaciones identitarias de un grupo de mujeres diversificado por la edad, la clase social, la formación cultural y el estado civil, reflejando su situación en los ámbitos privados y su participación en la esfera pública. ; In this paper, we approach to the socialization trends of a group of women born in Malaga during the democratic Spanish Transition by using oral sources. Our objective is to highlight the importance of memory and contribute to establish a different insight into this historical period. I have reflected on the level of political commitment, expectations and indentity transformations experienced by a diversified group of women belonging to different age groups, social classes, educational and cultural background as well as civil status, reflecting their situation in their private sphere and and their participation in the public sphere.

At the end of the 2000s, an independent scene created by young middle-class musicians and visual artists, mostly non-professionals, was formed in Lima. Influenced by the cultura popular, specific to a city that metamorphosed with andean migrations in the last quarter of the 20th century, they present creations that reflect who they are, and have a growing audience in their self-organized concerts and markets, the ferias. It is on the basis of this success, and on the fact that this cultural and organizational proposal seduces and brings together people from various districts of the immense capital, that we propose a study of the mechanisms of social reconstruction in an urban environment. We have thus worked in depth on the construction of Lima and on the categories that are legion there, in order to understand the birth, the success, the challenges of this scene and, above all, what it generates in the city.The movida, as its protagonists call it, operates in the greatest informality, like most of the activities in Lima. It claims its independence with an anti-system speech, while being able to modulate its position towards this system – which corresponds to the State and the institutions for the members of this scene – in order to develop its activities. The artists spread their productions and their speech through social networks which allow them to increase their visibility and their audience outside the media and official channels. They seduce their audience with a critique of capitalist and neoliberal policies, of government corruption, of the powerlessness of institutions and of what they perceive as an injunction to an identity categorization with the praise of "peruanity" or "multiculturalism" in which they do not recognize themselves and of which they are wary of the great media coverage. Here, contrary to what several works in anthropology have been able to affirm, identity claim do not correspond to the driving force of these people and does not explain the fact that this scene is at the origin of the creation of collectives, with an audience that meets and travels around the city to participate in the cultural events that the independent scene offers.This work, built from a field investigation in Lima with artists and their audience, demonstrates that the theme of identity turns out to be a fluid and inconsistent object, which is far from making any real sense when it comes to understanding the mechanisms and logics that govern social relationships. The social restructuring observed in Lima is above all conditioned by an urban context, ultra-connected and marked by the excesses of the neoliberal system, where people are more concerned with seeking collective alternatives to develop their activities and to respond to this system, rather than to promote, defend or seek an identity. ; À la fin des années 2000, une scène indépendante se forme à Lima, influencée par la cultura popular propre à une ville qui s'est métamorphosée avec les migrations andines dans le dernier quart du XXe siècle. Les artistes qui la composent présentent des créations à leur image et comptent un public grandissant dans leurs concerts et marchés, les ferias, organisés pour la plupart en autogestion au moment de notre enquête (2015-2018). C'est à partir de ce succès et du fait que cette proposition culturelle et organisationnelle séduise et rassemble des personnes issues de divers quartiers de l'immense capitale que nous proposons une étude sur les mécanismes de recompositions sociales dans un milieu urbain. Nous avons pour cela travaillé sur la construction de Lima et des catégories qui y sont légion afin de comprendre la naissance, le développement, les enjeux de cette scène et, surtout, ce qu'elle génère dans la ville. La movida, telle que ses protagonistes la nomment, fonctionne alors dans la plus grande informalité, qui est d'ailleurs en grande partie « normalisée » à Lima. Elle revendique son indépendance avec un discours antisystème, tout en étant capable de moduler sa position vis-à-vis de ce système (qui correspond, pour les artistes et le public, autant au capitalisme qu'à l'État et aux institutions) afin de développer ses activités. Les artistes diffusent leurs productions et leur discours par le biais des réseaux sociaux qui leur permettent d'accroître leur visibilité et leur audience en dehors des médias et des canaux officiels ou traditionnels tels que la radio et la télévision. Ils séduisent leur public avec une critique des politiques néolibérales, de la corruption du gouvernement et de ce qu'ils perçoivent comme une injonction à une catégorisation identitaire. Comme tous les Péruviens, ils sont en effet confrontés deux discours antagoniques : l'encensement et la très grande médiatisation d'une « péruanité », d'un « multiculturalisme » ou d'une « hybridation », feignant une unité identitaire nationale, contrebalancés par un discours qui catégorise et différencie. Dans ce contexte d'omniprésence de la thématique de l'identité ethnique et du multiculturalisme, les personnes sont enjointes à individualiser leur identité tout en formant une « nation », deux entreprises difficilement conciliables. Contrairement à ce que plusieurs travaux en anthropologie ont pu affirmer, l'identité et les revendications identitaires ne sont pas une explication générale et immuable des mouvements sociaux péruviens. Ce travail, construit à partir d'une enquête de terrain à Lima avec des artistes et leur public, montre que le thème de l'identité s'avère être un objet fluide et inconsistant qui est loin de faire totalement sens au moment de comprendre les mécanismes et logiques qui régissent les rapports sociaux. Les personnes se rassemblent autour d'une proposition à la fois culturelle et organisationnelle qui est à leur image ou qu'elles estiment juste et pertinente. L'informalité devient autogestion contre les productions de masse, on revendique une « culture populaire » en résistance à la globalisation culturelle et une position antisystème. En achetant des articles produits par ces artistes et en assistant à aux évènements de la scène indépendante, le public participe à la construction d'un système de production culturelle parallèle aux grandes industries et aux institutions culturelles officielles. Sans que nous ayons cherché à trancher sur l'authenticité de la proposition de la scène indépendante, cette dernière nous a permis de voir comment se créait une cohésion et une communauté autour de communs partagés par une génération de classe moyenne urbaine qui rejette les dérives du système néolibéral. Se rassembler pour créer un nouveau système et être critique vis-à-vis de celui dans lequel on se situe sont donc des moteurs de création de lien social et de collectifs urbains bien plus forts, dans ce que cas-là que la valorisation, la défense ou la recherche d'une identité.

At the end of the 2000s, an independent scene created by young middle-class musicians and visual artists, mostly non-professionals, was formed in Lima. Influenced by the cultura popular, specific to a city that metamorphosed with andean migrations in the last quarter of the 20th century, they present creations that reflect who they are, and have a growing audience in their self-organized concerts and markets, the ferias. It is on the basis of this success, and on the fact that this cultural and organizational proposal seduces and brings together people from various districts of the immense capital, that we propose a study of the mechanisms of social reconstruction in an urban environment. We have thus worked in depth on the construction of Lima and on the categories that are legion there, in order to understand the birth, the success, the challenges of this scene and, above all, what it generates in the city.The movida, as its protagonists call it, operates in the greatest informality, like most of the activities in Lima. It claims its independence with an anti-system speech, while being able to modulate its position towards this system – which corresponds to the State and the institutions for the members of this scene – in order to develop its activities. The artists spread their productions and their speech through social networks which allow them to increase their visibility and their audience outside the media and official channels. They seduce their audience with a critique of capitalist and neoliberal policies, of government corruption, of the powerlessness of institutions and of what they perceive as an injunction to an identity categorization with the praise of "peruanity" or "multiculturalism" in which they do not recognize themselves and of which they are wary of the great media coverage. Here, contrary to what several works in anthropology have been able to affirm, identity claim do not correspond to the driving force of these people and does not explain the fact that this scene is at the origin of ...

ABSTRACT: This article aim is to describe regarding customary law in the Indonesia legal system inconnection with Indonesia cionstitusian and other national law level and its impact toward the customary law application in the field.Based on this analytical study can be summerised that: 1). the structure of customary law in Indonesia national law system is the similar position with any other national law. The diffrerence among of them is customary law unrecorded writtenly such as national law; 2). UUD 1945 as Indonesia's constitusion recognises beside written law also available unwritten law as known with named customary law (hukum adat); 3). UUD 1945 more prioritise written law in form of undang-undang level and other Indonesia's national law level in creating and managing social live; 4). This reality must be responsed by parliament in craeting Qanun (regional law) in Aceh through accomodating customary law that grow, live and rise in the community, it is caused customary law is an awaranes of law rising in community as populer named living law; and 5). The judicial roles and the finder of law is very strategic in overseeing the legal awaranes occur in the community that must be used as the main consideration in handling particular legal case, therefore judicialprudence is one of legal indentity source whic lives in community. The Structure of Customary Law In Indonesia's Legal System

From the beginnig of the XVIIIth century to the middle of XXth one, many authors have reflexioned about the Spanish decadence in relation to modern Europe. The Decadence was converted in a topic of Spanish thought and influenced on the collective conscience about Spanish historical indentity from several points of view: the conscience of decadence in XVIIth century, the solutions of the Enlightenment and these of XXth-century liberal politicians and historians, ideological debates around the being of Spain between 1880 and 1940, the development of new interpretations since 1920 thanks to professional historians, finally the leaving of the concept of decadence as explicative key of the Spanish history. ; Muchos autores han reflexionado, desde comienzos del siglo XVII hasta mediados del XX, sobre las causas de la "decadencia" de España en el conjunto de la Europa moderna. La cuestión sobre la "decadencia" se convirtió en un tópico del pensamiento español e influyó en las tomas de conciencia colectiva sobre la identidad histórica de España desde distintos puntos de vista: la conciencia de decadencia en el XVII, las propuestas del Siglo de las luces y las de los políticos e historiadores liberales del XIX, los debates ideológicos en torno al ser de España entre 1880 y 1940, el desarrollo desde 1920 de nuevas interpretaciones por obra de historiadores profesionales, hasta concluir con el abandono del concepto de decadencia como clave explicativa de la historia de España.

SUMMARY:
The article by Tassadit Yacine explores the impact of Algeria on the formation of Pierre Bourdieu's sociological and political views. Bourdieu arrived in Algeria in 1955 as a soldier after graduation from the Ecole Normale Superieur. After his service he began teaching philosophy at the University of Algiers in 1958. Bourdieu became a vocal critic of the colonial war in Algeria while pursuing research into the sociology of transformation of Algerian rural society. Bourdieu's anti-colonial and anti-war views led to his deportation from Algeria.

According to Yacine, the Algerian experience was formative for Bourdieu. Studying the colonial society, Bourdieu acquired intimate knowledge of power relations and social stratifications, which he later applied in his studies of French rural societies, and French academic and popular cultures. It was in Algeria that Bourdieu developed his "social chirurgic method," and established an attentive approach not just to conventional, direct violence, but also to predominantly covert forms of domination through language, culture, and different forms of symbolic capital. To a large extent this happened during the process of Bourdieu's intensive socialization into the milieu of Algerian intellectuals, many of whom provided Bourdieu with detailed information on Algerian society.

In Algeria, Bourdieu's search for a scholarly identity coincided with the search for a political indentity, and both aspects imbued the sociologist with a methodology attentive to issues of domination. At the same time, his personal background – his origins in provincial France and his knowledge of cultural differences submerged in the French national state – prepared Bourdieu for understanding inequalities in Algeria.

El siguiente artículo resume los resultados de un estudio arqueológico y genealógico del nombre de la ciudad de Resistencia (Chaco, Argentina). Rastreando las continuidades y diferencias entre el origen histórico y el origen presente de este nombre, intentamos mostrar la presencia de unos locus de enunciación anclados en la esfera de lo político y lo gubernamental, revisando cómo sobre la superficie del discurso emergen enunciaciones que expresan condiciones históricas de disputa por los significados globales que constituyen los imaginarios sociales e identitarios de la ciudad. A través de algunos enunciados ejemplares e imágenes tomadas de la vía pública, veremos cómo el sentido de Resistencia es definido desde el presente a través de fórmulas que buscan cristalizar –recurriendo a recetas multiculturalistas- determinadas visiones de lo social y lo político en términos conciliatorios y armónicos, diluyendo así su sentido originario anclado en la dialéctica civilización-barbarie. ; The article resumes an archaelogical and genealogical study of Resistencia city name's (Chaco, Argentina). Tracing the continuities and differences between the historical origin and present origin of this name, try to show the presence of a enunciation locus anchored in the politics and government field, reviewing how on the discourse surface emerge enunciations expressing historical conditions of contention about global meanings that constitute social and indentity city imaginaries. Through some exemplary frames and images taken from public roads, see how the sense of Resistencia is defined from the present trhough modes that want to crystallize –using multiculturalist recipes- specific visions of socials and politics in conciliatory and harmonics terms, thus diluting its original meaning rooted in the civilization-barbarism dialectic.

Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber's legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes. ; ResumenEste artí­culo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teorí­a de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un ví­nculo necesario entre las formas tí­picas de dominación polí­tica y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción polí­tica debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación polí­tica, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación polí­tica son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones polí­ticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas polí­ticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.

Language, culture, and mind in the comparative perspective -- To awaken a sleeping giant: cognition and culture in September 11 political cartoons -- Affect in language interpretation -- Development of community in computer mediated communication: a social network analysis -- The status of clause and vp in spoken Indonesian; evidence from repair -- The cognitive linguistics of scalar humor -- Is cognitive linguistics our best phenomenology; a philosophical challenge -- Icebox moms and hockey dads: context and the mapping of N-N metaphorical expressions -- On similie -- Happiness in English and German: a metaphorical-pattern analysis -- Ego-based and field-based frames of reference in space to time metaphors -- Factors underlying spatial particle distribution in Japanese and Korean -- Going getting tired: associated motion through space and time in lowland Chontal -- A study of motion events in Saisiyat and Cebuano -- Comparing elicited data and Corpora -- Covarying collexemas in the into-causative -- Linking perceptual properties in linguistic expressions of causation -- Contrastive analyses, translation, and speaker involvement: the case of Puisque and Aangezien -- I can see the church to my house: directionality in expressions of visual perception in Finnish -- The growing of embedded WH-clauses in scenes of visual perception -- Aspect as a cue for represented perception -- Aspect in the making: a corpus analysis of English aspect-marking prepositions -- Present and imperfect for past description in Spanish narratives: syntactic, semantic, and functional factors -- Clause structure, focus, and topic types in Cora (Uto-Aztecan) -- Indentity and perspective: the Jekyll-and-Hyde effect in narrative discourse -- Inclusive and exclusive patterning of English first person plural: evidence from conversation -- Ideophones in Karo -- Isn't that fantabulous? How similarity motivates intentional morphological blends in English -- A semantic study of the classifier Dao -- Subjectification and synchronic variation: two negation forms in Kansai dilect of Japanese -- Basic voice patterns in Tarascan (P'orhepecha) -- You wanna consider a constructional approach towards wanna-contraction? -- Towards a symbolic typology of -ing nominalizations -- The interaction of quantification and identification of English determiners -- Aspects of the grammar of finite clauses

Europe has experienced a progressive electoral boom of political forces of the European radical right, based a gradual abandonment of the liberal core of its economic proposals, to embrace a type of social policy baptized as "Welfare Chauvinism" or "State of Chovinist Wlfare". Base on the experience of the French National Front (NF) in the last presidential elections of 2017, the article proposes to analyze the frontist proposal in the field of economic policy, through the application of the winning formula theory. Thus, the shift towards greater statism under the umbrela of social sovereignty, could be thought of as an evolution towards a new winning formula among the indentity rights of the European continent, which, like the NF, adopt an eminently economic programmatic offer to refer to the problems of its citizens in a context of crisis, with the aim of increasing their electoral support. ; Europa ha experimentado un progresivo auge electoral de fuerzas políticas de la derecha radical, sustentado en un paulatino abandono del núcleo liberal de sus propuestas económicas, para abrazar un tipo de política social bautizada como "Welfare Chauvinism" o "Estado del Bienestar Chovinista". Partiendo de la experiencia del Frente Nacional francés (FN) en las últimas elecciones presidenciales de 2017, el artículo se propone analizar la propuesta frontista en materia de política económica, por medio de la aplicación de la teoría de las fórmulas ganadoras (winning formula). Así, el cambio hacia un mayor estatismo bajo el paraguas del social soberanismo, podría pensarse como una evolución hacia una nueva fórmula ganadora entre las derechas identitarias del continente europeo, que al igual que el FN, adoptan una oferta programática eminentemente económica para referirse a los problemas de sus ciudadanos en un contexto de crisis, con el objetivo de aumentar su apoyo electoral.

Resumo: A teoria da sustentação da identidade brasileira sobre o amálgama de três raças, que surgiu na virada do século XIX para o século XX, foi uma tentativa de compreender e de explicar a cultura brasileira. Ela pressupunha a miscigenação como resultado da convivência harmônica de três raças – a branca, a indígena e a negra ̶ e como marca fundamental da identidade brasileira, concepção que deixou resquícios no imaginário nacional e estrangeiro e ainda vigora na atualidade. O maxixe, que se efetiva pela ruptura e pela articulação de ritmos europeus e afro-brasileiros, pode ser considerado reflexo desse processo. O presente artigo investiga representações culturais e identitárias, expressas em letras de quatros maxixes que alcançaram sucesso no Brasil, no final do século XIX, para discutir sua correlação com a teoria da convergência das três raças. Palavras-chave: Maxixe. Representação. Cultura. Identidade. Miscigenação. A BRAZIL MAXIXE: CULTURAL AND IDENTITY REPRESENTATIONS IN COMPOSITIONS OF THAT MUSICAL GENRE Abstract: The theory of the three races, which emerged at the turn of the nineteenth century to the twentieth century, was an attempt to understand and explain the Brazilian culture. It presupposed the miscegenation as a reflection of the harmonious coexistence of three ethnicities ̶ the white, the indigenous and the black ̶ and as a fundamental mark of the Brazilian identity, conception that left traces in the national and foreign imagery until the present days. The maxixe, since it is configured in the disruption and in the articulation of European and Afro-Brazilian rhythms, can be considerer as a reflex of this process. This article investigates the Brazilian cultural and indentity representations present in the lyric of four maxixes, which were successful in Brazil, in the late nineteenth century, to discuss its correlation with the convergence theory of the three races. Palavras-chave: Maxixe. Representation. Culture. Identity. Miscegenation.

La «modernidad», además de las revoluciones económica y política, ha requerido también una revolución reproductiva, entendida como un cambio de escala, históricamente reciente e irrepetible, en la eficiencia de la reproducción demográfica. Este concepto, además de clarificar el papel jugado por los cambios demográficos en el proceso de modernización, ofrece una mejor integración entre sociología y demografía. La primera ha infravalorado la rellevància social de la reproducción sexual, la supervivencia o el reemplazo generacional. Se argumentan algunas implicaciones del concepto propuesto, utilizando como hilo conductor las ideas de Davis (1937) sobre el futuro de la familia y de la fecundidad (por su sorprendente vigencia y por la nueva luz que adquiere). Incluyen el descenso del trabajo reproductivo, el declive del patriarcado, la desregulación social de la sexualidad, el paso del género a la generación como eje de distribución de roles productivos-reproductivos, el «envejecimiento demográfico» o la madurez de masas. ; A third «revolution» alongside the better known economic and political ones has been vital to the rise of modernity: the reproductive revolution. This comprises a historically unrepeatable shift in the efficiency of human reproduction. As well as clarifying the key role of demographic developments in the rise of modernity, the concept of reproductive revolution offers a better way to integrate sociology and demography. The former has tended to pay insuficient heed to sexual reproduction, individual mortality and the generational replacement of population. Some key results of the reproductive revolution are discussed. As well as reviewing some empirical evidence for the concept, its implications for debates on the demographic transition, falling fertility, the social regulation of sexuality, the decline of patriarchy, rise of reflexive indentity, «population ageing» and family, are briefly discussed. The article discusses these ideas in relation to arguments about the family and fertility initially proposed by Davis (1937).