Suchergebnisse

Ovaj rad govori o indijsko-pakistanskim odnosima, a u središtu je pozornosti njihov sukob koji je nastao osamostaljenjem od Britanije te podjelom teritorija na dvije države. U radu se daje povijesni pregled koji slijedi hipotezu da povijesni odnosi, u kombinaciji s trenutnim vodstvima tih dviju država, upućuju na mogućnost ponovnog izbijanja sukoba koji bi mogao prerasti u regionalni, pa čak i svjetski problem. Nadalje, daje se pregled trenutnih odnosa i savezništava sukobljenih strana. Nastavno na početnu hipotezu, prikazan je scenarij nuklearnog sukoba koji bi stvorio neizmjernu štetu za regije Kašmir i Džammu. One većinom industrijski ovise o prirodi, a upravo se oko njih vodi glavni sukob. U zaključku se nazire doza optimizma jer se velike sile najvjerojatnije neće direktno uključiti u mogući ratni sukob, no mnoge opasnosti ipak postoje. Povijest ukazuje na mogućnost da Indija i Pakistan zarate i po peti put. Moglo bi se očekivati da će provokacija rata ponovno doći s pakistanske strane, a trenutnom indijskom vodstvu ne bi dugo trebalo da na takvu provokaciju odgovori. ; This paper deals with the subject of India-Pakistan relations with a primary focus on the conflict which arose between them due to gaining independence from Britain and the subsequent division of territory into the two countries. This paper provides a historical overview which follows the hypothesis that historical relations combined with the two countries' current leaderships indicate the possibility of conflict recurrence that could evolve into a regional and even global problem. Furthermore, it gives an overview of the conflicting parties' current relations and alliances. Following the initial hypothesis, a scenario is presented of a nuclear conflict that would inflict immense damage on the Kashmir and Jammu regions if realised. They both have industries that rely primarily on natural resources and it is these regions that are the focal points of the conflict. The conclusion allows for some optimism, as the great powers most likely would not become directly involved in the possible armed conflict. However, many dangers persist. History suggests that India and Pakistan could go to war for the fifth time. A war-provoking act can be expected to once again come from the Pakistani side, and the current Indian leadership would not much hesitate to respond to such provocation.

Ibn al-ʻArabī, 1165-1240 ; Shankara, 788-821? ; Ramanuja, , 1017-1137 ; Mysticism- India

Collection of papers on the cultural and social aspects of India and Iran

In the whole history of modern times India-USA relations were not much developed. It was a relationship of distant worlds & civilizations. After analyzing the basic features of the socio-political & economic situation in the present India, & its international position, the author indicates that from the end of the last century the relations between India & USA are characterized by a specific discovering of each other, approaching to each other & a significant development of mutual cooperation. Within the newly created post-Cold World constellation & a new vision of international relations, both countries have found good reasons & substantial basis for potentially productive mutuality. Adapted from the source document.

Koji se motiv krije u pozadini skupe i obvezatne tranzicije u smjeru digitalne zemaljske televizije u državi s nekoliko kanala koji pokrivaju cjelokupan teritorij, a svi su u vlasništvu javnog medijskog servisa? Ovaj rad nastoji dati dubinski uvid u začetke te tranzicije i njezin širi zamah prema digitalizaciji Doordarshana, indijskog javnog medijskog servisa. Oslanjajući se na institucionalne pristupe koji pomažu razjasniti zašto određeni interesi imaju prioritet u odnosu na druge, ovaj članak razotkriva što se zapravo krije iza službenog objašnjenjenja prelaska na digitalno emitiranje u Indiji. Autori zaključuju kako će za marginalizirane društvene skupine, za koje je Doordarshan jedini pristupačan pružatelj TV usluga, ta obvezatna tranzicija predstavljati najveći izazov. Osim toga, prelazak na digitalni zemaljski prijem signala nije vođen javnim interesom koji uključuje unapređenje kvalitete sadržaja, što bi za Doordarshan mogao biti ključni mehanizam pridobivanja gledateljstva izgubljenog zbog privatnih satelitskih kanala. ; In a country with few channels occupying the terrestrial space – all of which are owned by the public broadcaster – what is the rationale behind the expensive and mandatory transition to digital terrestrial television? This paper undertakes a hard look at the incorporation of this transition in the wider moves towards digitalization by Doordarshan, India's public broadcaster. Drawing on approaches in institutionalism that aid unraveling why certain interests get prioritized over others, the paper unmasks the official reasoning justifying the digital switchover in India. The paper infers that the marginal sections of society, for whom Doordarshan is the sole affordable TV outlet, will be the most challenged by this mandatory transition. Moreover, the move to terrestrial digital broadcasting is not guided by public interest values like enhancing diverse content, which could be the key mechanism for Doordarshan to regain the viewership it has lost to private satellite channels.

For over a hundred years, between 1507 and 1622, the island of Hormuz in the Persian Gulf was in the hands of the Portuguese. It was only under Shāh ʿAbbās I that the Safavids were able to recapture Hormuz and the neighbouring island of Qishm, under the leadership of general Imām Qulī Khān and with the unexpected help of some forces of the British East India Company that happened to be in the area at the time. The two epic poems from the 11th/17th century published in this volume, one by an otherwise unknown 'Qadrī' and the other by an anonymous author, deal with the recapture of Qishm and Hormuz under Imām Qulī Khān. While not of high literary quality, the poems show some interesting local and historical features, especially the longer one on Hormuz whose author had a great admiration of Imām Qulī Khān, whom he appears to have known personally

Mīrzā Asadallāh Khān, better known by his pen-name of Ghālib Dihlawī, is the last one of the great poets of the Mughal era. Born in Agra in 1212/1797, he traced his origins back to Tūrān, his paternal grandfather having emigrated from Transoxania to India during the reign of Shāh ʿĀlam (r. 1759-1806). While mostly known as one of the foremost Urdu poets, Ghālib's Persian work, poetry and prose, is of comparable quality. In his childhood days, his Persian had been greatly improved thanks to the teachings of a Persian immigrant by the name of ʿAbd al-Ṣamad. But even if Ghālib acknowledged ʿAbd al-Ṣamad's qualities as a teacher and a human being, as a writer of Persian poetry, he regarded his talents as God-given. Ghālib's life was full of drama: an unhappy marriage, the loss of all his children, alcoholism, depression, and years of financial hardship. Plagued by ill health, he died in Delhi, aged 71

Ghiyāth al-Dīn Khwāndamīr (d. after 942/1535-6) is a Persian historian who worked for several Timurid rulers in Herat. After the capture of Herat by the Uzbeks in 912/1507 and their ousting by the Safavids in 916/1510, Khwāndamīr held no further public office there. In 927/1520 he went to Agra where he entered the service of the founder of the Mughal dynasty Bābūr (d. 937/1530) and, following the latter's death, his son Humāyūn (d. 963/1556). He died in India, where he was also laid to rest. Khwāndamīr is especially known for his Ḥabīb al-siyar , a universal history from the beginning of time until the reign of Shāh Ismāʿīl I (d. 930/1524). The present work, written at the beginning of his career, is a monument to the greatness of his first patron, the vizier Mīr ʿAlī Shīr Nawāʾī (d. 906/1501). Khwāndamīr's personal involvement in many of the events that it describes lends this work its special interest