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The article presents a brief overview of India-U.S. relations during the period of Narendra Modi's government and Barack Obama's administration. The author analyzes the dynamics of cooperation development after the victory of Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2014 Parliamentary elections in India and studies the key directions of bilateral agenda. The current condition of India-U.S. strategic dialogue and the influence of human rights issues on the countries' cooperation are characterized.

Since 2014 the states' cooperation has been growing rapidly. The bilateral investment, trade and economic interdependence have significantly increased. Some experts and mass media note that Barack Obama and Narendra Modi are having friendly relations. From a different angle, a number of agreements between countries still remain unaccomplished. For instance, the U.S. support for India's permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, its accession to APEC and the implementation of nuclear deal have yet to be turned into achievement.

Together with strengthening the bilateral strategic dialogue, the U.S. has intensified the criticism of India's human rights record. The main part of it includes the cases of religious intolerance, which are observed in the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom reports and the remarks given by U.S. lawmakers and official representatives, including the Ambassador to India. Washington's careful attention to the human rights issues and religious violence in particular is one of the major irritants in the U.S.-India relations.

The engagement of Indian Americans in the local U.S. politics and their lobbying efforts in the context of U.S.-India relations are revealed. The author outlines the near-terms perspectives of bilateral cooperation.

European Union and Indian Union signed the cooperation agreement in 1994 and a strategic partnership 10 years later. Europe was feeling safe and secure, which was well-described in 2003 in the European Security Strategy, so the approach to the relations with India stressed their economic aspects. In 2007, both sides have started negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement. They still have not concluded but in the meantime the world has changed dramatically. In the current international "disorder" both India and Europe are looking for new partners and vectors of influence, defending multilateralism and democratic values. The paper analyses 5 factors which severely influence these relations. They can bring both sides closer and make the strategic partnership stronger: Rise of China as a global power; Increase of American-Chinese competition and rivalry; Russia's coming back to the international game of power; Rise of India as a regional power and global player, the world largest democracy and a counterbalance to China; Brexit and internal dynamics in the EU. The text is based, among others, on research and discussions taken under umbrella of the India-EU Think Tank Twinning Initiative - the project implemented by 10 best European and Indian think tanks.

The article deals with the problem of intellectual migration (exodus of the highly-skilled personnel, especially in the ield of science and technology), in relation to the three emerging economies: China, India and Russia. A brief historical outline of policy in relation to the "brain drain" is presented, and the experience of the three above-mentioned countries in the ield of intellectual migration management is compared. The basic timeframe of the study is from 1990s to the mid-late 2000s, with some remarks about past decades and future prospects. Among the three examples of migration management the Chinese experience seems more systematical and includes a wide range of instruments for reversing the "brain drain" process. Indian "talent circulation" policy is more fragmented, despite obvious efforts of the government to put it in the strict conceptual framework. In the Russian Federation the "brain drain" policy is yet in the making, and range of appropriate instruments for "circulation of talents" management is to be developed. The inal conclusion is that the dynamics of perception of the "brain drain" phenomenon is generally of a similar character in all three cases: an initial negative attitude and attempts to restrict intellectual migration change over time to the recognition of the "brain drain" inevitability and the transition to a "talent circulation" policy begins, i. e., the using of intellectual diaspora resources for development of the national economy and S&T system.

The first decade of the third millennium has witnessed the formation of newly forged associations, a substantial growth of regional organizations, an upsurge in their activity and also their increasing adaptability to globalization processes. A keen interest to participate in such regional alliances has been displayed by nations representing diverse structural systems, differing sizes of economy and various natural, economic, human and military potentials. Among these are both developed and developing states, great powers, neighboring states as well as those located on separate continents (India-Brazil-South Africa, Brazil-Russia-India-China-plus South Africa). The same state may decide to join one or several regional and sub-regional organizations as well as non-institutionalized groups. India has participated in such organizations and associations as SCO, SAARC, RIC, BIMSTEC and BRICS. Indian participation in the activities of regional and global organizations does not damage its independent foreign policy; its growing assertiveness as a world economic power occupies a special place in global politics. India determines its foreign policy and its relations with other world powers, with developed and developing countries alike, based on its national interests ; Мировая система в первое десятилетие третьего тысячелетия характеризуется формированием новых интеграционных объединений, ростом региональных организаций, подъемом их активности и повышением их адаптивности к процессу глобализации. Заинтересованность в участии в таких региональных формированиях проявляют государства различных категорий и масштабов, с различным природным, экономическим, человеческим и военным потенциалом, относящиеся к разряду развитых и развивающихся стран, великие державы, соседние, сопредельные или расположенные на разных континентах (Индия — Бразилия — Южная Африка, или БРИКС — Бразилия, Россия, Индия, Китай и Южная Африка). Одно государство может присоединиться к нескольким региональным и субрегиональным или неинституционализированным группам. Индия входит в такие объединения, как ШОС, СААРК, БИМСТЕК и БРИКС. Участие в региональных и глобальных организациях не влияет на независимую внешнюю политику Индии. Индия в качестве мировой экономической державы уверенно занимает отдельное место в глобальной политике и определяет свою внешнюю политику и отношения с другими мировыми державами, развитыми и развивающимися странами на основе своих национальных интересов.

The article analyses main studies in the area of labor regulation in India published in scientific journals during the period from 2003 to 2015. It reviews legislative framework, regulating labor activity of Indian economically active population. It describes the following laws "On industrial disputes", "On Trade Unions", "On industrial employment", "On labor contract" etc. The "weak spots" of Indian legislation in the area of labor protection, international migration and child employment are determined. It also reviews labor rights protecting organizations, such as Indian Labour Conference, trade unions and charitable foundations. ; Представлен анализ основных исследований в области правовой регламентации труда в Индии, опубликованных в научных журналах с 2003 по 2015 г. Рассмотрена законодательная база, регламентирующая трудовую деятельность экономически активного населения Индии. Описаны законы «О промышленных спорах», «О профсоюзах», «О промышленной занятости», «О трудовом договоре» и т.д.; определены «слабые места» законодательства Индии в области охраны труда, международной миграции и детской занятости. Также рассмотрены организации, занимающиеся защитой прав трудящихся, такие как Индийская конференция труда (ИКТ), профсоюзы и благотворительные фонды.

The article examines the development of Russian-Indian trade and economic relations from 1992 to 2017. The relevance of the topic is that currently the economic sanctions of some Western countries and the USA against Russia forced to strengthen the Eastern vector of its foreign policy. India is a leading country in the South Asian region, has nuclear capabilities, has demonstrated high rates of socio-economic and military development, and it has all chances to be among the world powers. The rapid growth of India draws attention of politicians and scientists. Deeper cooperation with India may become a good stimulus for the development of the Russian economy and to deepen bilateral strategic relations, in the conditions of aggravation of competitive struggle in world politics and economy is extremely important for both countries. The study of the historical experience, its content, potential, problems and perspectives seem to be relevant and useful. In the study of this topic, the author has considered the formation of modern normative-legal base of Russian-Indian trade and economic relations, has studied the structure and dynamics of trade turnover, revealed the main causes of the existing problems and identified prospects. As a methodological basis of the present study, we used the historical descriptive method which allowed the author to analyze the history of Russian-Indian economic relations. The results of the analysis the author concludes that today, there are a number of external and internal factors that negatively affect economic relations between the two countries, but Indian and Russian governments are determined to strengthen relations in this area, creating a favorable environment for the development of business contacts between representatives of business circles of Russia and India, and the commitment to take economic relations to a level commensurate with the status of "privileged strategic partnership". ; Автор рассматривает развитие российско-индийских торгово-экономических отношений с 1992 по 2017 г. Актуальность темы заключается в том, что в настоящее время экономические санкции ряда стран Запада и США в отношении России вынуждают ее усиливать восточный вектор своей внешней политики. Индия является ведущим государством Южно-Азиатского региона, обладает ядерным потенциалом, демонстрирует высокие темпы социально-экономического роста, и у нее есть все шансы войти в число мировых держав. Углубление сотрудничества с Индией может стать хорошим стимулом для развития российской экономики и придать глубину двусторонним стратегическим отношениям, что в условиях обострения конкурентной борьбы в мировой политике и экономике является чрезвычайно важным для обеих стран. Изучение исторического опыта отношений, их содержания, потенциала, проблем и перспектив представляется актуальным и полезным. В рамках данной темы автор рассмотрел становление современной нормативно-правовой базы торгово-экономических отношений, выделил этапы в процессе двустороннего взаимодействия, изучил структуру и динамику торгового оборота, раскрыл основные причины существующих проблем в отношениях и определил перспективы сотрудничества. В качестве методологической основы был использован историко-описательный метод, который позволил автору проанализировать историю российско-индийских торгово-экономических отношений. По итогам анализа автор делает вывод о том, что на сегодняшний день существует ряд внешних и внутренних факторов, которые негативно влияют на экономические отношения двух стран, однако у российского и индийского правительств есть решимость укреплять отношения в этой сфере, создавая благоприятную среду для развития бизнес-контактов между представителями деловых кругов России и Индии, и готовность вывести экономические отношения на уровень, сопоставимый со статусом «особо привилегированного стратегического партнерства».

On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union. ; On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union.

India is a pluralistic, multilingual and multi-ethnic country located in Southeast Asia. It is the 2nd largest populated country which has the 7th position in the geographical area. Since 1990 India has emerged as one of the wealthiest economies in the developing world. Recently it is the second fastest growing major economy in the world. Despite the fact that economical development in India has been accompanied by increases in life expectancy, literacy rates and food security, India's performance in the area of health care has been still far from satisfactory. The system of financing health care as a one of the most privatized in the world faces especially many problems. This paper would therefore attempt to describe and assess the system of financing health care in India. In order to outline to the readers the overall country context the first section will provide a brief description of the demographic, economic and health profile of the Indian population. The second and third sections will present the main methods of funding health care in India as well as and the budget of health care system. The concluding section would attempt to assess the financing system in India and offer a way forward for the better achievement of health care system goals.