Suchergebnisse

A massive indigenous protest in the Peruvian Amazon and its aftermaths triggered a socialconsensus in Peru about the necessity of intercultural policies and the enactment of aConsultation Law, a norm based on the ILO Convention 169 to consult indigenous peoples beforeapproving any norm that can affect indigenous collective rights. Nonetheless, the paper arguesthat, like previous legal reforms related to the recognition of indigenous rights, the ConsultationLaw remains conceiving indigenous peoples as minorities with proprietary entitlements instead ofconceiving them as nations with territorial rights. The Law is a form of liberal legality stillembedded in coloniality. Consequently, indigenous peoples maintain a tense and ambiguousrelation with liberal legality: they use the Consultation Law for territorial defence, but at the sametime they criticise the limitations of this legislation to fully take into account indigenouscosmologies.

This article discusses lessons learned about designing culturally informed and respectful research with indigenous peoples through the analysis of a case example, Tongan grandparents. These lessons have implications for educating ethical social work students and better informing the work of educators, researchers, and practitioners. Research issues with indigenous peoples include the need for inclusion of research team members from the culture in study and an understanding of cultural protocols and expectations. Framing this article is the work of Linda Tuhiwai Smith and guidelines from prominent research and assessment organizations that address multicultural issues in relation to research with indigenous cultures, ethical responsibilities to marginalized populations, and protection of basic human rights. Exploration, analysis, discussion, and generation of implications for education, future research, and practice are shared.

International audience ; This essay considers the politics of describing Indigenous peoples as ghostly or haunting presences. Focusing on the history of haunting tropes in Canadian cultural production and the recent re-emergence of the spectral Indigenous figure in, among other places, a wilderness park in southwestern British Columbia, I argue that the mobilization of haunting tropes to make sense of contemporary settler-Indigenous relations reinscribes colonial power relations and fails to account for the specific experiences and claims of Indigenous peoples. At a time when cultural geographers are contemplating the possibilities of a `spectral turn', this essay asks what politics are involved in deploying a spectro-geographical approach to studies of the colonial and postcolonial.

This essay considers the politics of describing Indigenous peoples as ghostly or haunting presences. Focusing on the history of haunting tropes in Canadian cultural production and the recent re-emergence of the spectral Indigenous figure in, among other places, a wilderness park in southwestern British Columbia, I argue that the mobilization of haunting tropes to make sense of contemporary settler-Indigenous relations reinscribes colonial power relations and fails to account for the specific experiences and claims of Indigenous peoples. At a time when cultural geographers are contemplating the possibilities of a 'spectral turn', this essay asks what politics are involved in deploying a spectro-geographical approach to studies of the colonial and postcolonial.

From the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe's resistance against the Dakota Access pipeline to the Nepalese Newar community's protest of the Fast Track Road Project, Indigenous peoples around the world are standing up and speaking out against global capitalism to protect the land, water, and air. By reminding us of the fundamental importance of placing Indigenous politics, histories, and ontologies at the center of our social movements, Indigenous Resurgence positions environmental justice within historical, social, political, and economic contexts, exploring the troubling relationship between colonial and environmental violence and reframing climate change and environmental degradation through an anticolonial lens.

Indigenous people in Mexico are more likely to be disadvantaged and live in poverty than non‐indigenous people. To better understand the forms in which indigenous people in Mexico experience poverty, this article reports, from an ethnic perspective, on the findings of multidimensional poverty estimates. The premise guiding this exercise is that the primary purpose of poverty measurement is to provide a continuous assessment of how to better target poverty. The analysis utilizes Alkire and Foster's (AF) specific multidimensional measurement framework. It also employs the Mexican Official Poverty Measure (MPM). Both methods are applied to 2014 data provided by the Mexican National Household Expenditure Revenue Survey (ENIGH) to explore the extent to which the privation of social rights influences the living conditions of Mexico's indigenous poor to better target poverty alleviation efforts. Results showing higher levels of deprivation in the social rights domain for indigenous people than for non‐indigenous people reveal the need for the Mexican government to articulate social policies that are specifically designed to tackle the social rights deprivations that the indigenous poor endure.

Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self " is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves. ; This item from the UA Faculty Publications collection is made available by the University of Arizona with support from the University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions, please contact us at repository@u.library.arizona.edu.

"'A useful introduction to Indigenous issues, especially for post-secondary students in Canada.' --Jonathan Dewar, co-editor of Cultivating Canada: Reconciliation through the Lens of Cultural Diversity. Written in an accessible style and ideal for classroom use, Arrows in a Quiver provides an overview of Indigenous-settler relations, including how land is central to Indigenous identity and how the Canadian state marginalizes Indigenous people. Illustrating the various 'arrows in a quiver' that Indigenous people use to fight back, such as grassroots organizing, political engagement, and the courts, Frideres situates "settler colonialism" historically and explains why decolonization requires a fundamental transformation of long-standing government policy for reconciliation to occur. The historical, political, and social context provided by this text offers greater understanding and theorizes what the effective devolution of government power might look like. "--

This article examines the changing nature of Indigenous healthcare and policy in Manitoba focusing on two critical healthcare gaps in the province: the health transfer policy, a policy that continues to be counterproductive to Indigenous health and well-being; and the intended closure of Grandview's EMS station and its failure to consider First Nations and Métis perspectives and access to care. Drawing on over a decade of community-engaged research in the province, our research argues for the need to move beyond soft reconciliation efforts in Indigenous health to reinterpreting Canada's colonial history by recognizing Indigenous peoples' hard rights to healthcare. Reconciliation should bring about changes to bureaucratic structures and challenge non-Indigenous peoples' values. Health system changes in Indigenous communities, without consultation, will continue to negatively impact community life and wellbeing. This article is intended to contribute to a broader discussion about the future of Indigenous healthcare, policy and reconciliation efforts in Manitoba.

This book unveils an ignored aspect of the Brazilian history: how the colonization of the country shaped the sexuality of its indigenous population. Based on textual research, the authors show how the government and religious institutions gradually imposed the family model considered as "normal" to Brazilian indigenous gays through forced labor, punishment, marriages with non-indigenous and other methods. However, such disciplinary practices didn't prevent the resistance of the natives whose sexuality operates out of the hegemonic model, and the book also analyzes the impact of these forms of dissent on the development of indigenous movements, interethnic relations and indigenous policies in Brazil. Building upon Post-Colonial and Queer theories, the authors present a historical overview of the ideas and practices employed by the religious and governmental authorities to repress homosexuality among indigenous peoples since the beginning of the colonization process, on the 16th century. They also show how this process of colonization of indigenous sexualities goes beyond the formal colonization period, which ended with the Brazilian Independence in 1822, and is part of a wider process of compulsory heterosexualization and heteronormativity of native peoples, based on scientific, theological, social and cultural assumptions that inspired religious, civilizing, academic and political practices throughout Brazilian history.

An analysis of Australia's governmental policy towards indigenous peoples has been done. The negative consequences of the colonization of the Australian continent have been revealed, in particular, a significant reduction in the number of aborigines due to the spread of alcohol and epidemics, the seizure of their territories. It is concluded that the colonization of Australia was based on the idea of the hierarchy of human society, the superiority and inferiority of different races and groups of people, and accordingly - the supremacy of European culture and civilization. It is demonstrated in the creation of reservations for aborigines and the adoption of legislation aimed at segregating the country's white and colored populations and assimilating certain indigenous peoples into European society, primarily children from mixed marriages. It has been proven that, considering the aborigines an endangered people and seeking to protect them from themselves, Europeans saw the way to their salvation in miscegenation - interracial marriages and the isolation of aboriginal children from their parents. This policy has been pursued since the end of the XIX century by the 1970s and had disrupted cultural and family ties and destroyed aboriginal communities, although government circles positioned it as a policy of caring for indigenous Australians. As a result, the generation of aborigines taken from their parents and raised in boarding schools or families of white Europeans has been dubbed the "lost generation". The activity of A.O. Neville who for more than two decades held the position of chief defender of the aborigines in Western Australia and in fact became the ideologist of the aborigines' assimilation policy has been analyzed. He substantiated the idea of the biological absorption of the indigenous Australian race as a key condition for its preservation and extremely harshly implemented the policy of separating Aboriginal children from their parents. It is concluded that the policy towards the indigenous population of Australia in the late XIX – first third of the XXcentury was based on the principle of discrimination on racial grounds. ; Здійснено аналіз урядової політики Австралії щодо корінного населення. Розкрито негативні наслідки колонізації австралійського континенту, зокрема значне зменшення чисельності аборигенів внаслідок поширення алкоголю й епідемій, захоплення їхніх територій. Зроблено висновок, що колонізація Австралії ґрунтувалась на ідеї ієрархії людського суспільства, вищості і нижчості різних рас і груп людей, а відповідно – зверхності європейської культури і цивілізації. Її унаочненням стало створення резервацій для аборигенів і прийняття законодавства, спрямованого на сегрегацію білого і кольорового населення країни і асиміляцію окремих представників корінного народу в європейське суспільство, у першу чергу – дітей від змішаних шлюбів. Доведено, що, вважаючи аборигенів вимираючим народом і прагнучи його захистити від самого себе, європейці бачили шлях його порятунку у міцегенації – міжрасових шлюбах та ізоляції дітей аборигенів від батьків. Така політика здійснювалась з кінця XIXст. до 1970-хрр. і призвела до порушення культурних і родинних зв'язків і руйнування общин аборигенів, хоча урядові кола позиціонували її як політику турботи про корінних австралійців. У зв'язку з цим, покоління аборигенів, яких забрали від батьків і передали на виховання в інтернати або сім'ї білошкірих європейців, отримало назву «втраченого покоління». Розкрито діяльність А.О.Невілля, який більше двох десятиліть обіймав посаду головного захисника аборигенів у Західній Австралії і фактично став ідеологом політики їхньої асиміляції. Він обґрунтував ідею біологічного поглинання корінної австралійської раси як ключової умови її збереження і надзвичайно жорстоко впроваджував політику відділення дітей аборигенів від їхніх батьків. Зроблено висновок, що політика щодо корінного населення Австралії кінця XIX – першої третини ХХст. будувалась на принципі дискримінації за расовою ознакою.

Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self" is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.

Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self" is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.

The article highlights the realities and dynamics facing researchers researching indigenous African culture. The cultural aspirations, understandings and practices of African indigenous people should position researchers to implement and organise the research process. Suggestions are also made for implementing the Afrocentric method and how to use African indigenous culture as a foundation for the Afrocentric method. The intent of this article is to stimulate enlightened discussion about the definition, mechanisms, and purpose of the Afrocentric method as an appropriate research method for indigenous African culture and how it can be used as a complement to qualitative research methods.