Alohtona fauna parazita slatkovodnih vrsta riba nije detaljno istražena u Republici Hrvatskoj unatoč dugoj povijesti unosa i prijenosa stranih vrsta riba u kopnene vode. Negativne posljedice za proizvodnju u akvakulturi i divlje vrste riba često su povezivane s unosom alohtonih vrsta parazita. Stoga ovaj članak nastoji izložiti povijesni pregled lokacija, vremenskih perioda i načina unosa alohtonih vrsta parazita riba u kopnene vode i time sastaviti listu vrsta. Ukupno, 16 alohtonih vrsta parazita zabilježeni su u kopnenim vodama Republike Hrvatske, a ribnjačarstva i ribogojilišta su utvrđena kao početne točke njihovog unosa. Međutim, postoji malo objavljenih podataka o ukupnoj prevalenciji infekcija, kao i ekonomskom utjecaju na akvakulturnu proizvodnju. Osim toga, ograničene informacije su dostupne o prisutnosti i potencijalnom ekološkom utjecaju egzotičnih parazita na autohtone vrste, posebno na endemsku ihtiofaunu u područjima visoke biološke raznolikosti, poput vodenih tijela Jadranskog slijeva. Stoga, postoji žurna i nužna potreba za multidisciplinarni pristup u suradnji između različitih dionika, uključujući državne institucije i znanstvene institucije u biološkoj, poljoprivrednoj i u veterinarskoj disciplini te sektora proizvodnje, s ciljem opsežnih istraživanja kako bi se utvrdio potencijalni utjecaj na proizvodnju akvakulture te autohtone populacije riba visoke konzervacijske vrijednosti. ; Non-indigenous parasite fauna of freshwater fish has not been studied extensively in Croatia, despite the long history of introductions and translocations of alien fish species into inland waters. Negative implications for aquaculture production and wild native fish species have been frequently associated with the introduction of non-native parasite species. Hence, the present paper attempts to lay out a historical overview of the suspected localities, time frames and pathways of introduction for non-indigenous fish parasites into inland waters of Croatia, therefore producing a list of species. In total, 16 non-native fish parasites have been recorded in inland waters of Croatia, aquaculture establishments being identified as initial points of introduction. However, a paucity of information exists on the overall prevalence of infection as well as the economic impact on aquaculture production. In addition, limited information is available about the presence and potential ecological impact of non-indigenous parasites on endemic fish fauna in areas of high biodiversity, such as the water bodies of the Adriatic Sea Basin. Therefore, there is an urgent need and opportunity for multidisciplinary cooperation between different stakeholders, including government, scientists, in both biological and veterinary disciplines, and the industry, with the aim of extensive surveys to determine the potential impact on aquaculture production and wild fish population of high conservation value.
The inauguration of a half-Indian, Alejandro Toledo, as the Peruvian president attracted international attention & renewed interest in the indigenous peoples in Latin America. That day (29 July 2001), presidents of the member-countries of the Andes community adopted the Machu Picchu Declaration on democracy, the rights of indigenous peoples, & the war on poverty. Regarding the rights of indigenous peoples, the member-countries of the Andes community plan to incorporate native Indians into their countries of residence, but at the same time preserve their identity. Within the AC, there are three groups of countries, depending on the size of their Indian population, &, consequently, the size of the territories on which the native Indian culture has a big chance of survival: Peru & Bolivia in which indigenous Indians make up 45%-55% of the total population; Ecuador with 25%; & Venezuela & Columbia with 1%-2%. 1 Appendix, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
The inauguration of a half-Indian, Alejandro Toledo, as the Peruvian president attracted international attention & renewed interest in the indigenous peoples in Latin America. That day (29 July 2001), presidents of the member-countries of the Andes community adopted the Machu Picchu Declaration on democracy, the rights of indigenous peoples, & the war on poverty. Regarding the rights of indigenous peoples, the member-countries of the Andes community plan to incorporate native Indians into their countries of residence, but at the same time preserve their identity. Within the AC, there are three groups of countries, depending on the size of their Indian population, &, consequently, the size of the territories on which the native Indian culture has a big chance of survival: Peru & Bolivia in which indigenous Indians make up 45%-55% of the total population; Ecuador with 25%; & Venezuela & Columbia with 1%-2%. 1 Appendix, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
This article examines the scope of Agamben's thesis that the camp is the "nomos" of the world we live in. The author asserts that Agamben's argument in favor of consequentiality includes a call to radical revolutionary change of the world, but that Agamben is unable to utter the call since he has no clear notion of politics freed from law. Kurelic's expose is divided into three segments. In the first one, he focuses on Agamben's disappointment with the corrupt "Free West," especially with the problems that the winners in the Cold War are faced with. In Giorgio Agamben's view, an example of a failed state is his native Italy. In the second segment, the author deals with the "global camp" conception & sets forth the narration in which the contemporary liberal democracy has become one of the incarnations of Leviathan
Western concepts of society, nature and technology have oftentimes been shaped by indigenous culture and tradition. Nevertheless, indigenous ancestral knowledge is now widely regarded obsolete. Perpetuating colonial thinking, the Western vision of our global future considers it only a matter of time until it is fully eliminated by the advancement of "progress". In a framework of Critical and Speculative Design (CSD), I investigate the legal, political, and social consequences of producing mezcal, a Mexican ancestral spirit, on the Croatian coast with Adriatic agaves: A process of production and exchange of knowledge by a Mexican indigenous "Maestro Mezcalero" (master mezcal producer) and a Croatian rakija distillery in Dalmatia. Together they show us a collaborative rural aspect of a potential future reality that employs indigenous knowledge to make use of natural resources, foster inter- cultural understanding and design alternative ways of production and life.
Western concepts of society, nature and technology have oftentimes been shaped by indigenous culture and tradition. Nevertheless, indigenous ancestral knowledge is now widely regarded obsolete. Perpetuating colonial thinking, the Western vision of our global future considers it only a matter of time until it is fully eliminated by the advancement of "progress". In a framework of Critical and Speculative Design (CSD), I investigate the legal, political, and social consequences of producing mezcal, a Mexican ancestral spirit, on the Croatian coast with Adriatic agaves: A process of production and exchange of knowledge by a Mexican indigenous "Maestro Mezcalero" (master mezcal producer) and a Croatian rakija distillery in Dalmatia. Together they show us a collaborative rural aspect of a potential future reality that employs indigenous knowledge to make use of natural resources, foster inter- cultural understanding and design alternative ways of production and life.
Posljednjih desetljeća, diljem svijeta, u inim industrijama, može se uočiti sve veća uporaba tradicijskih imena i simbola na komercijalnim proizvodima. Osobito često dolazi do korištenja urođeničkih imena i simbola na komercijalnim proizvodima neurođenika u državama u kojima su veće urođeničke zajednice kao što su SAD, Kanada, Australija i Novi Zeland. Takva praksa urođenicima nije prihvatljiva - ili zbog toga što je uvredljiva ili što iskorištava, a katkad i narušava njihov ugled. Osobito neprihvatljivom praksom urođenici smatraju kad neurođenici prisvajaju urođeničke oznake. Cilj je rada ispitati obuhvaća li konvencionalni sustav žigovnoga prava mehanizme čijom se primjenom može osigurati zaštita od neprimjerne uporabe tradicijskih oznaka. Radi ostvarenja navedenoga cilja, analiziraju se međunarodni i europski izvori iz područja žigovnoga prava, ali i specifična nacionalna rješenja. Istraživanje je pokazalo kako konvencionalni sustavi žigovnoga prava samo u iznimnim situacijama tradicionalnim oznakama mogu osigurati zaštitu od zloupotreba. Zbog toga pojedine države (u kojima su urođeničke zajednice brojnije, a javne politike usmjerene na zaštitu urođenika) različitim intervencijama u konvencionalne sustave žigovnoga prava nastoje povećati učinkovitost u borbi protiv uvredljive uporabe urođeničkih oznaka. Prikazuje se kako je na Novom Zelandu uveden koncept kulturološke uvrede kao apsolutnoga razloga za odbijanje registracije žiga, dok su u Kanadi uvedene, tzv. službene oznake kao posebne vrste žiga, te se razmatra doseg takvih intervencija i mogu li takvi primjeri biti relevantni za Europsku uniju. Analizira se kakve se slične intervencije u konvencionalni sustav žigovnoga prava primjenjuju u Europskoj uniji kako bi se osigurala zaštita od neprimjerene uporabe europskih autohtonih i tradicijskih oznaka. ; Since few decades ago, the use of traditional insignias on commercial products has been increasing, across the globe. In particular, the use of indigenous insignias on commercial products of non-indigenous ...
Šire bihaćko područje je od središta hrvatskog etničkog prostora u srednjem vijeku, zbog osmanlijske invazije i dugotrajne okupacije postalo u novom vijeku rubno područje na granici velesila, država i različitih civilizacija. Demografske promjene, na koje su utjecale vojne i političke okolnosti, najviše su se odrazile na hrvatsko katoličko stanovništvo. U zahtjevnim okolnostima Hrvati katolici su u širem graničnom krajiškom području opstali najvećim dijelom oko samog grada Bihaća. ; Almost two centuries passed from the first Ottoman invasions to the fall of Bihać, the last Croatian stronghold conquered by the Ottomans in 1592. After the fall of the defense on the river Vrbas, and then on the Una, only the defensive line on the river Kupa was effective enough to finally stop the Ottomans. During this period, the indigenous population of the wider area was suppressed in migrations to the northwest. The Islamization of conquered Bihać was important in the Ottoman security strategy. Part of the indigenous Catholic population remained in the villages around Bihać. The wars and demarcations in the 17th and 18th centuries affected the confessional and ethnic image of the wider river Una area. There were periods of more frequent "cross-border exchange" of the Croatian population due to economic and other reasons. About eight hundred surnames are recorded in the preserved registers of the parish of Bihać from the end of the 18th century. In the heart of the Croatian ethnic and political historical space, from which it is today separated by the state border, Croats have survived as indigenous population of this area, mostly around Bihać. Its numbers were influenced by wars, socio- political circumstances and political-territorial alterations in the 20th century.
U istraživanjima kasnosrednjovjekovnoga dvora knezova Iločkih pronađena je raznovrsna antička materijalna ostavština koja obogaćuje dosadašnje skromne spoznaje o Cucciumu i limesu u hrvatskome Podunavlju. U iskopavanjima 2002. godine otkriven je paljevinski grob s drvenom arhitekturom u kojem su se nalazili prilozi dvojakoga podrijetla. Autohtono podrijetlo u latenskoj kulturi mlađega željeznoga doba pokazuju lonci zaobljenoga tijela izrađeni rukom i zdjela S-profilacije. Sjevernoitalskoga podrijetla su zdjelica tankih stijenki, keramička svjetiljka, staklena posuda te ostali prilozi koji zajedno s Klaudijevim novcem datiraju grob u sredinu 1. st. Na osnovi nalaza posuda izrađenih u latenskim tradicijama pretpostavlja se kako je u grobu bila pokopana osoba starosjedilačkoga podrijetla, dok importirani prilozi svjedoče o ranoj romanizaciji južne Panonije i dunavskoga limesa. O postojanju složenoga pogrebnoga rituala svjedoče izdvojeni ostaci kultiviranih biljaka domaćega i uvoznoga podrijetla koje su bile položene u lonce. ; The high Danube bank near Ilok, which is situated on the western slopes of Fruška gora, was continuously settled in all prehistoric periods, and after that - as the finds analyzed herein indicate - in the Roman time, but Ilok experienced its peak in the Late Middle Ages, in the period of Nikola and his son Lovro. The beginning of excavations in Ilok's upper town is particularly significant for reveal of the topography of Roman Ilok, which remained almost completely unknown due to a small number of finds. Data about the Roman settlement of Ilok (Cuccium) are preserved in several Itineraries, with different forms for the settlement's name. Thus Notitia Dignitatum mentions two cavalry units, Cuneus equitum Promotorum and Equites Sagittarii, in Cuccium of the 4th century. The excavations of the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb began in 2001 in the extension of the eastern wing of Odescalchi Castle, to be continued in 2002 towards the west to encompass the lawn in front of the castle (Fig. 1). In preloess layer SJ 224 (10YR 4/3) in the southern part of the excavated area, filling SJ 229 was isolated. This filling is the first in a number of preserved fillings of the larger prehistoric pit SJ 306 which by finds was dated to the beginning of the Early Iron Age. In prehistoric filling SJ 229 another younger rectangular filling SJ 230 (5Y 4/3) was identified, whose western edge was damaged by recent burial in lime pit SJ 216, whereas the southern part lies outside the margin of the excavated area. Filling SJ 230 is part of the Early Roman grave SJ 273. Along the southern profile of the dig in filling SJ 230 a smaller burial SJ 270 and filling SJ 269, which caused no major damage to the grave (Fig. 5), were identified. The bottom of the grave with finds remained preserved, and the lack of incinerated human remains is possibly due to the fact that they are situated in the southern part of the grave, which has not yet been excavated, even though it is highly possible that they were destroyed in an earlier intervention in the grave filling. All grave goods were found in the eastern part of the grave (Fig. 2, Fig. 4). In the middle of the grave, close to the top of SJ 230, a hollow shafted iron axe (Pl. 2, 7) was found, which on account of its position compared to other finds is supposed to have entered the grave by digging through the older prehistoric strata, thus not belonging to the grave goods. On the bottom of the grave, filling SJ 268 (2.5Y 5/6) was isolated which belongs to the thin layer of preserved wooden architecture (Fig. 2-3), on whose remains in the north-eastern corner of the grave two hand-made pots with a rounded body and a flat rim and bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2) were found, as well as fragments of a wheel-made bowl with an S profile (Pl. 2, 1). In the corner of the grave, fragments of a dark-grey bowl with thin walls (Pl. 2, 6) and a play-token of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1) were found. A part of the bowl was also in a pot laid slightly more to the south (Pl. 1, 2). Around both pots numerous seeds were identified, which is why the complete content of the filling around the vessels and their filling is flotated. In the eastern part of the grave there were fragments of a glass vessel, probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4). Fragments of a ceramic lamp (Pl. 2, 5), a bronze earring (Pl. 1, 3), a fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) and an iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) were found in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave. Also in that part of the grave a bronze artefact, which probably represents a vessel's handle fastening system (Pl. 1, 4), and Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6) were found. Beneath the remains of planks, filling SJ 272 (5Y 5/4) was isolated, which contained no grave goods. The excavated part of grave SJ 273 is rectangular-shaped with rounded corners with dimensions of 2.12 m (W-E) and 1.88 m (N-S up to the dig profile). The results of research indicate that all the grave goods were lain on the bottom of a wooden case, the existence of which is proved not only by SJ 268, but also by four uncovered post holes, one in each corner (SJ 277 and SJ 295), and two more in the middle of the western and eastern side of the grave respectively (SJ 275 and SJ 293). Although the southern part of the grave was not excavated, it can be assumed that post holes were in the south-eastern and southwestern corner of the grave. All the holes are quadrangular, and in the bottom part they become octagonal to make post driving easier. The results of floatation of part of the filling around the ceramic vessels laying in the north-eastern part of the grave and the filling of pots indicated the existence of a complex funeral custom which is reflected in the presence of a relatively large number of isolated cultivated plants. Archaeobotanical analysis showed that among grave goods there were cereals (barley, millet, and different types of wheat), leguminous plants (lentil and vetch) as well as a large number of "fruit" objects (melon/cucumber, fig, apple/pear cherry/sour cherry/sloe, plum, elder and vine grape). The fig and probably the melon were imported to the Ilok since they are cultivated in warmer (sub)Mediterranean areas, whereas the other sorts were probably cultivated in the surroundings of Ilok. All of the cereals and vetch are carbonized, i.e. they were intentionally or unintentionally burned. Apparently they were laid onto a funeral pile. The remaining "fruit" finds were calcified, i.e. they were laid into the grave fresh or dried, probably when laying the human remains and other grave goods. With the exception of the fig, which had to be dried due to long transport from the Mediterranean region, the remaining fruits could have been laid fresh. Apples, pears, plums, sour berries and elder berries as well as vine grapes and melons ripen at the same time of the year, i.e. in the early autumn, which suggests that the burial took place in that season. Still one has to keep in mind that "fruit" objects could have been kept in dried state for a relatively long time. The remains of a Roman grave were found in the excavations of 2002, indicating the existence of a cemetery, which had been unknown until now. The grave contained a cremation burial, with grave goods that were laid on the bottom in the north-eastern corner and along the eastern side of the wooden case, rectangular in shape, which was probably made of oak wood (Fig. 4). The answers to questions on the chronological position, ethnic determination and the origin of the finds shall be given after an analysis of the grave goods, which can be divided in two groups, the first represented by three ceramic vessels made following the tradition of the La Tène culture, and the other group of finds which are northern Italic imports and which, along with the coin, make dating of the grave possible. These finds consist of a ceramic bowl with thin walls, a glass vessel, a ceramic lamp, a bronze earring and a glass paste play-token. The same origin can be assumed concerning the finds that were preserved only in fragments such as a bronze handle fastening system of a vessel and a needle. On the basis of their shape and technological characteristics, the two hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the wheel-made, S-profiled bowl are connected with the tradition of the La Tène culture. The dark grey to dark brown pots with an admixture of quartz and chuff in abundance, have a rounded body, a flat rim beneath which there is a horizontal groove and a flat bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2). These are situla form pots, for which there are numerous parallels in the Late La Tène Scordiscs settlements in eastern Slavonia and Syrmia, found also in Early Roman strata and graves. Of similar origin is also the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl with a rich admixture of quartz (Pl. 2, 1) that was also found in the north-eastern corner of the grave. The hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the S-profiled bowl represent the Late La Tène heritage of the Scordiscs and testify to the presence of an autochthonous population in the Early Roman sites of the 1st century, whose traditions are the strongest in the shapes, techniques and methods of decorating coarse pottery. As indicated by the finds from the settlement layers in Vinkovci, Osijek and Srijemska Mitrovica, the local craftsmen continued the production of recognizable shapes, thus satisfying the needs of the indigenous population. Those forms were decorated by familiar motifs by applying combed or broom-shaped ornaments and by polishing. Ceramic ware with autochthonous features was preserved until the period of the Flavians, suggesting the existence of indigenous peregrine communities which preserved the achievements of their own material culture up until the end of the 1st century, but due to intensified romanization in the 2nd century this autochthonous trait The second and larger group of finds from the grave testifying to the romanization of the indigenous population of Cuccium. This group consists of Early Roman import artefacts, which arrived at Limes by the well-known Sava valley trade route from the northern Italic region. The dark grey bowl with thin walls and two horizontal ribs (Pl. 2, 6), the ceramic lamp with a voluted nose and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5), and a glass vessel, most probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4) represent imported grave goods which are not only chronologically sensitive but also point to the direction of the cultural and economic effects of the Roman conquest of the Drava, Sava and Danube interfluve. Ceramic ware with thin walls appeared in the eastern Alps and the middle Danube in the Tiberian period along with Padanian sigillata at the time of the first military conquests. Different shapes and ornamentation methods were identified, of which bowls decorated in barbotine technique are the largest in number. Typical of southern Pannonia is intensive import in the Claudius-Flavius period, when the peak of production was achieved. With the Flavian period, the production in the local workshops of Sirmium, Emona and on Gomolava began, in which shapes, ornaments and facture of the imported specimens were imitated. At the end of the 1st century the quality and the number of vessels with thin walls declined, but their production continued until the middle of the 2nd century. The ceramic lamp with reddish-brown coating and volute nose, two grooves on its shoulder and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5) is also of northern Italic origin; its fragments were found at the eastern margin of the grave. The lamp find, along with other imports, suggests the acceptance of Roman lifestyle traditions and funeral customs. The described lamp belongs to the Iványi I type, which encompasses specimens with volute triangle-shaped nose, a relief figure in the middle concentric grooves on the rim. According to D. Iványi's classification, the lamp from Ilok belongs to the third type, its basic feature being a broader voluted nose dated to about the middle and the last quarter of the 1st century or to the 2nd century. According to Loeschcke's classification of ceramic lamps with an angular nose and volutes, the Ilok find corresponds to type I, variation b, characterized by a somewhat narrower top of the nose than with lamps having volutes, whereas the shoulder profile with two grooves is of type IIb. The angular ceramic lamps with volutes of the Iványi I, or Loeschcke I type, from Pannonian sites, represent a northern Italic import from the beginning of the 1st century, when they arrived along with the Arentino and northern Italic sigillata of the Augustan and Tiberian periods. The finds of voluted lamps, as well as of ceramic ware with thin walls, in military camps on the Danube (Zemun, Novi Banovci, Surduk) prove that they were imported to satisfied the needs of the army, but also for the higher social class of the autochthonous population, as indicated by the richly cremation grave from Ilok. Production in local Pannonian workshops began in the second half of the 1st century, as finds of moulds in Sirmium, Mursa and Poetovio suggest. Their occurrence in south Pannonian sites can be followed also in the 2nd century, up to the beginning of the 3rd. The smaller vessel, probably a funnel or a glass, made of greenish glass with a horizontally inverted rim (Pl. 2, 4), the fragments of which were found along the eastern margin of the grave, also suggests northern Italic origin. Just like the voluted lamp and the bowl with thin walls, the vessel came to the Danube limes through Aquileia, which in the 1st-2nd centuries was an important production center, but at the same time it was a commercial port for goods coming from other production centers, from where it was imported into the eastern Alpine and Danube regions. In the north-eastern corner of the grave there was also a play-token made of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1), which is supposed to have served for playing and which was dated to the 1st century. In the grave, a greenish glass bead was found as well (Pl. 2, 3). Metal grave goods and coin were preserved (Fig. 4) in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave, on the remains of poorly preserved wooden planks. The little bronze74 ring with an irregular rectangular cross-section has its one terminal looped, whereas its other terminal is missing (Pl. 1, 3). Its description corresponds with the type of Roman bronze earrings in the shape of wired annulets with different cross sections, with looped or clipped terminals. Simple earrings in the form of a wired ring that used to close by inserting the small hook through the loop were documented in a longer period, and they differ according to the shape of the pendant hanging from the ring, whose shape remained almost unchanged. The fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) was probably part of a bronze fibula. In the immediate vicinity of the earring there was another object, the function of which is not sufficiently clear. It might have been a handle fastening system of a bronze vessel (Pl. 1, 4) consisting of a leaned ring with an oval outline and a round cross-section, beneath which there is trifoliate sheet metal with rectangular terminals and a rivet hole in the upper part. The ring is separated from the bottom part by a rib, on which there are two horizontal grooves. In the immediate vicinity, a smaller iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) was found with a short spike with a rectangular cross-section that might have served for fastening a handle. Apart from the described finds, another import in the grave are also the remains of the fig and the melon, found along with other archaeobotanical samples in the north-eastern part of the grave and in the fillings of both pots. The figs could not be cultivated in the southern Pannonian area due to inclement climatic conditions. Since figs could not have been kept fresh for a long time, it was not possible to transport the fruits across larger distances, therefore probably the figs arrived to Cuccium dried. The figs, along with the remaining ceramic and glass finds, were imported for the needs of the settled Italic, but also indigenous population, who were not unfamiliar with Italic goods. The largest part of archaeobotanical artefacts accounts for wine grape seeds. The question of the origin and cultivation of wine among the Illyrians with the mentioned antique sources was thoroughly analysed by M. Zaninović. The Pannonian production of small quantities of wine and the bad quality of its production is mentioned by Dion Cassius (49.36.2), which is also confirmed by Strabo's quote (VII.5.10) that the regions above Dalmatia are mountainous and cold and that vineyards can seldom be found there. The finds of amphorae dated in the beginning of the 1st century, which came along with the wine across Aquileia, testify to imports of wine to Sirmium, which was supported by settled Italics and by the indigenous population. Wine cultivation in Pannonia was intensified in the second half of the 3rd century, in the period of Probus, when soldiers planted selected grapes on the slopes of Fruška gora (Almus Mons). The discovery of grape seeds in pots in the grave in Ilok prove the earlier existence of vineyards on the western slopes of Fruška gora already in the 1st century, although it is possible that the tradition of wine cultivation in the Ilok region is considerably older. The laying of different kinds of cereals and fruits combined with ceramic and glass vessels of twofold origin into the grave suggests the existence of a complex funeral rite, which is still inadequately understood in the southern Pannonian territory in the Early Roman period. Numerous parallels to all described finds from the grave in Ilok were documented in the Danube region, which enable the dating of the grave in the middle of the 1st century. This is also confirmed by the find of Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6). Although the grave has not been completely excavated, the grave goods and remains of grave architecture enriched the existing understanding of the process of romanization of the Croatian Danube region, testifying to the relation of the indigenous population towards the newly arrived achievements of the Roman culture. Of particular importance for the ethnic determination of the burial are three ceramic vessels from the northeastern corner of the grave, two hand-made pots with a rounded body (Pl. 1, 1-2) and the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl (Pl. 2, 1). The described vessels can be compared with the material heritage of the La Tène culture, which in the middle Danube is connected with the Scordiscs. In the described shapes, the continuation of pottery traditions of the indigenous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population is visible, which in the 1st century formed an important ethnic component of the southern part of Roman Pannonia. The second group of finds that suggests northern Italic origin points to the direction of the new ethnic, cultural and economic influences on the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the process of early romanization. Numerous parallels with Early Roman cremation burials from Syrmia, in which ceramic finds produced following La Tène traditions were found, indicate a strong tradition of the autochthonous population up until the end of the 1st century. This means that the mixed Celtic-Pannonian population living in the territory of the middle Danube played an important role in the process of early romanization and formed a constituent part of the ethnic corps of the newly conquered part of southern Pannonia. The indigenous population in larger centers that emerged from Late La Tène protourbane centers, was exposed to more intensive and rapid romanization by the settling Italic population and veterans and common imports, which was accompanied by the achievements of the Roman way of life. Rural Late La Tène communities long held the features of their own material culture, accepting only some of the achievements of the newly founded Roman provincial culture. In the grave in Ilok, imported objects suggesting northern Italic origin were found as well, and they came to the middle Danube by a trade route that was in function earlier – along the Sava River, where in the 1st century BC certain goods were transported for the Scordiscs. This is shown by numerous finds of bronze vessels of northern Italic origin, which in the sites of La Tène culture in eastern Slavonia occur in graves and in the most important fortified settlements such as Dalj, Sotin, Vinkovci and Orolik. The import of bronze vessels took place from Aquileia through Nauportus and Emona, from where along the Sava over Segestica it came to the middle Danube. Strabo (4.6.10; 5.1.8; 7.5.2) described this important prehistoric communication, and the described trade route is also supported by finds of coins from Appolonia and Dyrrhachion, as well as of Roman Republican coins. The use of the well-known trade route, along the Sava towards the East, continued also in the Early Roman period, when Aquileia was the most significant center of the export of pottery with thin walls, terra sigillatae and glass vessels on the markets of Pannonia and Noricum. It can be claimed with certainty that Tiberius' conquest of the eastern part of the Interfluve came running across the Sava valley. The understanding of events after the Roman conquest of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia is weak due to a lack of site excavations, on which the process of romanization that had started could be followed. Although there were significant military bases of the Danube Limes in the described territory, as well as larger civic settlements in its hinterland, such as Mursa and Cibalae, the material heritage of the first decades of the 1st century is little known. What all the Roman centers in the territory of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia have in common is that they were erected either in the most significant Late La Tène centers, or in their vicinity. In all mentioned sites, on the Limes as well as in its hinterland, in the Early Roman layers dated to the 1st century, shapes that suggest the continuity of the Late La Tène material heritage prevail. In the first line, the early Roman import was directed to significant Late La Tène Scordisc settlements, where along with ceramic forms made in autochthonous traditions a northern Italic import of the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods occurred. Within the study of imported ceramic vessels, the presence of auxiliary military units, the arrival of merchants and settlements of Italics already in the early 1st century were identified. On the sites along the Limes, northern Italic imports from the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods was not rich in numbers. In the Julian-Claudian period, only auxiliary military units controlling the border existed along the Danube in mobile camps. Imports became more intense only in the Flavian period, when the military units came to the Danube and erected permanent fortresses. This also intensified the romanization of the indigenous population, which was also advanced by the recruitment of the autochthonous population to auxiliary units. Military units were always followed by merchants who satisfied their needs, but also the needs of settled Italics, as well as the upper class of the indigenous population, to whom those goods were not unknown, with imported goods. The Roman merchants were familiar with the circumstances on the market of the Drava-Sava-Danube interfluve and they were the advance contingent of the Roman conquest. The quote of Velleius Paterculus (II.110) that at the beginning of the rebellion in Pannonia and Dalmatia many merchants were killed testifies to the early presence of Roman merchants in this interfluve zone. If one would try to closer determine the ethnicity of the grave found in Ilok, one should look for the answer in Roman antiquity sources dealing with the ethnic structure of the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the pre-Roman period and immediately after the conquest. The middle Danube in the Late Iron Age was populated by the Scordiscs, and after the conquest Roman sources mention some new communities. Thus, in the territory of the Croatian Danube area the Cornacates are mentioned, which Pliny the Elder mentions in his alphabetic index of the communities settled in Pannonia (N.H. III. 148). Since on that occasion communities from the territory of Transdanubia are mentioned as well, which were definitely conquered as late as in the Claudius period, the information on the Cornacates, to whom Cuccium is assigned, corresponds with the time to which the grave from Ilok is dated. The Cornacates as a peregrine community of Celtic-Pannonian origin were settled in the territory along the Danube in the surroundings of Vukovar up to Ilok. The western border towards neighbors - the Breuci - must have been around Vukovar and Negoslavci, where two military diplomas were found, issued to veterans of Breuci origin. The second possibility is that the Cornacates were only the citizens of the settlement Cornacum. Evidence supporting this statement is also found in Pliny's statement (N.H. III. 148) that Sirmium was an oppidum and a community of the Sirmienses and Amantinis, where under the Sirmienses exclusively the citizens of the settlement, which was the center of the Amantinian community, are meant. The final answer to the question whether the Cornacates lived in the territory of Ilok will be found only by an epigraphic find. The results of excavations of the castle of the Ilok in 2001 and 2002 extended the present-day understanding of the topography of Cuccium, and the discovery of the Early Roman cremation grave gave an insight into the process of early romanization of the Limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region. The Roman settlement laid more to the west than the late medieval palace of the Ilok princes, whereas graves were situated along the roads that led from the settlement, grave sites being indicated by finds of Late Antiquity sarcophagi and brick tombs to the south of today's Ilok. A grave was found to the west of the settlement, on the site of the present Ilok fortress, suggesting the existence of an Early Roman cemetery, where the indigenous population was buried. The finds of two hand-made pots with a rounded body and the wheel-made S-profiled bowl testify to this, indicating a strong tradition of the La Tène culture. The shape of the grave with the remains of a wooden cast has up to the present not been identified at the known Late La Tène Scordisc graves, therefore the question of its origin remains open. The second group of grave goods of northern Italic origin, represented by the bowl with thin walls, the lamp with the volute nose, the glass vessel and other metal and glass finds, points to the romanization of the encountered indigenous population, at the same time, based on the coin finds, dating the grave in the time of Claudius, in the middle of the 1st century. The discovery of the remains of different cultivated plants, out of which some show traces of incineration in and around both pots, testifies to the existence of a complex funeral rite in which, same as in the finds, the traditions of the newly arrived Roman culture intermingle with the material heritage of the autochthonous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population. It is highly conceivable that future research in Ilok shall expand the scarce understanding of the process of romanization and life along the limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region.
Bilo da je riječ o površnim poznavateljima povijesti ili profesionalnim povjesničarima, kod spomena plemstva u Međimurju prva pomisao biti će grofovi Zrinski, veliki junaci hrvatske i mađarske povijesti, koji su sredinom 16. stoljeća pretvorili Čakovec u svoj matični posjed. Međutim, taj je prostor nakon stabilizacije granice sa Štajerskom bio dom najuglednijim i najbogatijim plemićkim rodovima i obiteljima Ugarskog kraljevstva. Kroz ovaj ćemo rad kronološki popratiti njihove sudbine na prostoru današnjeg Međimurja, ali i šire. Prvi od takvih je rod Haholda, koji je i najzaslužniji za stabilnost na tom području. U njihovo vrijeme u ispravama pronalazimo i starosjedilačko plemstvo Međimurja, kraljeve graničare ili gradokmete, koji s novopridošlim rodom ubrzo ulaze u sukob, a nakon toga, po svemu sudeći, i u njihovu službu. Uvidjet ćemo da je upravo član tog roda ostavio ime središtu županije. Jednu ćemo granu tog roda na promatranom prostoru pratiti sve do kraja srednjeg vijeka. U zadnjoj četvrtini 13. stoljeća, granični je prostor doživio novu destabilizaciju i pustošenja, a samo Međimurje na određeno razdoblje palo u ruke štajerskog kapetana. Nakon što je 1328. vraćeno ugarskom kralju, vlastelinstvo je očito bilo u lošem stanju i tek 1350. godine nalazi novog stalnog vlasnika u obitelji Lacković. U hrvatskoj su povijesti Lackovići najpoznatiji po sukobu sa Sigismundom Luksemburškim, koji je završen u Križevcima, poznatim Krvavim saborom na kojem Stjepan Čakovečki biva ubijen. Nakon Lackovića, posjed uživa obitelj Sečenji, koja potječe od hrvatskog plemenitog roda Kačića. Sečenjiji se nisu dugo zadržali i najvećim djelom 15. stoljeća posjedom gospodare znameniti Celjski, a kasnije umjesto njih njihov kapetan Fridrik Lamberg. Završit ćemo s Ernuštima, skorojevićima kralja Matije Korvina, i time zaključiti zanimljivu povijest srednjeg vijeka prostora Međimurja. ; The first association, when talking about noble families in Međimurje, no matter if you are historian or just history enthusiast are Counts Zrinski. Zrinski were great heroes of Croatian and Hungarian history and they made Čakovec their primary possession. But it should be said that after the stabilization of border with Štajerska, Međimurje was home to many prominent and wealthy noble families from Hungarian kingdom. Throughout this Thesis we will analyze faiths of these above written noble families that had their assets in Međimurje. First such noble family was kindred of Haholds. They are responsible for stability in Međimurje. In their time, documents mention indigenous nobility of Međimurje, royal border guards or "iobagioni castri", who entered into conflict with newcomers and after that, apparently, in their service. We will see that one of the members of this family is responsible for giving name to center of this county. In the last quarter of 13th century, border area was again destabilized and desolated. In that time, Međimurje fell into hands of captain of Štajerska. After the year of 1328 it is returned to king of Hungaria and seigniory was apparently in bad shape. New owners of Međimurje were family Lacković. They claimed their right to Međimurje in the year of 1350. In Croatian history, family Lacković was best known because of their conflict with king Sigismund which ended with famous Bloody Parliament in Križevci when Stephen of Čakovec was killed. After the family of Lacković new owner were family Sečenji which are derived from Croatian noble family Kačići. They did not stay long on this area.For the most part of 15th century owner of Međimurje are family Celjski and after them, their captain Fridrik Lamberg. Last analized noble family are Ernušti and with them we finish this analysis of rather interesting medieval history in Međimuje.
U"terra interior", u BiH, kao i u njezinom okruženju, zaplelo se u izvitoperene forme demokracije, u demokrature, u ne-pravne i prazne države koje su porazile svoje građane. U njima se u osnovi i danas kontraproduktivno slijede modeli "nacije države", iluzija o preklapanju teritorijalnog i nacionalnog, identitarne jednosti, dok se u svijetu slijede logike transnacionalnih umreženja i jednakopravnosti građana svih oformljenih identiteta. Posebice u BiH se ne razumije vlastita identitarna višestrukost, te iz nje logična nužnost ukotvljenosti skupnih prava u individualna ljudska prava i slobode, pa potom skrb i o jednima i drugima u svakoj administrativnoj jedinici. Radi se o samoj suštini novog liberalizma i kulturološkog senzibilizma putem kojih se djeluje i u mnogonacionalnim državama s autohtono oformljenim identitetima i u polietničkim zajednicama s tzv. useljeničkim identitetima na formiranju političkih zajednica jednakopravnih građana svih identiteta. I u jednima i u drugima se primijenjuju demokratske metode upravljanja razlikama, u koje se ubrajaju: hegemonistička kontrola; arbitraža (intervencija treće strane); kantonizacija i/ili federalizacija; te konsocijativizam kao sporazumna podjela moći. U BiH i nije uopće moguće primijeniti iskustva tzv. hegemonističke kontrole ili ravnoteže, ma koliko sve tri ko-nacije rado izigravaju "hegemona", pa je nužna paradigma nenasilja i u mišljenju zasebitosti, navlastitosti i zajedništva u javnim politikama. Nažalost, takvo što nije u izgledu, jer skoro nitko ne razmišlja u kategorijama "svjetskog ethosa", ćudorednosti u unutarnjoj i vanjskoj politici, o balansima konsocijativne i većinske demokracije, o institucionalnoj jednakopravnosti, o ravnotežama nacionalnog i građanskog. Do toga bi se, pak, moglo i moralo stići putem međunacionalnih dijaloga, a ne unutar nacionalnih monologa, te nužnim kompromisom, jer se do održivih rješenja i ne može stići "ratom referata" i politikama sukobljavanja i zgađivanja (containment policy) međusobno bliskih identiteta u kulturološkom pogledu. I zbog toga bi se moralo žurno prestati oglušavati o odluke Europskog suda za ljudska prava u Strasbourgu, o rezolucije Europskog parlamenta i o poruke europskih čelnika o potrebi "zajedničkog upravljanja" i govora jednim glasom u ime BiH u odnosima i s EU i cijelim svijetom. BiH potrebuje "treći modus": alternativan pristup i etnonacionalističkom i tzv lijevo-građanskom redukcionizmu. Ma koliko bili majušni, možda bi Hrvati u BiH trebali - posvuda gdje su u većini - pokazati da je u BiH moguće napraviti "političku zajednicu" jednakopravnih građana svih ko-nacija i građana svih drugih identiteta. Možda bi ih potom i drugi slijedili? ; In "terra interior", in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in its surroundings, unnatural forms of democracy are imposed in the non-legal and empty states that have defeated their citizens. In them are followed contradictory models of "nation-states", an illusion of overlapping territorial and national, unity of identities, while in the world there are logics of transnational networking and equality of citizens of all created identities. Particularly in BiH, one does not understand its own plurality of identities, and the logical necessity of integrating collective rights into individual human rights and freedoms and then caring for one another in every administrative unit. It is about the very essence of the new liberalism and cultural sensibility through which it is operated in many multiethnic states with indigenous identities and in the polyethnic communities with the so-called immigrant identities on the formation of political communities of equal citizens of all identities. In both are applied democratic methods of government, which include: hegemonic control; arbitration (third party intervention); cantonization and/or federalization; and consociation as an agreement power division. In BiH, it is not possible to apply the so-called experiences of hegemonic control or equilibrium, no matter how much the three nations would gladly play "hegemons", so the paradigm of nonviolence is necessary in the thinking of detachment, peculiarities and common public policies. Unfortunately, this is unlikely because almost no one is thinking of the categories of "world ethos", of morality in internal and external politics, of the balances of the consociational and majority democracy, of institutional equality, of national and civil equilibrium. This could be achieved through inter-ethnic dialogues, not within national monologues, and with the necessary compromise, as sustainable solutions cannot be achieved through "verbal warfare" and politics of conflict and aggravation (containment policy) of mutually close identities in the cultural sense. And it should be promptly stopped with the denying of the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, the resolutions of the European Parliament and the messages of European leaders about the need for "shared rule" and speak through one-voice on behalf of BiH in relations with the EU and the world as a whole. In as much as they might be small in numbers, perhaps Croats in BiH should first - wherever they are majority- show that in BiH it is possible to create a "political community" of equal citizens of all co-nations and citizens of all other identities. Maybe the others would then follow them?
Zadatak razvijanja znanja o afričkim ruralnim područjima od strane urbanih afričkih istraživača susreće se s dva značajna izazova: nadmoć mitova i 'biće kao sila' u mreži ruralne afričke gnoze i prijezirno držanje urbanih afričkih istraživača spram domorodačkih sustava znanja (IKS). Ovaj je pristup rezultat kolonijalnih nastojanja da se sačuva epistemička hegemonija i neokolonijalizacija uz pomoć Afrikanaca koje se okrenulo protiv mogućnosti afričkog sustava znanja. Fiksacija na mit i silu ruralnih aktera i zapadnjačkog akademski orijentiranog sistema znanja sačinjava obostrano antagonističke strukture moći s kumulativnim efektom zagušivanja pokušaja da se Afriku razumije iznutra prema van. Ovaj rad, usmjeravajući se na društveno znanje Yoruba, primjenjuje rekonstruktivni pristup predlažući dva puta do razvoja robusne afričke baze znanja. Prvi put argumentira da se ruralni akteri koji doprinose razvoju afričke spoznaje moraju raščarati gdje je to potrebno. Drugi je put usmjeren na urgentnost postizanja potpune dekolonizacije. Dok prvi put vidi kretanje ruralnog od mitova prema artikulaciji liberalnog epistemičkog sistema, drugi put želi ukloniti nevjericu i prijezir koji urbani istraživači imaju o zbilji znanja u Africi. Znanje koje ima koristi od afričke originalnosti može se konsolidirati otvorenim dijalogom između urbanih istraživača i ruralnih aktera koji imaju izravnu vezu s ispostavom afričke gnoze u pogledu politike, prava, etike, farmakognoze, zdravstva, ekonomije i okoliša. ; The task of advancing knowledge on Africa from rural African spaces by urban African researchers confronts two formidable challenges; namely, the preponderance of myths and 'being as a force' in the network of rural African gnosis and the contemptuous poise of the urban African researcher against indigenous knowledge systems (IKS). This attitude is the aftermath of colonial efforts at reserving epistemic hegemony and neo¬colonisation by Africans who have been inundated against the possibility of an African knowledge system. The fixation on myths and force by rural agents and western academy-¬derived knowledge system constitute mutually antagonistic power structures with the cumulative effect of stifling efforts at understanding Africa from inside out. This paper focusing on the Yoruba knowledge society employs a reconstructive approach in proposing two paths to the development of a robust African knowledge base by African researchers. The first path argues that rural agents contributing to developing African episteme must disenchant where necessary. The second is directed at the urgency of achieving a consummated decolonisation. While the former path sees the rural moving from a system of myths to the articulation of liberal epistemic system, the latter seeks to nullify the incredulity and contempt urban researchers have about the reality of knowledge in Africa. Knowledge that has the benefit of African originality can thus be consolidated on an open dialogue between urban researchers and rural agents who have direct relations to the deposit of African gnosis pertaining to politics, law, ethics, pharmacognosy, health care, economy and the environment. ; La mission des chercheurs africains issus des milieux urbains pour développer le savoir dans les zones de l'Afrique rurale se confronte à deux défis significatifs : la prédominance des mythes et « l'être comme force » au sein du réseau africain de la gnose, et l'attitude méprisante des chercheurs issus des milieux urbains envers les systèmes de connaissances indigènes (IKS). Cette approche est le résultat d'efforts coloniaux pour sauvegarder l'hégémonie épistémique et le néocolonialisme par le biais d'un assujettissement des Africains qui va à l'encontre d'un éventuel système de connaissances africain. L'idée fixe qui porte sur les mythes et sur la force des acteurs issus du milieu rural, mais également sur celle du système de connaissances acadé¬mique constitue, des deux côtés, des structures de pouvoir qui ont pour effet d'étouffer les tentatives accumulées pour comprendre l'Afrique de l'intérieur. Ce travail, en s'orientant vers le savoir de la communauté Yoruba, applique une approche de reconstruction en proposant deux voies qui mènent à un développement solide de la base du savoir africain. La première voie discute le fait que les acteurs ruraux qui contribuent au développement du savoir africain doivent éclaircir la situation là où il est nécessaire de le faire. La seconde voie se penche sur l'urgence pour parvenir à une complète décolonisation. Alors que la première voie conçoit l'évolution du rural à partir des mythes et se dirige vers la formation d'un système épistémique libéral, la se-conde voie souhaite se débarrasser de l'incrédulité et du mépris des chercheurs urbains envers la réalité du savoir en Afrique. Le savoir qui tire ses avantages de l'originalité africaine peut se consolider par le biais d'un dialogue ouvert entre les chercheurs urbains et les acteurs ruraux qui ont un lien direct avec la gnose africaine établie eu égard à la politique, au droit, à l'éthique, à la pharmacognosie, à la santé, à l'économie et à l'environnement. ; Die Aufgabe der Fortentwicklung des Wissens über afrikanische ländliche Gebiete seitens der urbanen Forscher Afrikas stößt auf zwei bedeutende Herausforderungen: die Überlegenheit der Mythen und "das Wesen als Macht" im Netz ruraler afrikanischer Gnosis sowie die verächtliche Haltung urbaner afrikanischer Forscher gegenüber den indigenen Wissenssystemen (IKS). Ein solches Herangehen ist das Ergebnis kolonialer Bemühungen, die epistemische Hegemonie und Neokolonialisierung beizubehalten, und zwar mithilfe von Afrikanern, über die man gegen die Interessen des afrikanischen Wissenssystems die Oberhand behielt. Die Fixierung auf den Mythos und die Macht der ländlichen Akteure sowie des westlichen, akademisch orientierten Wissenssystems vereint beiderseitig antagonistische Machtstrukturen mit dem kumulativen Effekt, Versuche zu ersticken, Afrika von innen heraus zu verstehen. Diese Arbeit, indem sie sich auf das Wissen der Yoruba¬-Gesellschaft konzentriert, setzt den rekonstruktiven Ansatz ein und schlägt zwei Wege zur Entwicklung einer robusten afrikanischen Wissensbasis vor. Der erste Weg argumentiert, dass die ruralen Akteure, die der Entwicklung der afrikanischen Erkenntnis ihren Beitrag leisten, erforderlichenfalls entzaubert werden müssen. Der zweite Weg ist auf die Dringlichkeit der Umsetzung einer vollständigen Dekolonisation ausgerichtet. Während der erste Weg die Fortbewegung des Ländlichen von den Mythen zur Artikulation des liberalen epistemischen Systems erkennt, verfolgt der zweite Weg das Ziel, den Unglauben und die Geringschätzung zu beseitigen, die urbane Forscher gegenüber der Wissensrealität in Afrika pflegen. Das Wissen, dem die afrikanische Originalität zugutekommt, lässt sich durch einen offenen Dialog zwischen urbanen Forschern und ruralen Akteuren konsolidieren, die eine direkte Verbindung zur Außenstelle der afrikanischen Gnosis in Bezug auf Politik, Recht, Ethik, Pharmakognosie, Gesundheitswesen, Wirtschaft und Umwelt haben.
Na sjevernim gradskim bedemima Salone započet je novi projekt obnove jedinstvenog spomenika fortifikacijske arhitekture. Izvorno podignut za vrijeme cara Marka Aurelija 170. g., tijekom posljednjih stoljeća antike, stalno se popravlja i dograđuje novim zidnim pojačanjima, mnogobrojnim istaknutim kulama i trokutastim bastionima. Ponovno otkriven perimetralni plašt, na pojedinim mjestima sačuvan u punoj veličini sto jasno pokazuje znatnu moć antičkog graditeljstva, pridonijeti ce osvjetljivanju urbanističkog razvoja glavnoga grada rimske provincije Dalmacije. ; The ruins of Salona, capital of the Roman Province of Dalmatia, have long drawn the attention of many scientists, whose first efforts were concerned with establishing the original size and appearance of the city. D. Farlati, C. Lanza and V. Andrić drew ground plans of the remains which were visible at the time. However, F. Carrara started the first systematic topographic research in 1846, and his ground plan is still used today as a basis for insights into the history of ancient Salona. The city's irregular shape was enclosed by walls with a total length of 4,077 metres, fortified with towers of which 88 have been rediscovered. During his research, F. Carrara discovered several city gates which had been previously unknown (Porta Andetria, Porta Caesarea, Porta Suburbia, Porta Capraria and the Western Gate). He made more detailed excavations in the north-eastern part of the city, where the remains of walls and towers, up to 33 feet high, were best preserved. He noticed various fortification elements - several layers of walls and towers, some with adjoining triangular bastions. He considered the first phase of the fortification to have been completed as early as the 2nd century BC, and several inscriptions showed that parts of the walls were built during the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Carrara observed that the walls had been considerably reinforced by the addition of towers during Diocletian's time. He believed that the triangular bastions were the final element of Salona's fortification. The inscription (CJL JII 1984) suggests that these were probably added when all the towers were renovated, during the rule of Theodosius II. E. Dyggve also researched the walls of Salona and came to more or less the same conclusions. Dyggve was most interested in the urban development of Salona; he established the location of the oldest, central part of the city and described the eastward and westward spread of urban development. Some authors, including W. Gerber and H. Kahler, have investigated the oldest city gate, the Porta Caesarea, and made suggestions for its reconstruction. H. Kahler also examined the visible parts of the walls which had been excavated at that time near the Porta Caesarea and in the north-east part of city, and tried to establish a relative chronology. D. Rendić Miočević paid particular attention to the oldest part of Salona and discovered a square corner tower at the junction of the northern and eastern walls. The Split Conservation Department of the Ministry of Culture commenced protective conservation work on the northern ramparts in 1997. After a considerable time a neglected stretch of wall, reinforced by numerous towers, was exposed to view north of Porta Andetria up to the corner where it turns towards Porta Caesarea. Don F. Bulić had constructed a walkway on the inside of the walls from this point, connecting the north-east and north-west corners of the city. The walls were at that time mostly half-concealed with earth, but some segments, preserved up to their original height, were left visible. Two significant segments of the excavated ruins of the northern walls are particularly impressive: one is the complex at Bilankuša with towers nos. 78-81 which have already been investigated; the other is part of the outer shell and its associated towers, nos. 53-60, which remain at almost their original height. Preventative conservation work has been done on the weakened and uncovered walls, after completion of survey, of photogrammetric, architectural and geophysical records and research. Many fragments of inscriptions and architectural decorations were discovered during this work, mainly material from tombstones which had been re-incorporated into later structures. They came probably from the ancient necropolis which stretched along the ancient street from Porta Caesarea to the north-east, an area which was later incorporated in the secondary ring of walls (the Urbs orientalis). Further inscriptions discovered on the walls between towers 74 and 75 showed that Emperor Marcus Aurelius (CIL III 8570, 6374) was responsible for their construction. About ten late-antique amphorae, mostly spatheia dating from the 5th to the 7th centuries, were discovered in the in-fill immediately behind this original segment of the wall, which has been accurately dated from the inscriptions. The fact that they were found in the in-fill between two walls indicates that major repair work had been undertaken on the fortifications. Similar secondary use of amphorae in the Salona fortification system had been found earlier near tower no. 60. These were of types Dressel 32 and 34, dated between the 4th and the 5th centuries, but remained in use until much later. The complex defence system of the ancient Salona consisted of a series of elements which today provide better insight into the inception and development of the city. It has not been established precisely when the walls of Salona were first built, nor when the Italics and the Romans settled permanently and created their own town on the territory of the indigenous Dalmatic settlement and the of Issaian emporium. Research to date clearly indicates that old lines of communication were respected and that the town followed the contours of the terrain at its inception, as is clear from the irregular shape of the perimeter walls which were built in accordance with contemporary building practise, and the skill of military architects. A new city gate, Porta Caesarea, flanked by octagonal towers, was made in the existing walls at the beginning of the Empire. An aqueduct constructed above the city gate and associated cisterns provided exceptional fire protection of the most vulnerable segment of the fortifications. The threat of barbarian attack led to the construction of a new ring of walls during Marcus Aurelius' reign by the locally stationed military units coh I Del and coh II Del, and by vexilationes leg II Piae et III Concordiae who were urgently summoned from the Province of Pannonia. Inscriptions on the wall show clearly that some sections were built under supervision of the military commanders of these units and that there was simultaneous work on several sections (CIL III 1979, 1980, 8570, 6374). Relatively few towers were built when the walls were first constructed. More were created when new dangers became apparent, especially on the northern ramparts which were naturally most exposed to the enemy. The date of their construction is an open question: it is likely that most were built before the beginning of the 5th century, because there is evidence that they were renovated around that time (CIL III 1984). Further research is needed to establish whether the triangular bastions were added during the renovation, or whether they were built during military operations associated with the Gothic-Byzantine wars. Walls were occasionally strengthened where the defences were weak or for better communication between the protruding towers. The laws of the period (Cod. Theod, XI, 17, 4; XV, l, 49) assigned continuing responsibility for renovation and upkeep of the walls to the community as a whole. During the rule of Theodosius II at the beginning of the 5th century, for example, all the towers, and perhaps all the walls which had been destroyed, were renovated. Constantianos executed emergency repairs to the weakened wails during the Gothic-Byzantine wars, and an outer trench was constructed (Procop. , Bell. Goth. V, 7, 9; 7, 26-31; 16). During the last centuries of the ancient world, the complex defence system around the capital of the Province consisted of walls, doubly reinforced in several places by additional walls, towers and bastions, and by embankments and trenches to form a unique example of fortification architecture. Some segments of the walls of Salona are preserved at their original height of almost ten metres, which show the power and might of ancient architecture, as in other sparsely preserved perimeters of ancient cities such as the walls of Theodosius in Constantinople and of Aurelian in Rome.
