Suchergebnisse

Wounds that are not treated in time or treated improperly are a huge problem in the modern world. Successful wound treatment can be achieved through the use of advanced technologies aimed at producing value-added materials that promote tissue regeneration. One such technology is electrospinning, which uses polymer solutions to form materials that can promote wound healing and protect wounds from potential infections. In order to exploit the advantages of some polymers and overcome the disadvantages of others, increasing attention is being paid to the combination of different polymers, leading to the search for alternatives that improve the biological, physical and chemical properties of the dressings. The final project aims to develop coatings for gelatin derived from animal waste and to investigate their application in medical dressings. The study involved the formation of nano-microfibers of polyvinylpyrrolidone (PVP) and polyvinyl butyral (PVB) with a gelatin coating by electrospinning and the investigation of their structure and properties. It was found that the voltage applied during the forming process influences their diameter size distribution. The influence of a low cytotoxicity extract of common comfrey on the morphology of PVB and PVP coatings was also investigated. It was found that the addition of the extract of common comfrey root to the polymers and gelatin resulted in the formation of continuous coatings of gelatin droplets of uniform diameter on the surfaces. The cost of production of a non-woven fabric formed from such nano-microfibers was calculated. Research project "Technology for Obtaining an Innovative Antimicrobial, Non-active Medical Dressing Through the use of Indigenous Bioresources (NonActivPans)" is funded by the European Regional Development Fund according to the 2014–2020 Operational Programme for the European Union Funds' Investments under measure No. 01.2.2-MITA-K-702 "Promoting the Commercialisation and Internationalisation of R&D".

Muslims have known and used the term 'da'wa' throughout the history of Islam. The concept, or rather concepts, of da'wa has been elaborated upon since the early centuries of Islam. Muslims have applied the term to various specific activities of theirs. The broadly known explanation in Europe and North America for da'wa is that it constitutes activities, which in the Christian context fall under the term 'missions' or 'missionary activities'. Recently, however, there has been much discussion whether da'wa at all can be rendered as 'missionary activity', for it is argued by some Muslims as well as non-Muslim scholars that da'wa distinctly differs from what in the Christian tradition 'missions' have encompassed. From the available historical evidence, it appears that after Muhammad's death Muslims did not immediately embark upon da'wa activities – during and after the rapid conquests of the Byzantinian and Persian lands, they little if at all ventured to preach to local non-Muslims about the virtues of Islam. Da'wa in the sense of inviting non-Muslims to embrace Islam was not yet on conquering Muslims' agenda. The first waves of conversions to Islam from among the indigenous populations of the conquered lands took place with virtually no Muslim missionary activities in the background. But the concept of da'wa was not lost even on the early Muslims. They were very much aware of it and indeed capitalized on its exploitation. Yet, this first was done on the intra-community level, among the Muslims themselves. The term da'wa came into wider usage almost a hundred years after Muhammad's death, in the wake of the 'Abbasid propaganda against the then ruling Ummayad clan in the 720's. However, the 'Abbasid da'wa ceased as soon as the 'Abbasids were in power – the fact that attests to its political nature.

Muslims have known and used the term 'da'wa' throughout the history of Islam. The concept, or rather concepts, of da'wa has been elaborated upon since the early centuries of Islam. Muslims have applied the term to various specific activities of theirs. The broadly known explanation in Europe and North America for da'wa is that it constitutes activities, which in the Christian context fall under the term 'missions' or 'missionary activities'. Recently, however, there has been much discussion whether da'wa at all can be rendered as 'missionary activity', for it is argued by some Muslims as well as non-Muslim scholars that da'wa distinctly differs from what in the Christian tradition 'missions' have encompassed. From the available historical evidence, it appears that after Muhammad's death Muslims did not immediately embark upon da'wa activities – during and after the rapid conquests of the Byzantinian and Persian lands, they little if at all ventured to preach to local non-Muslims about the virtues of Islam. Da'wa in the sense of inviting non-Muslims to embrace Islam was not yet on conquering Muslims' agenda. The first waves of conversions to Islam from among the indigenous populations of the conquered lands took place with virtually no Muslim missionary activities in the background. But the concept of da'wa was not lost even on the early Muslims. They were very much aware of it and indeed capitalized on its exploitation. Yet, this first was done on the intra-community level, among the Muslims themselves. The term da'wa came into wider usage almost a hundred years after Muhammad's death, in the wake of the 'Abbasid propaganda against the then ruling Ummayad clan in the 720's. However, the 'Abbasid da'wa ceased as soon as the 'Abbasids were in power – the fact that attests to its political nature.

Muslims have known and used the term 'da'wa' throughout the history of Islam. The concept, or rather concepts, of da'wa has been elaborated upon since the early centuries of Islam. Muslims have applied the term to various specific activities of theirs. The broadly known explanation in Europe and North America for da'wa is that it constitutes activities, which in the Christian context fall under the term 'missions' or 'missionary activities'. Recently, however, there has been much discussion whether da'wa at all can be rendered as 'missionary activity', for it is argued by some Muslims as well as non-Muslim scholars that da'wa distinctly differs from what in the Christian tradition 'missions' have encompassed. From the available historical evidence, it appears that after Muhammad's death Muslims did not immediately embark upon da'wa activities – during and after the rapid conquests of the Byzantinian and Persian lands, they little if at all ventured to preach to local non-Muslims about the virtues of Islam. Da'wa in the sense of inviting non-Muslims to embrace Islam was not yet on conquering Muslims' agenda. The first waves of conversions to Islam from among the indigenous populations of the conquered lands took place with virtually no Muslim missionary activities in the background. But the concept of da'wa was not lost even on the early Muslims. They were very much aware of it and indeed capitalized on its exploitation. Yet, this first was done on the intra-community level, among the Muslims themselves. The term da'wa came into wider usage almost a hundred years after Muhammad's death, in the wake of the 'Abbasid propaganda against the then ruling Ummayad clan in the 720's. However, the 'Abbasid da'wa ceased as soon as the 'Abbasids were in power – the fact that attests to its political nature.

Muslims have known and used the term 'da'wa' throughout the history of Islam. The concept, or rather concepts, of da'wa has been elaborated upon since the early centuries of Islam. Muslims have applied the term to various specific activities of theirs. The broadly known explanation in Europe and North America for da'wa is that it constitutes activities, which in the Christian context fall under the term 'missions' or 'missionary activities'. Recently, however, there has been much discussion whether da'wa at all can be rendered as 'missionary activity', for it is argued by some Muslims as well as non-Muslim scholars that da'wa distinctly differs from what in the Christian tradition 'missions' have encompassed. From the available historical evidence, it appears that after Muhammad's death Muslims did not immediately embark upon da'wa activities – during and after the rapid conquests of the Byzantinian and Persian lands, they little if at all ventured to preach to local non-Muslims about the virtues of Islam. Da'wa in the sense of inviting non-Muslims to embrace Islam was not yet on conquering Muslims' agenda. The first waves of conversions to Islam from among the indigenous populations of the conquered lands took place with virtually no Muslim missionary activities in the background. But the concept of da'wa was not lost even on the early Muslims. They were very much aware of it and indeed capitalized on its exploitation. Yet, this first was done on the intra-community level, among the Muslims themselves. The term da'wa came into wider usage almost a hundred years after Muhammad's death, in the wake of the 'Abbasid propaganda against the then ruling Ummayad clan in the 720's. However, the 'Abbasid da'wa ceased as soon as the 'Abbasids were in power – the fact that attests to its political nature.

In the Times of struggle between neoliberal capitalism and global civil movement Questions regarding global governance and the possibility of global democracy are of specific concern. Currently, many social movements are organized around human rights under a variety of platforms (i.e., labor, indigenous rights). It is my contention that the need for transnational multi-issue movements is evident in the struggle for global democracy. The Internet is an important resource for the mobilization of mass global movements because it allows for quick and broad dissemination of information. Network society as a society in which a combination of social and media networks shapes its prime mode of organization and most important structures at all levels (individual, organizational and societal). It is necessary to understand nature of network society and its dynamics to further look at its influence on emerging social movements. Power is the condition and limit of politics, culture and authority. Power seeps through and around all forms of subjectivity, at times bringing opposites into conflict in a way that reinforces the fundamental flow of power. Power concerns not immediately obvious forms of politics, culture and authority but the structures that condition and limit these three. Grassroots activism exists in constant flows of power. Democracy is invented and reinvented between the demands of those without power and the limitations those with power try to impose. How are these two almost obsessively analysed figures of politics "the grassroots and democracy" transformed by being digitised and sent into cyberspace. Here arises global civil movement against neoliberal globalisation. This movement is not opposed to globalisation per se but instead is developing a new internationalism in the course of challenging the neoliberal nature of contemporary globalisation. This challenge is producing a universalising dynamic which is moving the movement beyond being a series of isolated militant particularist struggles. It consists of many different internet social movements united by using information and communication technologies and one goal counter the neoliberal power dominance

In the Times of struggle between neoliberal capitalism and global civil movement Questions regarding global governance and the possibility of global democracy are of specific concern. Currently, many social movements are organized around human rights under a variety of platforms (i.e., labor, indigenous rights). It is my contention that the need for transnational multi-issue movements is evident in the struggle for global democracy. The Internet is an important resource for the mobilization of mass global movements because it allows for quick and broad dissemination of information. Network society as a society in which a combination of social and media networks shapes its prime mode of organization and most important structures at all levels (individual, organizational and societal). It is necessary to understand nature of network society and its dynamics to further look at its influence on emerging social movements. Power is the condition and limit of politics, culture and authority. Power seeps through and around all forms of subjectivity, at times bringing opposites into conflict in a way that reinforces the fundamental flow of power. Power concerns not immediately obvious forms of politics, culture and authority but the structures that condition and limit these three. Grassroots activism exists in constant flows of power. Democracy is invented and reinvented between the demands of those without power and the limitations those with power try to impose. How are these two almost obsessively analysed figures of politics "the grassroots and democracy" transformed by being digitised and sent into cyberspace. Here arises global civil movement against neoliberal globalisation. This movement is not opposed to globalisation per se but instead is developing a new internationalism in the course of challenging the neoliberal nature of contemporary globalisation. This challenge is producing a universalising dynamic which is moving the movement beyond being a series of isolated militant particularist struggles. It consists of many different internet social movements united by using information and communication technologies and one goal counter the neoliberal power dominance

THE BALTIC STATES' ENERGY SYSTEM SUMMARY The goal of paper – the comparative analysis of Baltic states' (i.e. of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) energy systems in 1990-2004. The main causes that affected the development of Baltic states' energetics are indicated in this work. By the method of statistical analysis, the comparative advantages of Baltic states' energetics are detected. Moreover, the main trends of further development of integration of Baltic states ' energetics into the energetics of European Union are evaluated. After the restoration of independence, the economy of Baltic states experienced serious downturn. In the analyzed period of 1990-2004, the transition from centralised to market economy was followed by huge changes in Baltic states' economy, including energy sector. In the period of 1990-1994 the production and the demand of energy significantly decreased because of the loss of Eastern markets and the increase of prices of primary energy resources. Observable economic growth of Baltic countries since 1995 is closely related with the development of energetics. There has been a steady growth of energy needs, use of indigenous energy resource and trade of energy resources with foreign countries. By seeking the membership in European Union Baltic states had to commit themselves to implement a good few tasks in the energy sector. It includes the creation of common liberalized Baltic electricity market, the increase in use of renewable energy resources, the reduction of environmental pollution etc. However, Baltic states still have not had alternative electricity relations with Western European markets. After the closure of Ignalina's nuclear plant it could negatively influence the reliable supply of electricity and the electricity prices in all Baltic states. Baltic states buy more than 90 percent of fuel energy resources from the only supplier - Russia. Hence in the future by increasing of energy needs, Baltic states have to develop energy system by relating its connections with Western Europe, and also they have to increase the use of local and renewable energy resources. To meet a deficit of electricity and reduce dependence from imported fuel resources Baltic states have to build a new nuclear plant reactor.

THE BALTIC STATES' ENERGY SYSTEM SUMMARY The goal of paper – the comparative analysis of Baltic states' (i.e. of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) energy systems in 1990-2004. The main causes that affected the development of Baltic states' energetics are indicated in this work. By the method of statistical analysis, the comparative advantages of Baltic states' energetics are detected. Moreover, the main trends of further development of integration of Baltic states ' energetics into the energetics of European Union are evaluated. After the restoration of independence, the economy of Baltic states experienced serious downturn. In the analyzed period of 1990-2004, the transition from centralised to market economy was followed by huge changes in Baltic states' economy, including energy sector. In the period of 1990-1994 the production and the demand of energy significantly decreased because of the loss of Eastern markets and the increase of prices of primary energy resources. Observable economic growth of Baltic countries since 1995 is closely related with the development of energetics. There has been a steady growth of energy needs, use of indigenous energy resource and trade of energy resources with foreign countries. By seeking the membership in European Union Baltic states had to commit themselves to implement a good few tasks in the energy sector. It includes the creation of common liberalized Baltic electricity market, the increase in use of renewable energy resources, the reduction of environmental pollution etc. However, Baltic states still have not had alternative electricity relations with Western European markets. After the closure of Ignalina's nuclear plant it could negatively influence the reliable supply of electricity and the electricity prices in all Baltic states. Baltic states buy more than 90 percent of fuel energy resources from the only supplier - Russia. Hence in the future by increasing of energy needs, Baltic states have to develop energy system by relating its connections with Western Europe, and also they have to increase the use of local and renewable energy resources. To meet a deficit of electricity and reduce dependence from imported fuel resources Baltic states have to build a new nuclear plant reactor.

Muslims have known & used the term 'da'wa' throughout the history of Islam. The concept, or rather concepts, of da'wa has been elaborated upon since the early centuries of Islam. Muslims have applied the term to various specific activities of theirs. The broadly known explanation in Europe & North America for da'wa is that it constitutes activities, which in the Christian context fall under the term 'missions' or 'missionary activities.' Recently, however, there has been much discussion whether da'wa at all can be rendered as 'missionary activity,' for it is argued by some Muslims as well as non-Muslim scholars that da'wa distinctly differs from what in the Christian tradition 'missions' have encompassed. From the available historical evidence, it appears that after Muhammad's death Muslims did not immediately embark upon da'wa activities -- during & after the rapid conquests of the Byzantinian & Persian lands, they little if at all ventured to preach to local non-Muslims about the virtues of Islam. Da'wa in the sense of inviting non-Muslims to embrace Islam was not yet on conquering Muslims' agenda. The first waves of conversions to Islam from among the indigenous populations of the conquered lands took place with virtually no Muslim missionary activities in the background. But the concept of da'wa was not lost even on the early Muslims. They were very much aware of it & indeed capitalized on its exploitation. Yet, this first was done on the intra-community level, among the Muslims themselves. The term da'wa came into wider usage almost a hundred years after Muhammad's death, in the wake of the 'Abbasid propaganda against the then ruling Ummayad clan in the 720's. However, the 'Abbasid da'wa ceased as soon as the 'Abbasids were in power -- the fact that attests to its political nature. Da'wa as a truly missionary activity, albeit still within the Muslim Umma, appeared in the form of the Isma'ili da'wa of the 9th through 13th centuries. Isma'ilis, in many ways, can be seen as the pioneers of the organized Muslim missionary activities: their highly institutionalized & sophisticated da'wa structure has hardly been repeated until today. Moreover, for the Isma'ilis, da'wa was a state priority. The Isma'ili da'wa encompassed extra- & intra-ummaic forms & blended both theology & politics. The focal point of this article is the inter-relatedness of da'wa & politics on both theoretical & practical levels. On the one hand, the Quran nowhere directly implies da'wa to be a political activity. On the other hand, Muslims made it a part of their political theory (through relating da'wa to jihad) & life (using the concept of da'wa in their political agendas). Taken in general, the intertwining of da'wa & politics, then, has been a feature throughout the Muslim history, though practical implications of this have been different in different ages. [Abstract shortened by ProQuest.]. Adapted from the source document.