In my postgraduate formation during the last years of the 80's, we had close to thirty hospital beds in a pavilion called "sépticas" (1). In Colombia, where abortion was completely penalized, the pavilion was mostly filled with women with insecure, complicated abortions. The focus we received was technical: management of intensive care; performance of hysterectomies, colostomies, bowel resection, etc. In those times, some nurses were nuns and limited themselves to interrogating the patients to get them to "confess" what they had done to themselves in order to abort. It always disturbed me that the women who left alive, left without any advice or contraceptive method. Having asked a professor of mine, he responded with disdain: "This is a third level hospital, those things are done by nurses of the first level". Seeing so much pain and death, I decided to talk to patients, and I began to understand their decision. I still remember so many deaths with sadness, but one case in particular pains me: it was a woman close to being fifty who arrived with a uterine perforation in a state of advanced sepsis. Despite the surgery and the intensive care, she passed away. I had talked to her, and she told me she was a widow, had two adult kids and had aborted because of "embarrassment towards them" because they were going to find out that she had an active sexual life. A few days after her passing, the pathology professor called me, surprised, to tell me that the uterus we had sent for pathological examination showed no pregnancy. She was a woman in a perimenopausal state with a pregnancy exam that gave a false positive due to the high levels of FSH/LH typical of her age. SHE WAS NOT PREGNANT!!! She didn't have menstruation because she was premenopausal and a false positive led her to an unsafe abortion. Of course, the injuries caused in the attempted abortion caused the fatal conclusion, but the real underlying cause was the social taboo in respect to sexuality. I had to watch many adolescents and young women leave the hospital alive, but without a uterus, sometime without ovaries and with colostomies, to be looked down on by a society that blamed them for deciding to not be mothers. I had to see situation of women that arrived with their intestines protruding from their vaginas because of unsafe abortions. I saw women, who in their despair, self-inflicted injuries attempting to abort with elements such as stick, branches, onion wedges, alum bars and clothing hooks among others. Among so many deaths, it was hard not having at least one woman per day in the morgue due to an unsafe abortion. During those time, healthcare was not handled from the biopsychosocial, but only from the technical (2); nonetheless, in the academic evaluations that were performed, when asked about the definition of health, we had to recite the text from the International Organization of Health that included these three aspects. How contradictory! To give response to the health need of women and guarantee their right when I was already a professor, I began an obstetric contraceptive service in that third level hospital. There was resistance from the directors, but fortunately I was able to acquire international donations for the institution, which facilitated its acceptance. I decided to undertake a teaching career with the hope of being able to sensitize health professionals towards an integral focus of health and illness. When the International Conference of Population and Development (ICPD) was held in Cairo in 1994, I had already spent various years in teaching, and when I read their Action Program, I found a name for what I was working on: Sexual and Reproductive Rights. I began to incorporate the tools given by this document into my professional and teaching life. I was able to sensitize people at my countries Health Ministry, and we worked together moving it to an approach of human rights in areas of sexual and reproductive health (SRH). This new viewpoint, in addition to being integral, sought to give answers to old problems like maternal mortality, adolescent pregnancy, low contraceptive prevalence, unplanned or unwanted pregnancy or violence against women. With other sensitized people, we began with these SRH issues to permeate the Colombian Society of Obstetrics and Gynecology, some universities, and university hospitals. We are still fighting in a country that despite many difficulties has improved its indicators of SRH. With the experience of having labored in all sphere of these topics, we manage to create, with a handful of colleagues and friend at the Universidad El Bosque, a Master's Program in Sexual and Reproductive Health, open to all professions, in which we broke several paradigms. A program was initiated in which the qualitative and quantitative investigation had the same weight, and some alumni of the program are now in positions of leadership in governmental and international institutions, replicating integral models. In the Latin American Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FLASOG, English acronym) and in the International Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FIGO), I was able to apply my experience for many years in the SRH committees of these association to benefit women and girls in the regional and global environments. When I think of who has inspired me in these fights, I should highlight the great feminist who have taught me and been with me in so many fights. I cannot mention them all, but I have admired the story of the life of Margaret Sanger with her persistence and visionary outlook. She fought throughout her whole life to help the women of the 20th century to be able to obtain the right to decide when and whether or not they wanted to have children (3). Of current feminist, I have had the privilege of sharing experiences with Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz and Alejandra Meglioli, leaders of the International Planned Parenthood Federation – Western Hemisphere Region (IPPF-RHO). From my country, I want to mention my countrywoman Florence Thomas, psychologist, columnist, writer and Colombo-French feminist. She is one of the most influential and important voices in the movement for women rights in Colombia and the region. She arrived from France in the 1960's, in the years of counterculture, the Beatles, hippies, Simone de Beauvoir, and Jean-Paul Sartre, a time in which capitalism and consumer culture began to be criticized (4). It was then when they began to talk about the female body, female sexuality and when the contraceptive pill arrived like a total revolution for women. Upon its arrival in 1967, she experimented a shock because she had just assisted in a revolution and only found a country of mothers, not women (5). That was the only destiny for a woman, to be quiet and submissive. Then she realized that this could not continue, speaking of "revolutionary vanguards" in such a patriarchal environment. In 1986 with the North American and European feminism waves and with her academic team, they created the group "Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia", incubator of great initiatives and achievements for the country (6). She has led great changes with her courage, the strength of her arguments, and a simultaneously passionate and agreeable discourse. Among her multiple books, I highlight "Conversaciones con Violeta" (7), motivated by the disdain towards feminism of some young women. She writes it as a dialogue with an imaginary daughter in which, in an intimate manner, she reconstructs the history of women throughout the centuries and gives new light of the fundamental role of feminism in the life of modern women. Another book that shows her bravery is "Había que decirlo" (8), in which she narrates the experience of her own abortion at age twenty-two in sixty's France. My work experience in the IPPF-RHO has allowed me to meet leaders of all ages in diverse countries of the region, who with great mysticism and dedication, voluntarily, work to achieve a more equal and just society. I have been particularly impressed by the appropriation of the concept of sexual and reproductive rights by young people, and this has given me great hope for the future of the planet. We continue to have an incomplete agenda of the action plan of the ICPD of Cairo but seeing how the youth bravely confront the challenges motivates me to continue ahead and give my years of experience in an intergenerational work. In their policies and programs, the IPPF-RHO evidences great commitment for the rights and the SRH of adolescent, that are consistent with what the organization promotes, for example, 20% of the places for decision making are in hands of the young. Member organizations, that base their labor on volunteers, are true incubators of youth that will make that unassailable and necessary change of generations. In contrast to what many of us experienced, working in this complicated agenda of sexual and reproductive health without theoretical bases, today we see committed people with a solid formation to replace us. In the college of medicine at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the College of Nursing at the Universidad El Bosque, the new generations are more motivated and empowered, with great desire to change the strict underlying structures. Our great worry is the onslaught of the ultra-right, a lot of times better organized than us who do support rights, that supports anti-rights group and are truly pro-life (9). Faced with this scenario, we should organize ourselves better, giving battle to guarantee the rights of women in the local, regional, and global level, aggregating the efforts of all pro-right organizations. We are now committed to the Objectives of Sustainable Development (10), understood as those that satisfy the necessities of the current generation without jeopardizing the capacity of future generations to satisfy their own necessities. This new agenda is based on: - The unfinished work of the Millennium Development Goals - Pending commitments (international environmental conventions) - The emergent topics of the three dimensions of sustainable development: social, economic, and environmental. We now have 17 objectives of sustainable development and 169 goals (11). These goals mention "universal access to reproductive health" many times. In objective 3 of this list is included guaranteeing, before the year 2030, "universal access to sexual and reproductive health services, including those of family planning, information, and education." Likewise, objective 5, "obtain gender equality and empower all women and girls", establishes the goal of "assuring the universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights in conformity with the action program of the International Conference on Population and Development, the Action Platform of Beijing". It cannot be forgotten that the term universal access to sexual and reproductive health includes universal access to abortion and contraception. Currently, 830 women die every day through preventable maternal causes; of these deaths, 99% occur in developing countries, more than half in fragile environments and in humanitarian contexts (12). 216 million women cannot access modern contraception methods and the majority live in the nine poorest countries in the world and in a cultural environment proper to the decades of the seventies (13). This number only includes women from 15 to 49 years in any marital state, that is to say, the number that takes all women into account is much greater. Achieving the proposed objectives would entail preventing 67 million unwanted pregnancies and reducing maternal deaths by two thirds. We currently have a high, unsatisfied demand for modern contraceptives, with extremely low use of reversible, long term methods (intrauterine devices and subdermal implants) which are the most effect ones with best adherence (14). There is not a single objective among the 17 Objectives of Sustainable Development where contraception does not have a prominent role: from the first one that refers to ending poverty, going through the fifth one about gender equality, the tenth of inequality reduction among countries and within the same country, until the sixteenth related with peace and justice. If we want to change the world, we should procure universal access to contraception without myths or barriers. We have the moral obligation of achieving the irradiation of extreme poverty and advancing the construction of more equal, just, and happy societies. In emergency contraception (EC), we are very far from reaching expectations. If in reversible, long-term methods we have low prevalence, in EC the situation gets worse. Not all faculties in the region look at this topic, and where it is looked at, there is no homogeneity in content, not even within the same country. There are still myths about their real action mechanisms. There are countries, like Honduras, where it is prohibited and there is no specific medicine, the same case as in Haiti. Where it is available, access is dismal, particularly among girls, adolescents, youth, migrants, afro-descendent, and indigenous. The multiple barriers for the effective use of emergency contraceptives must be knocked down, and to work toward that we have to destroy myths and erroneous perceptions, taboos and cultural norms; achieve changes in laws and restrictive rules within countries, achieve access without barriers to the EC; work in union with other sectors; train health personnel and the community. It is necessary to transform the attitude of health personal to a service above personal opinion. Reflecting on what has occurred after the ICPD in Cairo, their Action Program changed how we look at the dynamics of population from an emphasis on demographics to a focus on the people and human rights. The governments agreed that, in this new focus, success was the empowerment of women and the possibility of choice through expanded access to education, health, services, and employment among others. Nonetheless, there have been unequal advances and inequality persists in our region, all the goals were not met, the sexual and reproductive goals continue beyond the reach of many women (15). There is a long road ahead until women and girls of the world can claim their rights and liberty of deciding. Globally, maternal deaths have been reduced, there is more qualified assistance of births, more contraception prevalence, integral sexuality education, and access to SRH services for adolescents are now recognized rights with great advances, and additionally there have been concrete gains in terms of more favorable legal frameworks, particularly in our region; nonetheless, although it's true that the access condition have improved, the restrictive laws of the region expose the most vulnerable women to insecure abortions. There are great challenges for governments to recognize SRH and the DSR as integral parts of health systems, there is an ample agenda against women. In that sense, access to SRH is threatened and oppressed, it requires multi-sector mobilization and litigation strategies, investigation and support for the support of women's rights as a multi-sector agenda. Looking forward, we must make an effort to work more with youth to advance not only the Action Program of the ICPD, but also all social movements. They are one of the most vulnerable groups, and the biggest catalyzers for change. The young population still faces many challenges, especially women and girls; young girls are in particularly high risk due to lack of friendly and confidential services related with sexual and reproductive health, gender violence, and lack of access to services. In addition, access to abortion must be improved; it is the responsibility of states to guarantee the quality and security of this access. In our region there still exist countries with completely restrictive frameworks. New technologies facilitate self-care (16), which will allow expansion of universal access, but governments cannot detach themselves from their responsibility. Self-care is expanding in the world and can be strategic for reaching the most vulnerable populations. There are new challenges for the same problems, that require a re-interpretation of the measures necessary to guaranty the DSR of all people, in particular women, girls, and in general, marginalized and vulnerable populations. It is necessary to take into account migrations, climate change, the impact of digital media, the resurgence of hate discourse, oppression, violence, xenophobia, homo/transphobia, and other emergent problems, as SRH should be seen within a framework of justice, not isolated. We should demand accountability of the 179 governments that participate in the ICPD 25 years ago and the 193 countries that signed the Sustainable Development Objectives. They should reaffirm their commitments and expand their agenda to topics not considered at that time. Our region has given the world an example with the Agreement of Montevideo, that becomes a blueprint for achieving the action plan of the CIPD and we should not allow retreat. This agreement puts people at the center, especially women, and includes the topic of abortion, inviting the state to consider the possibility of legalizing it, which opens the doors for all governments of the world to recognize that women have the right to choose on maternity. This agreement is much more inclusive: Considering that the gaps in health continue to abound in the region and the average statistics hide the high levels of maternal mortality, of sexually transmitted diseases, of infection by HIV/AIDS, and the unsatisfied demand for contraception in the population that lives in poverty and rural areas, among indigenous communities, and afro-descendants and groups in conditions of vulnerability like women, adolescents and incapacitated people, it is agreed: 33- To promote, protect, and guarantee the health and the sexual and reproductive rights that contribute to the complete fulfillment of people and social justice in a society free of any form of discrimination and violence. 37- Guarantee universal access to quality sexual and reproductive health services, taking into consideration the specific needs of men and women, adolescents and young, LGBT people, older people and people with incapacity, paying particular attention to people in a condition of vulnerability and people who live in rural and remote zone, promoting citizen participation in the completing of these commitments. 42- To guarantee, in cases in which abortion is legal or decriminalized in the national legislation, the existence of safe and quality abortion for non-desired or non-accepted pregnancies and instigate the other States to consider the possibility of modifying public laws, norms, strategies, and public policy on the voluntary interruption of pregnancy to save the life and health of pregnant adolescent women, improving their quality of life and decreasing the number of abortions (17).
Since 2007, after the election of the economist Rafael Correa Delgado for president of the Republic of Ecuador, the country has been experiencing a series of ideological, structural and political changes. A Constitutional Assembly, demanded by a Popular Consultation, materialized Correa's project of "homeland refoundation" (Ulloa, 2020, p. 19). In 2008, once the Constitution had been drafted, 63,93% of the voting population said "Yes" to the new Constitution, thus establishing what would be a turning point in national politics.On the one hand, until the fall of Colonel Lucio Gutiérrez (2003-2005), the country had undergone turbulence during the nineties due to significant political-institutional instability. There were three political leaders toppled in total; an armed conflict with its neighbor country, Peru; and a deep economic crisis that led the country to embark on dollarization. Correa's presidency, on the other hand, lasted ten years (2007-2017), after which time he left one of his vice-presidents Lenín Moreno as successor (2017-2021). In addition, despite the corruption during his government, he continues to lead the second largest political party, as can be seen in the 2021 elections.His Plan of Government, called 'Plan Nacional para el Buen Vivir,' introduced the indigenous worldview of Sumak Kawsay. Translated from quichua language as Buen Vivir, this philosophy enabled the adoption of social inclusion measures, the enlargement of minority rights, including the expansion of the liberal juridical anthropocentric concept, by offering nature rights (Hernández, 2017). Sumak Kawsay means "life in its fullness […] in its material and spiritual excellence […] in its inner and outer balance of the community" (Macas, 2010, p. 14).Based on this philosophy, Ecuador started moving towards social change, which was impossible without the inclusion of gender equality (Zaragocín, 2017, p. 64). In that sense, many public policies have been planned, creating debates on economic, political and social issues (Acosta, 2012; Acosta y Cajas-Guijarro, 2018; Hernández, 2017; Radcliffe, 2017). Furthermore, these policies targeted one of the most hermetic institutions: the Armed Forces.In this respect, this paper aims to analyze the discursive reproductions and disruptions in gender categories (masculine and feminine) based on an analysis of Ecuadorian defense documents. The masculinities constitute a gender category that reflects the subjugation of the feminine by the masculine, and is connected to a superiority associated with strength, rationality, command, in opposition to feminine values (weakness, emotionality, anarchy) (Hooper, 1999). Nevertheless, masculinities are not personal characteristics concerning individuals. Instead, they should be understood as configurations produced by social actions in a particular context (Connell y Messerschmidt, 2005, p. 832). In this paper, Maya Eichler's militarized masculinities (MM) concept is used as a reference to the stereotypical masculine characteristics created by the exacerbation of virility in military rituals (military service, combat) (Eichler, 2014, pp. 83-85). The author highlights that the MM are regularly and dynamically produced, making necessary an analysis on its features. Therefore, it is used to identify discursive and ideological formations and interdiscourses associated with gender notions present in the documents through a post-structural feminist approach and a discourse analysis methodology.Gender equality constitutes an unavoidable issue in contemporary democracies and consequently the inclusion of women in the Ecuadorian Armed Forces is an ongoing challenge. Recent studies on the integration of women in the military demonstrate that public policies, mainly regarding gender equality and interculturality, have been militarized (Zaragocín, 2018, p. 436). In other words, the potential for social change has been lost. From this fact, this paper argues that the militarization of gender equality, besides undermining the transformative potential of social inclusion, allowed the reproduction of new manifestations of militarized masculinities in the defense documents, updating the dynamics based on a dialectic and negative masculine/feminine dichotomy.Furthermore, the existence of a gap in the Ecuadorian security and defense literature is identified; despite the increase of women in the military, studies on this phenomenon remain incipient (Chacón, 2014; Iturralde, 2015; Morales et al., 2017; Zaldumbide, 2020; Zaragocín, 2018). Issues concerning military masculinities, hegemonic masculinity in these places and in Ecuadorian society —and their discursive reproductions, continuities and resistances— constitute a fertile ground for the analysis of the consequences of militarization for social inclusion. This paper fills this gap by analyzing the transformation in militarized masculinities in national defense discourse, and it does so through innovative methodological resources that allow a critical perspective on the results of the policies implemented since 2007.In terms of methodology, a framework of analisis is used consisting of defense documents published from 2002 to 2017, namely: Libro Blanco de Defensa (2002, 2006), Agenda Política de Defensa (2009-2013 and 2014-2017), Política de Género de las Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador (2013) and the Cartilla de Género Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador (2017). This framework refers to the year of 2002 due to the release of the first Libro Blanco during Gustavo Noboa's administration (2000-2003). This permits us to determine to what extent the inclusion of gender politics was an unavoidable issue in national defense politics during the documents' transition.The body of analysis is addressed through the combination of a discourse analysis and a post-structural feminist perspective on gender, using Laura Shepherd's theoretical lens. The connection between these methodologies permits the identification of the ways that gender manifests itself as an element of power in discourses. It is highlighted how the post-structural feminist perspective allows us to question how the texts signify, enabling the realization of profound analyses that address the documents' discursive meanings (Shepherd, 2010, p. 9). Discourse should be understood as "word in motion", whose purpose is the production of effects of meaning (Orlandi, 2012, p. 15). Discourse is represented by oral and written word, and symbols that dispute meanings in subjective and ideological fields (Brandão, 2012, p. 9). For this study, the texts that form the body of analysis are considered discourses. In this way, discourses are understood as neither transparent nor inert (Orlandi, 2012, p. 15), but dynamic and contingent.Besides the introduction and the final considerations, the work has three sections. The first section presents the conceptual tools that will be used to understand the relation between gender and masculinities. After that, a brief description of the methodology employed in the study is developed. Finally, the analysis is conducted on the manifestations of militarized masculinities in the documents. The work finishes by presenting a final argument, that is: besides undermining the transformative potential of social inclusion, the militarization of gender equality allows for the reproduction of new manifestations of militarized masculinities in the defense documents. The dynamics are updated based on a dialectic and negative masculine/feminine dichotomy.Through this analysis three illustrative images of women's presence in the defense documents were created: "partial citizen", "authorized citizen" and "military woman". The three representations show, in a "before" and "after" comparison of gender politics, that women continue experiencing rejection in military spaces, being the "Other", and inherently a stranger to the ideal of militarized masculinity that prevails in the barracks. The conclusion is that militarized masculinities have experienced a discursive metamorphosis, demonstrating the subtle and resistant armor of the masculine military ethos. ; El presente trabajo busca analizar las manifestaciones, reproducciones y rupturas discursivas que experimentan las nociones de género a partir de las masculinidades militarizadas presentes en los documentos de defensa del Ecuador. El corpus de análisis está constituido por las políticas de defensa producidas entre 2002 y 2017, considerando el periodo presidencial de Rafael Correa (2007-2017). La Constitución de 2008, con la inclusión de la filosofía indígena del Buen Vivir (Sumak Kawsay), permitió la promoción de políticas públicas direccionadas a alcanzar la equidad de género y la interculturalidad. Las instituciones castrenses se han mostrado especialmente reticentes a los cambios producidos por dichas medidas, generando una militarización de las políticas de género. Es decir, el potencial de cambio que las caracteriza ha sido contenido por la supremacía del ethos militar masculino. El efecto de esa contención —en un país que se autodenomina plurinacional, que reconoce la presencia de diversos pueblos en su territorio— necesita ser analizado, puesto que impacta directamente con las propuestas de inclusión social. Se argumenta que la militarización de elementos como la equidad de género y la interseccionalidad del Buen Vivir, además de corroer el potencial transformador de inclusión social, permite reproducir nuevas formas de manifestación de las masculinidades militarizadas en los documentos de defensa, actualizando las dinámicas que responden a la dicotomía masculino/femenino en un sentido dialéctico y negativo. Para el análisis se emplea una perspectiva de género feminista aliada al análisis del discurso de vertiente francesa, visando examinar las manifestaciones discursivas de las masculinidades militarizadas en los documentos de defensa. A partir del análisis se crearon tres categorías ilustrativas de la presencia de la mujer en los documentos de defensa: ciudadana parcial, ciudadana autorizada, mujer militar. Las tres representaciones muestran, en un antes y un después de las políticas de género, que las mujeres continúan vivenciando rechazo en los espacios militares, ocupando el lugar de un otro. Se concluye que las masculinidades militarizadas han experimentado una metamorfosis discursiva, mostrando el blindaje resistente y sutil del ethos militar masculino. En términos de estructura, el trabajo posee tres secciones. En la primera, se despliegan los instrumentos conceptuales para comprender la relación entre género y masculinidades. Enseguida, se desarrolla una breve descripción de la metodología utilizada. Finalmente, se aplica el dispositivo de análisis a la localización de las manifestaciones de las masculinidades militarizadas en los documentos.
Since 2014 Sweden has had a Feminist Foreign Policy (PEF in Spanish). This concept has been widely used in academic and political circles, without enough progress in its proper definition and delimitation. Scarce theoretical formulations, almost all of them coming from American and/or European academics, fail to provide the improvement of the concept and are limited to a series of minimal characteristics, which are influenced by a liberal and ethnocentric reading of feminism. It allows the notion of PEF to be used to refer to many diverse situations, and to establish, at least symbolically, a sign of equality between cases that have little elements in common; for instance, the foreign policies of Sweden, Canada, and Mexico. This situation is not insignificant, since, on the one hand, it reduces the importance and impact of the proposals that feminism has been developing for decades in the field of international relations theory; and on the other hand, it allows government officials and some intellectuals to appropriate and make superficial use of principles established in the intense struggles that women and other feminized sectors have been involved in for a long time. Faced with this panorama there is a need to conceptualize. It recovers the most transformative elements of the feminist tradition. To this end, we will problematize some theoretical definitions of PEF, and the self-denominated Feminist Foreign Policies currently in existence, showing the notable weaknesses and contradictions that cross them. We then proceed to the elaboration of a definition of PEF that incorporates elements coming from multiple feminisms (radical, decolonial black, indigenous), and that above all adopts explicitly a geographical, cultural, subalternate and counterhegemonic perspective. Likewise, we propose a gradual categorization of those foreign policies that begin to abandon androcentric and cisheteropatriarchal positioning, from the concepts of Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective (PEPG in Spanish), and Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective and Feminist Agenda (PEGAF in Spanish), and whose meanings we shall develop. Although the concept of PEF could be used for naming a foreign policy that gives a complete and uncontradicted account of the postulates upheld by feminism, we believe that it is more appropriate to use other, less comprehensive concepts. In general terms, the PEF corresponds to a liberal and institutional feminist approach, which underestimates other social actors as legitimate interlocutors. Their strategies are based on a gender mainstreaming approach, perfected in international organizations and replicated by various state entities; as such they ignore the ethnic, cultural, religious and socioeconomic particularities of the populations in which they are applied. In them, divergences between the multiple governmental spheres are not unusual. Moreover, even within the Ministries of Foreign Affairs it is possible to identify notorious incongruities between sectors that are, or are not, crossed by the gender perspective. Secondly, we suggest the use of the concept of Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective and Feminist Agenda. Considering that the levels are cumulative, to the previous characterization, we add the importance of substantive representation; the identification and sanctioning of the different forms of violence within and outside national borders; and the need to at least begin to question the heteropatriarchal structures of oppression from a discursive point of view, for which the field of diplomacy is fundamental. This gradually problematizes the meanings and stereotypes disseminated by institutions, understanding that the dispute over women's rights and other sex gender identities must also take place at the symbolic level. In the Swedish case, we understand that it corresponds to what we have called PEGAF. Indeed, Sweden has done important work concerning development assistance, and the financing of international institutions related to the protection of rights and the empowerment of women. Likewise, of all the cases considered, Sweden is the one in which there is the greatest congruence between its foreign policy and its domestic policy, as well as the work that the Nordic country has been carrying out within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to consolidate a gender approach. Even from a discursive point of view, the Swedish authorities have questioned certain characteristics of the international system, and have had diplomatic disputes with some countries based on issues related to the violation of human rights. However, none of the above has been sustained over time, and the back and forth has been constant. There have been notable discrepancies in the commitment to a feminist agenda among the different ministries, and in some areas, such as defense, the transformations have been insignificant. In addition, on many occasions, Sweden has abandoned its commitment to the defense of feminist postulates, when obstacles or risks have arisen in relation to the national interest- as defined in androcentric terms. The conservative turn in immigration matters, or the government's refusal to confront the strategic sector of the arms industry, are evidence of this. Based on the analysis carried out on the case of Canada, we consider that this country can be framed within Foreign Policies with Gender Perspectives (PEPG), since it presents domestic and international antecedents in the work on women's issues. However, the fact that it defines its foreign policy only in one area, such as development assistance, and focuses its empirical work mainly on economic issues, means that it does not achieve the necessary comprehensiveness to place it at the highest level. Likewise, Canada does not make progress in criticizing or questioning, even discursively, the hegemonic global dynamics and institutions, nor does it question its place in the international structure. Finally, evaluating the Mexican case, we ask ourselves: How can we think of a feminist foreign policy when at the domestic level the drug cartels and human trafficking networks continue to exercise their power and violence with total impunity, and in conjunction with broad sectors of politics, justice and the police? How could the Mexican PEF make sense in a country where people continue to "disappear" or become victims of extrajudicial executions within the framework of democracy, most of the time with representatives of the security forces as the ones responsible? In which part of the gender equality plan can we frame the femicides and transfemicides that place Mexico as one of the most dangerous countries to be a woman or dissident of the heteronorma? Regrettably, we consider that the country is not even in a position to aspire to the lowest level described here –that is,the PEPG- since all its current actions (and those of the last decades) are detrimental to the values and principles that the feminist stance upholds. The criticisms raised in the three case studies addressed has sought to identify their weaknesses and to construct more appropriate concepts that would point to the different types of external policies that are currently oriented towards women. Moreover, this would make it possible to define them with an appropriate term that is in line with their real actions and not mere rhetoric. Our work, of course, is not limited to a conceptual correction; but, above all, it tries to generate a concrete contribution for the generation of tools and the definition of public policies that have a positive impact on the life of the communities represented. ; Desde finales del 2014, tras el anuncio de Suecia de embarcarse en una Política Exterior Feminista (PEF), dicho concepto ha sido utilizado de forma amplia en ámbitos académicos y políticos, sin que se haya avanzado en la deconstrucción y delimitación del mismo, desde una mirada plural y crítica del feminismo. Las formulaciones teóricas existentes, provenientes casi todas de académicas/os estadounidenses y/o europeas/os, se limitan a registrar una serie de características mínimas y ambiguas, influenciadas por una lectura liberal y etnocéntrica de los feminismos. Esto permite que se utilice la noción de PEF para nombrar situaciones diversas, y que se establezca, al menos desde lo simbólico, un signo de igualdad entre casos que poco tienen en común; como pueden ser las políticas exteriores de Suecia, Canadá y México. Esta situación no resulta neutral, ya que, por un lado, le quita trascendencia y contundencia a las propuestas que desde hace décadas los feminismos vienen elaborando en materia de teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales; y por el otro, le permite a funcionarios/as, intelectuales y comunicadores/as, apropiarse y hacer un uso superficial de postulados feministas forjados al calor de las intensas luchas que las mujeres, y otros sectores feminizados, vienen llevando a cabo históricamente. Frente a este panorama, resulta necesaria una disputa por el sentido que recupere los elementos más trasformadores de la tradición feminista. El abordaje utilizado en este trabajo es desde las perspectivas feministas críticas en Relaciones Internacionales. Primero, problematizamos algunas definiciones de política exterior feministas que circulan, y analizamos críticamente las autodenominadas políticas exteriores feministas de Suecia, Canadá y México, señalando falencias y contradicciones que las atraviesan. En una segunda instancia, procedemos a la elaboración de una definición de PEF que incorpora elementos provenientes de múltiples feminismos (decolonial, autónomo, negro, indígena), y que se asume explícitamente situada desde una perspectiva geográfica y cultural, subalternizada y contrahegemónica. Finalmente, proponemos una gradualidad en la categorización de aquellas políticas exteriores que empiezan a abandonar posicionamientos androcentristas y cisheteropatriarcales, a partir de la construcción de los conceptos de "Politica Exterior con Perspectiva de Género" (PEPG), y "Politica Exterior con Perspectiva de Género y Agenda Feminista" (PEGAF), cuyos significados y diferencias desarrollamos.
La producción de aceite en Galicia como actividad generalizada es históricamente constatable hasta el siglo XVIII. A partir de ese momento comienza su declive hasta casi su desaparición. Fue a partir de bien entrada la década de los noventa cuando se produjo un tímido auge de la actividad olivarera en esta comunidad, con la recuperación de olivos centenarios y/o la plantación de nuevas variedades. En la actualidad, perduran y conviven estas dos políticas en cuanto al cultivo del olivo. Por un lado, se está fomentando la plantación de variedades principales, Arbequina y/o Picual, con la finalidad de alcanzar una producción oleícola intensiva a corto plazo. Por otro lado, se están recuperando olivos centenarios de las variedades conocidas por los olivicultores de la zona como Brava y Mansa para elaborar aceites de oliva gallegos con un valor añadido. Para proteger y garantizar el valor añadido de los aceites elaborados con ejemplares de olivo centenarios ha sido necesario, en primer lugar, identificar correctamente este material vegetal mediante técnicas moleculares para demostrar que no se trata de variedades registradas en el Banco de Germoplasma Mundial del Olivo (BGMO) de la Universidad de Córdoba. Mayoritariamente el perfil molecular de las muestras coincidió con el de la variedad Brava, actualmente en fase de registro. Únicamente el perfil de dos muestras no pudo asociarse a ninguna de las variedades incluidas en dicho BGMO. Este hecho puede deberse a que sean variedades autóctonas, o bien a variedades conocidas pero sin introducir todavía en el BGMO. El aceite de oliva virgen se caracteriza, entre otros atributos, por su aroma asociado a la presencia minoritaria de compuestos volátiles que se transfieren al aceite, en gran medida, desde la molienda del fruto. Comprobar si el perfil aromático de las aceitunas se puede extrapolar a su correspondiente aceite, permitiría evaluar el potencial aromático de cada variedad previo a la elaboración del aceite. En base a los resultados obtenidos, se ha demostrado que el perfil aromático de las aceitunas no es extrapolable al de sus aceites puesto que la actividad de las enzimas endógenas a lo largo del proceso de elaboración es el principal factor que determina la síntesis de los compuestos volátiles más relevantes del aroma. La actividad de estas enzimas se puede modular variando distintos parámetros durante el proceso de elaboración, siendo los más importantes la temperatura y el tiempo de la etapa de batido. Los valores de estos parámetros pueden afectar a la composición minoritaria de los aceites, incluyendo también a los compuestos fenólicos. La elección de la combinación temperatura/tiempo de batido dependerá de si se prioriza su funcionalidad o su aroma, además de estar supeditada al rendimiento de la extracción. En general, la formación de compuestos volátiles C6 se ha visto favorecida por tiempos de batido largos (90 minutos) y temperaturas bajas (20oC), mientras que la formación de compuestos C5 no siguió una tendencia tan evidente. En cuanto a los compuestos fenólicos, éstos se han generado en mayor cantidad a temperaturas más elevadas (30oC) y tiempos más bajos (30 minutos) para las variedades estudiadas. Se ha observado, por tanto, una correlación inversamente proporcional en la formación de estos dos grupos de compuestos minoritarios. La calidad sensorial de los aceites elaborados con variedades principales está ampliamente evaluada y reconocida. Sin embargo, los aceites de oliva virgen obtenidos a partir de variedades no clasificadas hasta el momento podrían presentar características diferentes, e incluso superiores a éstos. Si ello se demuestra, no solo se podría facilitar la elaboración de aceites monovarietales de estas variedades minoritarias sino que además se podrían diseñar nuevos aceites resultantes de procesos de molienda con variedades principales y/o coupage de sus aceites. En el desarrollo de estos nuevos aceites, la co-molienda de aceitunas Brava/Mansa con Arbequina o Picual así como el coupage de aceites aumentaron significativamente las series odorantes principales que conforman el perfil sensorial de los aceites y, al mismo tiempo, su funcionalidad debido al incremento de los compuestos fenólicos. En relación a la funcionalidad de los aceites, la Comisión Europea aprobó recientemente la alegación de propiedad saludable, "los polifenoles del aceite de oliva contribuyen a la protección de los lípidos de la sangre frente al daño oxidativo", para aquellos aceites que contengan al menos 5 mg de hidroxitirosol y sus derivados/por 20 gramos de aceite de oliva virgen. La funcionalidad de estos aceites se podría potenciar si se demuestra que se alcanzan estos valores y si, al mismo tiempo, se desarrolla una herramienta simple y rápida para su cuantificación que pueda ofrecerse al sector oleícola. Los resultados obtenidos a partir de un protocolo analítico sencillo y validado demostraron que los aceites elaborados a partir de las aceitunas Brava/Mansa satisfacen los requisitos exigidos por el marco de la Unión Europea para poder indicar en su etiquetado la declaración de propiedad saludable, superando incluso el umbral establecido en la legislación. ; Olive oil production in Galicia as a widespread activity is historically visible until the eighteenth century. From that moment it begins its descent to near extinction. It was not until well into the nineties when there was a boom in olive oil production in this community, with the recovery of ancient olive trees and/or the planting of new varieties. Currently, they endure and live with the following policies regarding olive cultivation. On the one hand, the planting of leading varieties, such as Arbequina and/or Picual, is encouraged in order to achieve an intensive olive oil production in a short amount of time. On the other hand, olive trees of the varieties known to olive growers in the area as Brava and Mansa are being recovered to develop Galician olive oils with an added value. To protect and guarantee the added value of olive oils made with specimens of ancient olive trees, it was first necessary to properly identify this plant material using molecular techniques to show that it is not registered in the World Olive Germplasm Bank of Cordoba (BGMO) of the University of Cordoba. The molecular profile of the samples mainly matched that of the Brava variety, which is currently undergoing registration. Only two sample profiles could not be associated with any of the varieties listed in that BGMO. This may be because they are indigenous varieties, or possibly well-known varieties, which still haven't been added to the BGMO. Virgin olive oil is characterized, among other attributes, by its aroma, which is associated with the minority presence of volatile compounds that are transferred when the fruit is crushed. Checking if the aromatic profile of the olives can be matched to its corresponding oil would allow the aromatic potential of each variety to be assessed before the oil production process begins. Based on the results, it has been shown that the flavor profile of olives cannot be matched to their oils since the activity of endogenous enzymes throughout the process is the main factor determining the synthesis of the most important volatile compounds in the aroma. The activity of these enzymes can be modified by varying different parameters during the process, the most important being the temperature and time of the malaxation step. The values of these parameters can affect the minority oil composition including the phenolic compounds. The combination of temperature/time malaxation will depend on whether its functionality or aroma is prioritized, in addition to being subject to extraction yield. In general, the formation of C6 volatile compounds has been favored by long malaxation times (90 minutes) and low temperature (20°C), while the formation of C5 compounds didn't follow such an obvious trend. Regarding 4 the phenolic compounds, the studied varieties are generated in greater quantities at higher temperatures (30°C) and with lower malaxation times (30 minutes). Therefore, an inverse correlation in the formation of these two groups of minor compounds has been observed. The sensory quality of oils made with main varieties is widely evaluated and recognized. However, virgin olive oils obtained from varieties not classified until now may have different characteristics, and even exceed them. If this is proved, it could not only facilitate the development of monovarietal (one) oils of these minority varieties but it could also result in new oil by co-crushing leading varieties and/ or their blend of oils. In developing these new oils, co-crushing the olives Brava/Mansa, Arbequina or Picual and the oil blend significantly increased the main odorant series comprising the sensory profile of the oil and, at the same time, their functionality because of the increase of phenolic compounds. Regarding the functionality of the oil, the European Commission recently approved the health claim submission, "olive oil polyphenols contribute to the protection of blood lipids from oxidative stress" to those olive oils which contain at least 5 mg of hydroxytyrosol and its derivatives per 20 grams of olive oil. The functionality of these oils could be enhanced if it is demonstrated that these values are achieved and if, at the same time, a simple and fast tool for quantification that can be offered to the olive sector is developed. The results obtained from a simple and validated analytical protocol showed that oils made from Brava/Mansa olives meet the requirements of the framework of the European Union to indicate on the label, surpassing even the threshold set in the legislation.
La reimaginación de la identidad étnica y la lucha por el territorio se han convertido en Colombia—y en América Latina—en una fuerza transformadora de las condiciones de subordinación e invisibilidad a que han sido sometidos los indígenas y los negros por el proyecto de nación mestiza.
This document constitutes a conceptual and empirical approach to the problem of Socio-Environmental Conflicts (SEC) in Ecuador through an evaluation of 51 cases, distributed throughout the Ecuadorian territory between 1977 and 2014. The main concern regarding the spread of SEC, both in Ecuador and at regional and global levels, is the increase of extractive activities that support the global economic system. The richest areas in natural resources such as gas, oil, forests, minerals, water sources and agricultural land are the most exposed to the clash of interests between extractive industries and local populations. In the case of developing countries, constantly indebted such as Ecuador, immediate economic needs prevail over the conservation and sustainable use of resources. In response, environmental activism, led in many cases by indigenous organizations, is a key factor in identifying and denouncing ecological destruction. On their success largely depends the conservation of natural resources and ecosystems that could guarantee us all, a more sustainable future. Given the complexity of the subject, SEC analysis requires involving various branches of science, especially in relation to the main fields of study of sustainability: environment, society and economy. The evaluation will be done taking into account the set of cases as a single complex system through the implementation and adaptation of data mining methodologies and complex network analysis. The methodologies proposed in this work allow simultaneous combinations and comparisons of quantitative and qualitative data. Our purpose is to contribute to the study and understanding of this type of phenomena, through the identification of patterns and trends not identifiable by other methods commonly used for this purpose, such as individual case studies and classical statistics. In order to achieve a better interpretation of the results, we firstly perform a theoretical review around the CSA, and a contextual review around the case of Ecuador specifically (Chapter 1). After presenting the data to be processed from the sources, specific context and the way in which they are organized (Chapter 2), we will use data mining techniques to perform a statistical analysis that integrates all available data and allows us to propose a new method of data processing applied to SEC (Chapter 3). In the case of the analysis of actors, the temporal evolution of their connectivity and the particular characteristics of each group (or type of actors), the analysis of complex networks will be used that will allow us to decipher their behavior in all its complexity (Chapter 4). Finally, we will review the results obtained, some cases of SEC in Ecuador after the study period and the proposal of a method that integrates the results of chapters 3 and 4 to achieve a deeper understanding and a possible application in predictive models typical of systems dynamics (Chapter 5). Thanks to the methodological contribution proposed in this thesis and the new knowledge obtained regarding the phenomenon of SEC in Ecuador, we intend to vindicate the fundamental role of environmental movements in the fight to preserve natural resources and, consequently, their contribution to sustainability global. This claim is a wake-up call, both to civil society and government entities, for their lack of involvement or omission in defense of the environment. ; El presente documento constituye una aproximación conceptual y empírica al problema de los Conflictos Socio Ambientales (CSA) en Ecuador mediante una evaluación de 51 casos, distribuidos en todo el territorio ecuatoriano, comprendidos entre los años 1977 y 2014. El principal motivo de preocupación concerniente al avance de los CSA, tanto en Ecuador como a nivel regional y global, es el incremento de las actividades extractivas que soportan el sistema económico mundial. Las áreas más ricas en recursos naturales lucrativos, como por ejemplo el gas, el petróleo, los bosques, minerales, fuentes de agua y tierras agrícolas, son las más expuestas al choque de intereses entre las industrias extractivas y las poblaciones locales. En el caso de los países en desarrollo, países constantemente endeudados como Ecuador, las necesidades económicas inmediatas imperan sobre la conservación y el uso sostenible de los recursos. En respuesta, el activismo ambiental, liderado en muchos casos por organizaciones indígenas, es un factor clave para identificar y denunciar la destrucción ecológica. De su éxito depende en gran parte, la conservación de los recursos naturales y los ecosistemas que podrían garantizarnos a todos, un futuro más sostenible. Dada la complejidad del tema, el análisis de CSA requiere involucrar diversas ramas de la ciencia, sobre todo en relación a los principales campos de estudio de la sostenibilidad: medio ambiente, sociedad y economía. La evaluación se hará tomando en cuenta el conjunto de casos como un solo sistema complejo mediante la implementación y adaptación de metodologías de minería de datos y análisis de redes complejas. Las metodologías propuestas en el presente trabajo permiten realizar combinaciones y comparaciones simultáneas de datos cuantitativos y cualitativos. Nuestro propósito es contribuir al estudio y la comprensión de este tipo de fenómenos, a través de la identificación de patrones y tendencias no identificables mediante otro tipo de métodos comúnmente utilizados para este fin, como son el estudio individual de casos y la estadística clásica. Con el objeto de conseguir una mejor interpretación de los resultados, realizamos en primer lugar un repaso teórico en torno a los CSA y una reseña contextual en torno al caso del Ecuador específicamente (Capítulo 1). Después de presentar los datos que procesaremos desde las fuentes, el contexto específico y la forma en la cual están organizados (Capítulo 2), utilizaremos técnicas de minerías de datos para realizar un análisis estadístico que integre todos los datos disponibles y nos permita proponer un nuevo método de tratamiento de datos aplicado a los CSA (Capítulo 3). Para el caso del análisis de actores, la evolución temporal de su conectividad y las características particulares de cada grupo (o tipo de actores), se utilizará el análisis de redes complejas que nos permitirán descifrar el comportamiento de los mismos en toda su complejidad (Capítulo 4). Finalmente, revisaremos los resultados obtenidos, algunos casos de SEC en Ecuador después del período de estudio y la propuesta de un método que integre los resultados de los capítulos 3 y 4 para lograr una comprensión más profunda y una posible aplicación en modelos predictivos típicos de la dinámica de sistemas (Capítulo 5). Gracias al aporte metodológico propuesto en esta tesis y al nuevo conocimiento obtenido con respecto al fenómeno de los CSA en Ecuador, pretendemos reivindicar el papel fundamental de los movimientos ambientalistas en la lucha por preservar los recursos naturales y, en consecuencia, su contribución a la sostenibilidad global. Esta reivindicación es un llamado de atención, tanto a la sociedad civil como a los entes gubernamentales, por su falta de implicación u omisión ante la defensa del medio ambiente. ; El present document constitueix una aproximació conceptual i empírica al problema dels Conflictes Soci Ambientals (CSA) a l'Equador mitjançant una avaluació de 51 casos, distribuïts en tot el territori equatorià, compresos entre els anys 1977 i 2014. El principal motiu de preocupació en quant a a l'avanç dels CSA, tant a l'Equador com a nivell regional i global, és l'increment de les activitats extractives que mantenen el sistema econòmic mundial. Les àrees més riques en recursos naturals lucratius, com per exemple el gas, el petroli, els boscos, minerals, fonts d'aigua i terres agrícoles són les més exposades al xoc d'interessos entre les indústries extractives i les poblacions locals. En el cas dels països en desenvolupament, països constantment endeutats com l'Equador, les necessitats econòmiques immediates imperen sobre la conservació i l'ús sostenible dels recursos. En resposta, l'activisme ambiental, liderat en molts casos per organitzacions indígenes, és un factor clau per a identificar i denunciar la destrucció ecològica. Del seu èxit depèn, en gran part, la conservació dels recursos naturals i els ecosistemes que podrien garantir-nos a tots, un futur més sostenible. Donada la complexitat del tema, l'anàlisi de CSA requereix involucrar diverses branques de la ciència, sobretot en relació als principals camps d'estudi de la sostenibilitat: medi ambient, societat i economia. L'avaluació es farà tenint en compte el conjunt de casos com un sol sistema complex mitjançant la implementació i adaptació de metodologies de mineria de dades i anàlisis de xarxes complexes. Les metodologies proposades en el present treball permeten realitzar combinacions i comparacions simultànies de dades quantitatives i qualitatives. El nostre propòsit és contribuir a l'estudi i la comprensió d'aquest tipus de fenòmens, a través de la identificació de patrons i tendències no identificables mitjançant un altre tipus de mètodes comunament utilitzats per a aquesta fi, com són l'estudi individual de casos i l'estadística clàssica. A fi d'aconseguir una millor interpretació dels resultats, realitzem en primer lloc un repàs teòric entorn dels CSA i una ressenya contextual entorn del cas de l'Equador específicament (Capítol 1). Després de presentar les dades que processarem des de les fonts, el context específic i la forma en la qual estan organitzats (Capítol 2), utilitzarem tècniques de mineries de dades per a realitzar una anàlisi estadística que integri totes les dades disponibles i ens permeti proposar un nou mètode de tractament de dades aplicat als CSA (Capítol 3). Per al cas de l'anàlisi d'actors, l'evolució temporal de la seva connectivitat i les característiques particulars de cada grup (o tipus d'actors), s'utilitzarà l'anàlisi de xarxes complexes que ens permetran desxifrar el comportament del seu comportament en tota la seva complexitat (Capítol 4). Finalment, revisarem els resultats obtinguts, alguns casos de CSA a l'Equador després del període d'estudi i la proposta d'un mètode que integri els resultats dels capítols 3 i 4 per a aconseguir una comprensió més profunda i una possible aplicació en models predictius típics de la dinàmica de sistemes (Capítol 5). Gràcies a l'aportació metodològica proposada en aquesta tesi i al nou coneixement obtingut respecte al fenomen dels CSA a l'Equador, pretenem reivindicar el paper fonamental dels moviments ambientalistes en la lluita per preservar els recursos naturals i, en conseqüència, la seva contribució a la sostenibilitat global. Aquesta reivindicació és un anomenat d'atenció, tant a la societat civil com als ens governamentals, per la seva falta d'implicació o omissió davant la defensa del medi ambient. ; Postprint (published version)
Satisfied with some important progress being made in health care reform on the home front, these past few days President Obama turned his full attention to foreign policy. In a week packed with international speeches, bilateral meetings and joint declarations, he succeeded in establishing a new ambitious agenda for international cooperation and wasted no time in getting started. In his speech to the UN, he outlined his main foreign policy goals based on four pillars: non-proliferation, climate change, Middle East peace and economic stability. He spoke clearly about his determination to put an end to the international skepticism and distrust the United States faced during the Bush years and enumerated the changes already made: banning the use of torture, closing the Guantánamo base, drawing down forces in Iraq, renewing efforts in the Arab-Israeli conflict by naming a special envoy, seriously addressing climate change and abandoning plans for a land-based missile defense in Eastern Europe. He challenged other leaders to respond in kind by joining US efforts at non-proliferation, fighting terrorism, taking measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and combating poverty. A day later in Pittsburgh for the G-20 summit, the President, flanked by British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and French President Sarkozy, revealed a new nuclear facility built by Iran in the city of Qum and called for further sanctions on the Islamic Republic. This well-timed revelation is supposed to give the administration some more leverage when talks with the Iranians start later this week. As it happens, the US had known about this new uranium enriching plant for more than a year but had kept the information secret for later use. In Pittsburgh, with France and Britain safely on his side, the President had further opportunity to press the other two members of the UN Security Council, Russia and China, to cooperate with the new sanctions regime that will most likely include imports of refined oil into Iran. While Russia appears to be leaning towards cooperation (perhaps as a quid pro quo of Obama's decision not to deploy the anti-missile defense system in Poland and Czech Republic), it is not as yet clear whether the Chinese will too. This week has been a good one for China, which seems to be coming of age as an international player both in climate change and as a partner for economic stability in the G-20. But the revelation at Qum was certainly a pre-emptive coup that put the Iranians on the defensive, and gave Obama an opportunity to publicly test the other Permanent Members of the Security Council to prove their commitment to non-proliferation.As the United States moves aggressively to engage with the rest of the world and vows to renew its pledge to international law and institutions, the expectation is that others will take their share of responsibility and respond to global challenges. Obama's moral authority flows not only from what he says, and how he says it, but also by virtue of who he is: in his case, the man is the message and the intended drastic cut with his predecessor could not be more apparent. However, as Realists constantly remind us, foreign policy is about national interest defined as power, and while the change of tone and of emissary is well-noted, we are likely to see some change, but also a lot of continuity in US foreign policy. Barack Obama's first speech at the United Nations General Assembly was well-received around the world but had less impact on a home audience whose main concerns are unemployment, health care reform and economic recovery. Inevitably, the usual suspects accused him of treason for recognizing America's past mistakes in public and for socializing with tyrants. Others denounced his narcissistic impulses, for trying to portray American foreign policy as "all about Obama". While it is easy to dismiss the extreme critics, it is important for the rest of the world to realize how much the United Nations' legitimacy and prestige has suffered in the United States during the last ten years, and not only due to derisions by Bolton and Bush. TV images of the UN headquarters in New York seem distant and irrelevant to most Americans, who view the organization as an anachronistic shibboleth that embodies all fluff and no substance and whose activities are hard to take seriously in most cases, be it when it deals with Rwanda, Darfur or with Iranian sanctions. At this year's opening session, the General Assembly room, with a badly lit podium and a very unbecoming blue-greenish background, was showing its age in spite of a 2002 facelift (it was built in 1952). And while Obama was as dynamic and articulate as usual, his televised speech was followed by that of Mohammad Khadafy from Libya, which lasted one hour and a half and included bizarre statements and phrases that can only be accounted for by a serious onset of senility. Besides calling for a UN investigation of John F. Kennedy's assassination, and surreally complaining about how far most of those present had had to travel to get to New York (was jetlag his excuse to explain away his own state of mental confusion?), he repeatedly called President Obama "my son" (I cringed at imagining the right wing blogs reaction to that) and referred to the UN Security Council as the "Terror Council". His difficulty to find a place in New York where he would be allowed to pitch his tent was followed with amusement by the media and further added to his own oddity, and by extension, to the inadequacy of the UN as a serious forum. While later Prime Minister Netanyahu's excellent, Churchill-like speech brought the audience back to the 21st century and restored some respectability to the venue, the UN lost credibility again when Iranian president Ahmadinejad went on a new rant later in the day and again and proceeded once more to deny the Holocaust's existence. In addition to this rarified atmosphere, the main foreign policy topic that is of concern for the American public, and the one that would have made them pay attention, namely, the war in Afghanistan was hardly mentioned by Obama in this occasion. After eight years of war in Afghanistan, the effort seems to be unraveling on all fronts. European NATO members, whose soldiers are fighting and dying in Afghanistan, are unwilling or unable to commit more troops; the Taliban has renewed its offensives with new intensity in the south and the east of the country, and the Afghan election was plagued with corruption, proving what many already suspected, that President Hamid Karzai is an extremely unreliable partner and a corrupt leader who will not be able to hold the country together. At the same time, Al Qaeda has found refuge in neighboring Pakistan so the US initial counterterrorist mission, namely to hunt down and exterminate Al Qaeda, has mutated into one of counterinsurgency against an indigenous group, the Taliban, fighting against the government and the foreign forces to regain its power. All this in a country that has never been a nation, a narco-state whose economic base is the production and trafficking of opium, and where several empires, from the Macedonians to the British and the Soviets were once defeated. The President's plan so far has been to train the Afghan army so that it can hold off the Taliban, support government institutions, gain the trust of villagers and create structures of governance in rural areas so that Al Qaeda won't be able to move in again. This week a Pentagon memo by General Crystal was leaked by Bob Woodward of Watergate fame. Published in the Washington Post on September 21st, it presents a grim picture of the war and warns that success is uncertain. It calls for new resources and a new counterinsurgency campaign. While the number of troops requested is not specified, it warns that "under-resourcing" the effort could be fatal. Woodward, never one to sell himself short, has called his leaked memo the equivalent of the 1971 Pentagon Papers leaked by Daniel Ellsberg in the New York Times, which revealed the expansion of the Vietnam War from 1965 on, that had been kept secret from the American public. Of course the memo is not the equivalent of Ellsberg and Russo's revelations, but still, it refocused attention on the intractability of this war. The President's response has been that after the Afghan election, the White House is re-assessing its strategy and that until he is satisfied with a new strategy he will not send more troops. It is clear that the administration is having doubts about a conflict it once called a war of necessity. Public opinion is also turning against what will soon be the longest war in American history, as casualties continue to increase and there is no end in sight. As the term "military surge" is being increasingly used to denote McCrystal's new demands, comparisons with the war in Iraq are inevitable. Similarly to the Iraq war, elections have represented a turning point. But the surge in Iraq began with the so-called Sunni awakening, when the Iraqis themselves decided they had had enough of the violence and organized against those that insisted on it (mainly outsiders, Al Qaeda-in-Iraq). Also, in Iraq's leader Al-Maliki, the US found a relatively reliable and legitimate partner, one who instigated the political class to resolve their differences by political means. Finally, Iraq had an economic base that could be restored to produce substantial national wealth, and a mostly urban, well-educated population with some institutional experience. In contrast, Afghanistan is a mainly rural country, a tribal society which repudiates any attempts at centralization and profoundly distrusts the government in Kabul more, in some cases, than the foreign troops. The central government is rotten and weak, Karzai an unreliable leader who stole the election and whose brother is the head of the drug mafia. Can more US troops make up for all these weaknesses?Obama is thus in a delicate situation: he can't be "at war" with his own generals (indeed, General McCrystal was appointed by Obama only in March, after he dismissed the previous general in charge). On the other hand, if he allows more troops to be deployed, there is danger that Afghanistan may become his Vietnam. He therefore needs to choose between continuing a counterinsurgency operation, training more Afghan forces, protecting the local populations, getting into their villages and gaining their trust, or withdrawing ground troops and focusing on counter-terrorism, using drones and other off-shore means and special forces to go after the terrorist bases. Vice-President Biden is advocating a middle ground strategy: leaving enough troops on the ground to prevent Al Qaeda from returning to Afghanistan, but redefining the mission as one of narrow counter-terrorism and move away from nation-building and a protracted counter-insurgency operation that would signify more US casualties and more discontent at home. After all, the main reason why the US went to Afghanistan was to confront and eliminate Al Qaeda, which has since then moved across the border to the tribal areas of Pakistan. As several domestic arrests have demonstrated this week, Al Qaeda threats are just as likely to come from Springfield Illinois, Queens New York or Dallas Texas as from abroad or from the virtual Al Qaeda organizing through the worldwide web. Recalibrating his approach to Afghanistan is thus imperative, and it must be done for the right reasons, regardless of personal gain or saving face.Obama has had a very successful September, but his ambitious agenda both at home and abroad faces many pitfalls ahead. A youthful president, brimming with self-confidence, with a huge electoral mandate and with the best team of experts in history, can still be thwarted by unsolvable problems, domestic and foreign enemies and by serendipity itself. As a student of history and a John F Kennedy admirer, Obama knows this, and he should measure his decisions and temper his ambitions accordingly. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
Brazil is a land of contrasts; at the same time that it is emerging as a global economic power, it is also one of the most unequal countries in Latin America. When "Lula" Da Silva and his Workers' Party ("PT") won the 2002 election, they intended to pay a historical debt to the poor. Lula envisioned a country with inclusive growth, where redistribution and poverty reduction were seen as prerequisites for economic growth, and not as competing policy objectives (Leubolt, 2013: 76). In doing so, his government not only changed the content of social policies, but also the very policy-making process. Lula's Fome Zero strategy takes a comprehensive approach to reducing hunger in Brazil. Fome Zero is an umbrella framework that includes programs aimed at increasing access to food, strengthening family agriculture, fostering income generating activities, and supporting partnership promotion and civil society mobilization.This brief presents an analysis of the Fome Zero policy targeting family agriculture, the Food Purchase Program (Programa de Aquisicao de Alimentos, "PAA"). In Brazil 30% of rural enterprises are family farms. They produce 38% of the agricultural value and employ over 70% of rural workers (Rocha, 2009: 58). On the other hand, in 2003 rural poverty was as high as 41%. Accordingly, PAA seeks to tackle rural poverty and food insecurity by guaranteeing demand in local markets for small producers through local government purchases of agricultural products. The first section of this brief presents the context in which PAA was conceived, followed by a summary of the implementation process. The following section presents an evaluation of the policy results. Finally, the analysis concludes with lessons learned and proposed changes.As previously mentioned, the PT election can be seen as the catalyst that propitiated the introduction of PAA. However, the formulation of social policies in Brazil started after the collapse of the military dictatorship in 1985. The 1988 Brazilian Constitution set in motion the decentralization process that empowered municipalities. Then, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) focused on strengthening democratic institutions and economic growth. In addition, in the early 1990s municipalities across different states devised conditional cash transfer (CCT) schemes that benefited the poor. Moreover, during the FHC administration (1995-2002) the federal government launched CCTs at the national level (Bolsa Escola and Bolsa Alimentacao).The PT created a positive environment that enabled the formulation of Fome Zero, with elements that legitimized such social policies as PAA. First, with the transition to democracy social protection policies began to be seen as investments to further development and not as drainage of public resources. Second, the provision of social services had experienced a switch from a universalist model to one that prioritizes targeting vulnerable populations, i.e. CCTs. The third factor was the current economic growth, since the government would not have been able to establish redistributive programs without it. The fourth element was the country's poor social indicators. Despite experiencing growth, Brazil had high social exclusion and inequality because the rapid economic development was elusive to the poor. Finally, the fifth source of legitimacy was the PT election. Lula based his presidential campaign on a discourse of inclusive growth. He promised to eradicate poverty and to redistribute wealth in the country, while reaffirming his commitment to continue with the orthodox liberal monetary policies introduced in previous administrations.Rural poverty and food insecurity were the problems that drove the creation of the PAA policy. The PT designed the framework to address these issues through Fome Zero and the National Food and Nutritional Security Policy ("PNSAN"). However, it deliberately democratized and decentralized the policy debate. In a nutshell, Fome Zero is the articulation of a web of social protection policies and ministries and agencies and its, and PAA's, success relied on creating partnerships with key stakeholders (local governments, businesses and civil society organizations). The federal government created the Social Development Ministry ("MDS") to manage Fome Zero and its subsidiary policies. During the policy formulation process, the MDS organized meetings, workshops and symposia with a multiplicity of stakeholders. These encounters granted non-governmental organizations the possibility to exert influence in the policy process. Social movements also played a key role in the formulation of the National Law for Food and Nutrition Security ("LOSAN"). Furthermore, this law granted civil society participation through the newly created National Council for Food and Nutrition Security ("CONSEA"), which is present at the national, regional and local levels.It was important that the new policy aimed at reducing rural poverty avoid compromising the pro-export production model that had transformed Brazil into one of the world's largest food exporters. Policy-makers considered several traditional options, three of which were discarded for various reasons. An extensive agrarian reform redistributing land to the landless and small farmers would have reduced food outputs. A second alternative, to take no action, would assume that market forces would provide opportunities for poor peasants. The third scenario was to formulate several policies, scattered across different ministries without coordination. The selected policy option implemented by the PT followed a multi-sectoral approach. It sought to increase poor families' income through CCTs, (Bolsa Familia), aimed at feeding the vulnerable population via school meals, community kitchens and popular restaurants, and at strengthening family agriculture through credit and food purchase via PRONAF and PAA. Ultimately, this integral overarching policy focuses on guaranteeing food availability, improving food access and increasing food supply.Successful implementation of such a policy demanded a new policy model that articulates the different dimensions of the policy, while also facilitating the participation of multiple stakeholders. In short, CONSEA, MDS and the Inter-Ministerial Chamber on Food and Nutritional Security ("CAISAN") established the policy system. In such policy system, the national, state and municipal executive powers have the ability to adapt the policy to their local context. The system is crafted after receiving feedback from within the political structure, as well as from the civil society. The following diagram illustrates how the food security policy process works.Created by Law 10.969 in 2003, PAA is administered by MDS and the Ministry of Agricultural Development ("MDA"). PAA guidelines are defined by the Grupo Gestor ("Managing Group"), which is comprised of six ministries: MDS; MDA; Economy; Planning and Budgeting; Agriculture; and Education. The execution has two stages; first, at the national level in partnership with the National Supply Agency (CONAB), and second, decentralized execution involving the participation of state and municipal governments. These latter partnerships are crucial for PAA because the MDS and MDA budget are directed exclusively towards agricultural products procurement, while it is the local governments who ensure the system is operable to allow for the purchases.PAA includes four programs: Purchase for Immediate Donation, Incentives for Milk Consumption and Production, Direct Purchase and Stock Formation. The first two programs aim at buying produce and milk to redistribute among the vulnerable population. Between 2003 and 2010 they represented 39% and 37% of PAA budget, respectively. The objectives of Direct Purchase and Stock formation are to facilitate resources for the promotion of public and individual's stock formation that can guarantee food availability and fair prices for family farmers.PAA intends to benefit two groups of people: food producers and food consumers. The food producers are family farmers including fish farmers, fishermen, extractors, indigenous farmers, quilombolaand family farmers settled during the land reform. The food consumers group comprises people and families under social vulnerability, with imminent risk of nutritional and food insecurity, people assisted by national food and nutrition security programs, and children in public schools.The follow paragraph summarizes the main policy outputs. By the end of 2011 the program had reached over 204,000 small farmers, which is only 3.28% of the rural farmer population. PAA's target for 2013 is to buy products from 445,000 farmers. PAA is present in 2,300 municipalities across the country and targets the country's poorest regions. For instance, the Northeastern region receives 50% of PAA budget. In terms of resources, the MDS and MDA budget has risen from $52 million in 2003 to $585 million in 2013. In terms of food production, food purchases more than tripled between 2003 and 2010, from 135,800 to 426,400 tons. On average, PAA serves 25,000 institutions that feed over 15 million people.PAA has produced both intended and unintended outcomes. First, the program has increased rural farmers' income through food purchases. Now, local farmers produce and sell to local schools and hospitals. Moreover, PAA pays an extra 30% above the regular price for organic products, boosting local economies as a result. Second, producers not covered by PAA are indirect beneficiaries because they also enjoy higher local prices. Third, food stocks have also helped control price fluctuations. Fourth, there is greater diversity of products since PPA purchases more than 330 different items. Fifth, PAA has played an important role in the strengthening of associations and cooperatives. It also provides the stimulus to establish small agro-industries so that associations can process and add value to their production output.Two unintended outcomes attributable to PAA are an increase in price for some staple foods and the expansion of neo-patrimonial institutions, such as political corruption, patronage and clientelism at the local level. Thus, we can assume that the policy "winners" are MDS, CONAB, CONSEA, civil society organizations, farmers, vulnerable population benefited by PAA, local level authorities and local institutions (i.e. schools). On the other hand, three policy "losers" are those corporations in charge of selling food products to the government, farmers who cannot meet the PAA criteria, and low- and middle-income urban populations who must pay higher prices. Although negatively impacted by PAA, these groups do not threaten the viability of the policy. Corporations and big businesses still sell food products to the government because PAA cannot meet the food demand. Despite the fact that they cannot sell to PAA, farmers have a suitable environment that provides easy access to credit and encourages production. Finally, even though prices increased, so did the salaries of the middle-income population.PAA is an innovative policy because of its participatory model during the formulation process, which allows it to enjoy support from its beneficiaries and civil society organizations. Also, PAA's administration is notable since, given its multi-sectoral approach, six different ministries form the managing unit. Finally, the regular control and oversight done by social movements and the impending need to improve coordination among ministries make policy evaluation a necessary priority for PAA's success.In a short amount of time, PAA has already undergone three evaluation rounds (2005, 2008 and 2010). Each evaluation improves the policy and guarantees more popular support. For instance, after the last evaluation the government enacted Law 12.512/2011 and Decree 7.775/2012, which aims at facilitating coordination among the implementing bodies. It also raised the maximum farmer benefits from $1,250 in 2003, to $2,400 in 2006, to $4,100 in 2012. In addition, it encourages organic production by paying 30% above regular price. More importantly, the last policy redesign includes a gender component by establishing that at least 5% of PAA purchases must come from women's associations. Finally, it guarantees a quota of 30% of institutional purchases (schools and hospitals, among others) for small farmers.However, despite the iterative evaluation and redesign process, there is still room for improvement in the policy. Most importantly, PAA does not reach the poorest of the poor. Although the registration process is very efficient because it is based on another social program (PRONAF), the poorest farmers lack land titles, thus cannot be part of PRONAF or PAA. The policy could be improved with provisions enabling the inclusion of this group.PAA is helping with the national goals of poverty alleviation, however redefining its goals and incorporating strategic planning in rural development could improve PAA. More specifically, PAA should reconsider its strategy towards associativism and cooperativism. The policy could enhance further rural development by supporting associations and cooperatives in becoming artisanal industries that add value to their products.In conclusion, PAA intends to solve a social problem by addressing both the supply and demand sides. On one hand, PPA's objective is to eliminate hunger by guaranteeing food availability, improving food access and increasing food supply. On the other hand, PAA reduces rural poverty by providing opportunities to small farmers with market access and better prices. The policy has demonstrated positive results and has been constantly improved through iterative evaluations. With further strategic planning on how to help associations becoming the leaders of rural development the policy could achieve optimal positive impact.Sobre el autorMA International DevelopmentSchool of International ServiceAmerican UniversityLicenciado en Estudios InternacionalesUniversidad ORT - Uruguay
Conflicto en el Cáucaso: Guerra abierta entre Rusia y GeorgiaOsetia del Sur se había separado de Georgia en 1990 para intentar unirse a la Federación Rusa, pero su estatus independiente no fue reconocido por los EEUU y la UE, aunque sí por Rusia. Georgia y Rusia llegaron a un acuerdo para que tropas rusas ejerzan una labor de vigilancia en Osetia del Sur, mientras su naturaleza politica no estuviera clara.La guerra entre Georgia y Rusia se declaró después de que las tropas georgianas atacaran imprevistamente la provincia de Osetia del Sur, habitado por 70.000 personas, en su mayoría de origen ruso. Moscú reaccionó con un ataque en toda la línea para expulsar a las tropas georgianas de la región y amenazó con bombardear Tiflis, la capital de Georgia, si no se completaba la retirada. Varios medios informan al respecto:"El País" de Madrid:"EE UU acusa a Rusia de querer derrocar al presidente georgiano":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/EE/UU/acusa/Rusia/querer/derrocar/presidente/georgiano/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_6/Tes"Rusia niega que Georgia haya puesto fin a las operaciones militares: Tbilisi comunica su intención de cesar el fuego y entablar conversaciones.- El Ministerio de Interior georgiano confirma que la aviación rusa ha bombardeado una base militar y el aeropuerto internacional en la capital georgiana.- Moscú hunde una lancha georgiana en el Mar Negro":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rusia/niega/Georgia/haya/puesto/fin/operaciones/militares/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_1/Tes "El fin del mundo en la cuna de Stalin: El bombardeo de la ciudad georgiana de Gori por la aviación rusa desata escenas de pánico - Cientos de soldados y civiles se ocultan en los refugios":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/fin/mundo/cuna/Stalin/elpepuint/20080810elpepiint_4/Tes"Concentraciones delante del parlamento georgiano: Los ciudadanos recriminan a los dirigentes su actitud, mientras los principales hospitales del lugar se ven desbordados por el aluvión de heridos":http://www.elpais.com/yoperiodista/articulo/Periodista/Georgia/bombardeo/Georgia/guerra/internacional/Rusia/Concentraciones/delante/parlamento/georgiano/elpepuyop/20080810elpyop_1/Tes"Guerra abierta entre Rusia y Georgia:La aviación rusa bombardea varias ciudades georgianas fuera de Osetia del Sur - Moscú asegura que la ofensiva militar de Tblisi ha provocado 30.000 desplazados":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Guerra/abierta/Rusia/Georgia/elpepuint/20080810elpepiint_1/Tes"Le Monde":"Le conflit en Ossétie du Sud, jour par jour":http://www.lemonde.fr/web/articleinteractif/0,41-0@2-3214,49-1082142@51-1036786,0.html"CNN":Presenta sitio web con links a artículos y fotografías relacionadas al conflicto:http://search.cnn.com/search.jsp?query=Georgia&type=news&sortBy=date&intl=true"Georgian breakaway city in ruins":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/08/10/georgia.russia/index.html"La Nación":"Georgia retira sus tropas y Rusia toma el control de Osetia del Sur. Lo hizo después de perder el control en la capital de la región separatista; miles de personas se desplazaron por los enfrentamientos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038419"El Papa pidió el cese de los combates: Benedicto XVI sostuvo que ya causaron "muchas víctimas inocentes"":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038411"El conflicto saca a la luz otra cara del gobierno ruso: Moscú teme perder las tradicionales alianzas con sus vecinos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038361"Grave escalada bélica en el Cáucaso: El conflicto se extendió más allá de Osetia del Sur; Tiflis se declaró en estado de guerra; ya habría más de 2000 muertos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038360"Time":"Georgia Wants U.S. to Restrain Russia":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831244,00.html"Moscow's Dangerous Game in Georgia":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831243,00.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia:"Ante la ONU, E.U. acusó a Rusia de querer alargar el conflicto para derrocar a presidente giorgiano":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/otrasregiones/relaciones/ante-la-onu-eu-acuso-a-rusia-de-querer-alargar-el-conflicto-para-derrocar-a-presidente-giorgiano_4437921-1"MSNBC":"Russian troops reportedly cut Georgia in half: Towns, military base captured; Moscow to brief NATO on actions":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26116598/"South Ossetians describe escape from fighting: Refugees from breakaway Georgian province seek shelter in Russia":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26125821/"Georgia makes a power play — and a big gamble: Assault on breakaway region doesn't win U.S. support, antagonizes Russia":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26105019/"The Economist":"Calling a halt: Russia says its military operations in Georgia are over":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11916337&source=features_box_main"El Mercurio" de Chile:"Alerta en Tiflis ante temor a una arremetida militar: Tropas rusas se adentran en Georgia y Bush afirma que Moscú busca derrocar al gobierno":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/12/internacional/_portada/noticias/71A8D71D-DCF1-442A-8FD4-1F5B503ADE79.htm?id={71A8D71D-DCF1-442A-8FD4-1F5B503ADE79}"Zbigniew Brzezinski, ex asesor de seguridad nacional de Estados Unidos: "Si Rusia continúa así, debe ser aislada"":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/12/internacional/_portada/noticias/EBF1246C-C697-4A27-985C-A9A96BD87A08.htm?id={EBF1246C-C697-4A27-985C-A9A96BD87A08}"New York Times":"Russian Ground Forces Assault Vital GeorgianCity":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/11/world/europe/11georgia.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"In Georgia Clash, a Lesson on U.S. Need for Russia":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/10/world/europe/10diplo.html?ref=world"Times":"Full text of the Georgia peace plan - and obstacles to its implementation":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4522496.eceAMERICA LATINA"CNN" informa: "Pacific hurricane likely to stay over open water":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/08/08/hernan/index.html"The Economist" analiza: "Venezuela: The autocrat of Caracas. Hugo Chávez tightens the state's grip on politics and the economy": http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11885670"The Economist" anuncia: "The Amazon: Paying for the forest. Donations welcome, even from foreigners":http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11885784"El País" de Madrid informa: "Ocho heridos por la explosión de un artefacto de las FARC en Bogotá. La Policía cree que los guerrilleros habían extorsionado a los heridos, trabajadores de un comercio":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/heridos/explosion/artefacto/FARC/Bogota/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_3/Tes Varios medios informan sobre el referéndum en Bolivia:"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Morales sobrevive al referéndum revocatorio":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Morales/sobrevive/referendum/revocatorio/elpepuint/20080811elpepuint_3/Tes"Le Monde" publica: "En Bolivie, Evo Morales joue son va-tout dans un référendum sur son mandat":http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2008/08/09/en-bolivie-evo-morales-joue-son-va-tout-dans-un-referendum-sur-son-mandat_1081927_3222.html#ens_id=1080276"CNN" informa: "Bolivians vote on fate of Morales":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/08/10/bolivia.referendum.ap/index.html"La Nación" anuncia: "Expectativa por el resultado del referéndum en Bolivia":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038413"La Nación" publica: "Morales pone hoy a prueba en las urnas su modelo de país. Los sondeos le dan un respaldo del 54%":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038325"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "Con 60 % de votos a favor, Evo Morales es ratificado como presidente de Bolivia, revelan sondeos":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/home/con-60-de-votos-a-favor-evo-morales-es-ratificado-como-presidente-de-bolivia-revelan-sondeos_4437727-1"MSNBC": "Bolivians back Morales in recall vote. Bold gamble by country's 1st indigenous president appears to pay off":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26127208/"El Mercurio" de Chile anuncia: "Evo anuncia diálogo con prefectos cuando se conozca resultado definitivo del referéndum":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/12/internacional/_portada/noticias/BF5558EE-4C8C-4142-A0D5-DBA816E0F038.htm?id={BF5558EE-4C8C-4142-A0D5-DBA816E0F038}ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA"The Economist" analiza: "Drugs in Canada: Needle match. Harm reduction, or abstinence?":http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11885792"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "La fatiga del éxito pasa factura a Obama. El 48% de los votantes estadounidenses reconoce que ha oído hablar "demasiado" del candidato demócrata":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/fatiga/exito/pasa/factura/Obama/elpepuint/20080810elpepiint_9/Tes"Time" presenta su sitio con links a artículos sobre las elecciones estadounidenses:http://thepage.time.com/"MSNBC" publica: "Oil ends U.S. trading at a three-month low. Briefly drops below $113 a barrel, as demand in China appears to ease":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/12400801/"The Economist" analiza: "Energy supplies:The devil and the deep blue sea. Finding more oil has become the first issue of the campaign":http://www.economist.com/world/unitedstates/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11895159"Times" anuncia: "Bush warns Russia and announces US airlift to Georgia":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4524831.eceEUROPA"CCN" publica: "EU tightens Iran nuclear sanctions":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/08/08/iran.eu.sanctions.ap/index.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "La Unión Europea impone nuevas sanciones a Irán·":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/la-union-europea-impone-nuevas-sanciones-a-iran-_4434967-1"CNN" publica: "France denies role in Rwandan genocide":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/06/rwanda.france/index.html"Times" informa: "Recorded chimes in Italy ring the changes":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/faith/article4517624.eceAsia – Pacífico /Medio OrieNTE"Time" anuncia: "A China Threat From Pakistan?":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831216,00.html"CNN" informa: "19 Indians die as homes collapse in intense rain":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/09/india.rain.deaths/index.html"Time" publica: "A Murder Clouds the Olympics":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831074,00.html"MSNBC" anuncia: "Part of Olympic display altered in broadcast: Some aerial footage of fireworks digitally created months in advance":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26139005/"New York Times" anuncia: "Police in Western China Kill 5 Suspected Militants After Bombing Attack":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/10/sports/olympics/10blasts.html?ref=world"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Al menos ocho muertos en varios atentados en la provincia china de Xinjiang: La policía ha abatido a siete atacantes que han atentado contra una comisaría - Un policía ha muerto.- La misma región sufrió el pasado lunes un atentado en el que murieron 16 policías":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/muertos/varios/atentados/provincia/china/Xinjiang/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_2/Tes"The Economist" analiza: "China: Behind the sporting glitz, anxieties about minorities and the economy":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11893655AFRICA"MSNBC" informa: "Mauritania coup leaders release prime minister: Three others also freed, but president still being held":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26140579/"Time" anuncia: "Mauritania Coup Chief May Campaign":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831256,00.html"El País" de Madrid publica: "Un atentado suicida contra un control policial causa ocho muertos en Argelia: El terrorista conducía una furgoneta cargada de explosivos en la provincia de Boumerdes":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/atentado/suicida/control/policial/causa/muertos/Argelia/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_4/Tes"CNN" informa: "Eight dead in Algeria car bombing":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/10/algeria.bombs.ap/index.html"New York Times" publica: "Darfur Withers as Sudan Sells Food":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/10/world/africa/10sudan.html?ref=world"The Economist" analiza: "South Africa: A future of division, factionalism, stagnation and patronage": http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11893529"CNN" anuncia: "Zimbabwe rivals meet for power-share talks":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/10/zimbabwe.talks/index.html"MSNBC" informa: "Mugabe: Only 'little hurdles' to Zimbabwe deal: Rival declines to comment on talks aimed at ending political crisis":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26135012/"The Economist" analiza: "Rwanda: The blame game. Exchanging unpleasantries about the genocide": http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11893587ECONOMIA"CCN" publica: "RBS posts record $1.5 billion loss":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/08/08/rbs.losses.ap/index.html"Time" inofrma: "Dollar Stronger, Oil Dips Below $115":http://www.time.com/time/business/article/0,8599,1830721,00.html"Time" anuncia: "Citigroup: Billion-Dollar Buyback":http://www.time.com/time/business/article/0,8599,1830349,00.html"MSNBC" analiza: "How much more will gas prices fall?. Also: Can I get insurance to protect myself if Medicare goes broke?":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26093463/"The Economist" presenta su informe semanal: " Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11901783OTRAS NOTICIAS"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Los aviones volarán más despacio para emitir menos CO2, La normativa europea para ahorrar gases obligará a encarecer los billetes": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/sociedad/aviones/volaran/despacio/emitir/CO2/elpepusoc/20080810elpepisoc_3/Tes"CNN" informa: "Green homes a growing trend":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/TECH/science/08/04/green.home.ap/index.html"MSNBC" publica sitio con información sobre el desarrollo de las Olimpiadas: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24696691"El País" de Madrid publica: "'Cibermanifestación' por la libertad de expresión en China: Reporteros Sin Fronteras permite protestar por la falta de libertad de expresión en China a través de su web": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internet/Cibermanifestacion/libertad/expresion/China/elpeputec/20080808elpepunet_1/Tes
La ciudad estimó su población de 345.769 pobladores para 1934, habitando 38.000 viviendas en 2100 manzanas con tas solo 1640 instalaciones telefónicas. Tuvo una extensión de 15 km. entre Santa Lucía y Rionegro, por 5 km. de ancho en 1935, con muchos y grandes intersticios vacíos y sin desarrollos al sur y al occidente. El Centro de la ciudad tuvo alta congestión vehicular, a pesar de sus buses y 48,59 km. de líneas de tranvía en 1933. Poseía un aeropuerto privado de Scadta, en el Municipio de Bosa. No contó a comienzos de los treintas con las infraestructuras urgentes en acueducto, alcantarillado ni manejo de residuos sólidos. Las formas de crecimiento urbano características en 1932 fueron la "informal" y la "barraca", que aplazaban el proceso de urbanización y privilegiaban la construcción de las edificaciones. En 1933, se creó el Instituto de Acción Social de Bogotá, para resolver el problema de vivienda y obras públicas en los barrios obreros. Los obreros llevaron una existencia sórdida, antihigiénica, hacinada, con 5,2 miembros por familia, bajos ingresos y con niños y niñas trabajadores. Se relacionó pobreza con hambre y por primera vez con la nutrición. Se asociaron la higiene y la moral en las habitaciones paupérrimas. Se relocalizaron los moradores pobres de los cerros de Bogotá, del proyecto del Paseo Bolívar, en el barrio Centenario en 1938. La urbanización posterior a la ciudad existente fue la gran oportunidad para modernizar la ciudad y que fuera digna de denominarse Capital de la República. Se creó del Departamento de urbanismo en 1933, con Karl Brunner como su primer director al inicio de 1934, y se dispusieron en este Departamento las secciones de Urbanizaciones, Plano Futuro y Arquitectura. Se demandó "el proyecto de planeamiento". Brunner adelantó estudios para urbanizar el occidente y sur de la ciudad, pero no se aprobó ni se conoció bajo su dirección, un plano del futuro desarrollo de la ciudad. La ciudad contó con un Plan de Obras para el Cuarto Centenario propuesto y aprobado inicialmente en 1933 y finalmente modificado en 1935, tras el cual se siguieron proponiendo nuevas obras. En 1938 Bogotá contó con un plano actualizado de la ciudad existente. La ciudad adelantó estadísticas y estudios sociales con el "Departamento de Estadística e Investigación Social" y consideró imprescindible la elaboración de un "censo general". Se modernizaron las entidades municipales, se reorganizaron el Laboratorio de Sanidad, los roperos y restaurantes escolares, los Institutos profesionales para varones y para mujeres y, las licencias y policías específicos para el Departamento de Circulación y Tránsito. Ante el atraso de la urbanización, del acueducto, sus obras de captación, embalse, purificación y conducción, la Nación aportó recursos. Ésta también financió la construcción de la Biblioteca Nacional y del Campus de la Universidad Nacional. Sobre predios donados, el Municipio, con algunos recursos de la Gobernación, construyó el Estadio Municipal El Campín. Se construyeron tramos cortos pero importantes del Paseo Bolívar, Av. Jiménez, Av. Liévano, Av. Caracas, carrera Norte (séptima), Santiago de Chile. En alcantarillado se planteó la construcción de colectores y canales de cuerpos de agua. Respecto de la energía, el tema central crítico fue su ensanche, por el aumento de la demanda, que hicieron necesarias las plantas de El Charquito, y la de El Salto. Se continuó extendiendo la red del tranvía hasta 1938. Se construyeron edificios de la Bolsa de Bogotá y del Instituto Federico Lleras Acosta, el teatro al aire libre de la Media Torta y las 500 casas para obreros en el barrio del Centenario. Se construyeron escuelas para niños y para niñas. Se terminaron y dotaron plazas de mercado, nuevo matadero y pabellón par expendio de carnes. Se construyeron hornos crematorios de basuras. Las Juntas de Mejoras públicas de los barrios continuaron gestionando las obras de pavimentos, alcantarillas, escuelas públicas, plazas de mercado y kioscos sanitarios. La ciudad jardín y el movimiento moderno estuvieron presentes durante la discusión del Plan de Obras del IV Centenario. El Registro Municipal refirió congresos, conferencias internacionales y nacionales, artículos y reseñas, con las diferencias conceptuales de Ciudad Jardín y el Movimiento Moderno de la Arquitectura. Se abordaron: el urbanismo, la vivienda popular, los barrios insalubres y su higienización y las 'casas baratas', el crecimiento de las ciudades y de sus centros, su historia y evolución, el patrimonio natural y construido y la arquitectura. Se mencionaron las ciudades satélites, sus "cinturones verdes", los suburbios, la relación ciudad campo, el planeamiento regional, el metropolitalismo, el régimen especial para la ciudad capital, la zonificación, las vías radiales o diagonales versus los trazados ortogonales. Se redujeron las exenciones para aumentar la tributación y financiar las obras del Centenario, imponiendo normas científicas y modernas de cálculo tributario. Se organizó el sorteo de la Lotería del Centenario para costear las obras. Se creó el Fondo Rotatorio de Fomento social y el Banco Central Hipotecario para estimular el ahorro para vivienda. También se aprobó el impuesto de valorización. Nos comparamos con otras naciones con relación a las migraciones a sus ciudades capitales, las ventajas y desventajas de las ciudades modernas, el ensanche de las calles, la sanidad, el estado del bienestar social, la pobreza, los barrios populares, las finanzas municipales, el tráfico y las condiciones habitables de las viviendas. Se recibieron muchos saludos al Centenario de Bogotá, desde otros municipios nacionales y ciudades extranjeras. Se decretó para 1938 levantar el "censo civil de la República" de edificaciones y población. Se realizó la Exposición Nacional del IV Centenario, con el apoyo de la Nación y del Departamento. La modernización fue la tarea central que se propuso Bogotá para considerarse de manera diferenciada La Capital de la República. Se discutía la municipalización o privatización de los servicios municipales, la elección de alcaldes por los Concejos y no por el Gobernador. El nuevo espíritu cívico dejo de ser de los empresarios o asociaciones privadas para estar desarrolladas por las entidades municipales. Algunas élites municipales dieron importancia a las condiciones sociales de la propiedad, su función social, discutiendo privilegiar prioritariamente a las clases bajas sobre las medias. Se pretendió modernizar las costumbres, el aseo, divulgar el deporte y las granjas urbanas. Se mencionó modernizar la demografía con la pasterización de la leche, "las prácticas anticoncepcionales, el aborto y la esterilización". Se impulsó un "sistema de ahorro postal". El Paseo Bolívar se planteó como una franja sanitaria y una bella vía sobre el paisaje de la ciudad, y como un reconocimiento de las clases menos pudientes con derecho a vivienda urbanizada, como el barrio Centenario. Se llevaron a cabo la construcción de Barrios para empleados Muequetá, Las Mercedes, y para obreros, entre otros el Calderón Tejada. Se continuó insistiendo en otorgarle a Bogotá el carácter de Distrito Capital. Se llevaron a cabo las festividades del Centenario entre el 20 de julio y el 7 de agosto de 1938 en muchos lugares distintos de la ciudad. Se reconoció al Fundador y a los indígenas Chibchas. La celebración de los Juegos Bolivarianos en los nuevos estadios de la Universidad Nacional y el Nemesio Camacho, acogieron de forma permanente el foot ball en la cultura Bogotana. Se modernizó el manejo del tránsito en la ciudad con la compra de buses. ; Abstract: The city: In 1934, the city estimated that its population was 345,769 inhabitants, living in 38,000 homes over 2,100 blocks, and with 1,640 telephone lines. In 1935, the city was 15 km long from Santa Lucía to Rionegro, and 5 km wide, with many large vacant areas and no development to the south and west. In 1933, the city center had considerable traffic congestion, despite its buses and 48.59 km of tram lines. Scadta private airport operated in the municipality of Bosa. In the early 1930s, the city lacked urgently needed aqueduct, sewer, and solid waste management infrastructure. In 1932, the main styles of urban growth were "informal" and "slums," which delayed urbanization and favored self-build construction. In 1933, the Institute of Social Action of Bogotá was created to solve housing and public works problems in the working-class neighborhoods. The workers lived in sordid, unhygienic, overcrowded conditions, with 5.2 members per family, low income, and child labor. Poverty gave rise to hunger, and the impact of nutrition was understood for the first time. Poor hygiene and dubious morals were associated with the housing of the very poor. In 1938, the impoverished residents living on the slopes of Bogotá's mountainsides were relocated to the Paseo Bolivar project in the Centenario neighborhood. Urbanization: The city's subsequent urbanization was a great opportunity to modernize and make the city worthy of its denomination Capital of the Republic. The Department of Urban Planning was created in 1933, with Karl Brunner at the helm as the first director in early 1934. The department included divisions for Urbanization, Future Plans, and Architecture. "Project Planning" was in demand. Brunner led studies to urbanize the western and southern parts of the city, but no plan for the future development of the city was approved or distributed under his direction. The city's Quadricentennial Work Plan was initially approved in 1933 and modified in 1935, after which new works continued to be proposed. By 1938, Bogotá had an up-to-date map of the existing city. The Department of Statistics and Social Research gathered statistics and undertook social studies on the city, and decided that it was essential to do a general census. The municipal agencies were modernized, and reorganization was done of the Health Laboratory, school clothing and food programs, professional institutes for men and women, licenses, and the Traffic and Transit Police force was created. Given the shortcomings in the urban aqueduct system, the nation contributed resources for channeling water, reservoirs, purification, and water distribution. It also financed the construction of the National Library and the National University campus. The municipality, with some resources from the departmental government, built the Nemésio Camacho El Campín Stadium on donated land. Short but important sections of the roads Paseo Bolívar, Av. Jiménez, Av. Liévano, Av. Caracas, Carrera Norte (Carrera 7), and Av. Santiago de Chile were built. The construction of water collectors and channels was considered for the sewage system. In terms of electricity, the critical issue was increasing production to meet increasing demand, which made the El Charquito and El Salto plants necessary. The tramway network continued to spread until 1938. The Bogotá Stock Exchange, the Federico Lleras Acosta Institute, and the Media Torta amphitheater were built, as well as 500 houses for workers in the Centenario neighborhood. Schools for boys and girls were built. Markets were built and provisioned, along with a new slaughterhouse and meat dispensary. Garbage incinerators were built. Neighborhood Public Improvement Boards continued to organize paving projects, sewer systems, public schools, markets, and healthcare posts. The Garden City and the Modern Movement were part of the discussion of the Quadricentennial Public Works Plan. Municipal records mention congresses, national and international conferences, articles and reviews, addressing the different concepts of the Garden City and the Modern Architecture Movement. The issues examined included: urbanism, self-build housing, sanitation and unhealthy neighborhoods and "cheap housing," the growth of cities and their centers, their history and evolution, natural and constructed heritage, and architecture. Satellite cities, green belts, suburbs, city-greenspace proportions, regional planning, metropolitanism, a special planning regime for the capital district, zoning, and radial or diagonal roadways versus grid plan roadways were discussed. Modern and scientific tax calculation standards were used to reduce tax exemptions and increase revenues to finance the Quadricentennial works. The Centennial Lottery was created to help finance the works. The Revolving Fund for Social Development and the Central Mortgage Bank were created to encourage savings for housing. The land betterment tax was created. Colombia looked to other countries to compare itself in terms of migration to the capital cities, the advantages and disadvantages of modern cities, the widening of the streets, healthcare, social welfare, poverty, working-class neighborhoods, municipal finances, traffic, and housing conditions. Many municipalities around the country and foreign cities sent greetings to Bogotá for the Quadricentennial. It was decided that a census of buildings and people would be done in 1938. The Quadricentennial National Exhibition was held, with the support of the nation and the department. Modernization was Bogotá's main goal so that the Capital of the Republic would be seen as different. The municipalization or privatization of municipal services was discussed, as was the proposal to have City Council elect the mayor, instead of being appointed by the departmental governor. Municipal agencies set the tone for the new civic spirit, instead of businesses or private associations. Some municipal decision-makers stressed the importance of the social aspects of property, its social function, arguing in favor of prioritizing the lower-income classes over the middle classes. The aim was to modernize practices, cleanliness, encourage sports and urban gardens. The population would be modernized with the pasteurization of milk, "contraceptive practices, abortion and sterilization." A postal savings bank was created. Paseo Bolívar was conceived to be a greenspace and a beautiful lookout over the city, and also as recognition that the less affluent classes have the right to urban development, such as the Centenario neighborhood. Neighborhoods such as Muequetá and Las Mercedes were built for company employees, and others were built for laborers, such as Calderón Tejada, among others. Importance was placed on continuing to transform Bogota into a Capital District. The Quadricentennial festivities were held between July 20 and August 7, 1938 in locations throughout the city. The city's founder and the Chibcha indigenous origins were commemorated. The Bolivarian Games were hosted in the new stadium at the National University and the Nemésio Camacho El Campín stadium, which is the permanent home of "football" in Bogota. Traffic management in the city was modernized with the purchase of buses. Keywords: Bogotá, urban history, modernization, urban planning. ; Maestría
AMÉRICA LATINAMuere el disidente Oswaldo Payá, principal gestor de un cambio democrático para Cuba. Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/22/world/americas/cuba-dissident-death/index.html?hpt=wo_bn8 http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/_portada/noticias/4C0C7B70-8B23-4CAB-92B7-FCB2F3E7D758.htm?id={4C0C7B70-8B23-4CAB-92B7-FCB2F3E7D758} http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860532.html http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/07/23/12897730-cuban-dissident-and-nobel-peace-prize-nominee-osal%20to%20Mixed=1&__utmk=89392472 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-18975660 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492838-reclaman-a-cuba-que-investigue-la-muerte-de-paya#comentar http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/dissidentes-cubanos-sao-presos-no-enterro-de-oswaldo-paya-5567269#ixzz21aR7yv1q http://www.latimes.com/news/obituaries/la-me-oswaldo-paya-20120724,0,5477537.story En funeral de Payá detienen a opositor Guillermo Fariñas y a otros 50 cubanos.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/detencion-de-guillermo-farinas-en-funeral-de-oswaldo-paya_12060326-4 Unasur exige comicios democráticos en Paraguay para su reingreso al bloque.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1493019-unasur-exige-comicios-democraticos-en-paraguay-para-su-reingreso-al-bloque#comentarNativos del Cauca tensan la cuerda para echar de su zona al Ejército colombiano.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/17/world/americas/colombia-indigenous-clash/index.html?hpt=wo_bn8 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/18/actualidad/1342572089_940711.html Detenidos por torturas seis policías en Argentina.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/20/actualidad/1342805020_329586.html http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/20/world/americas/argentina-video/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 La minería informal ha devastado miles de hectáreas en la Amazonia peruana.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/21/actualidad/1342893208_268998.html Fronteras en el Mar Caribe: otro juicio marítimo que resuelve La Haya. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/_portada/noticias/165D9CAB-D42A-4F14-A9E9-362386A23103.htm?id={165D9CAB-D42A-4F14-A9E9-362386A23103} Humala renueva gabinete para encarar conflictos en Perú.Para más información: http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2012/07/23/le-gouvernement-peruvien-presente-sa-demission-au-president_1737381_3222.html http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-18964804 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/ministros-de-per-presentaron-renuncia-al-presidente-ollanta-humala_12057221-4 http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-mexico-violence-20120717,0,2621578.story59% de los bolivianos apuesta a la reelección de Morales. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/F8678237-06FC-42B2-87B0-23E95B0E7373.htm?id={F8678237-06FC-42B2-87B0-23E95B0E7373} Nicaragua crea batallón antidroga.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860528.html General Motors suspende ocho fábricas en Brasil.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1493055-1493055#comentar Fiscalía cita a Lugo por reunión de canciller venezolano y militares.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/fiscala-cita-a-lugo-por-reunin-de-canciller-venezolano-y-militares_12057995-4 ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADÁMatanza en cine de Denver. Para más información: http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/suposto-atirador-do-colorado-seria-fa-do-unabomber-5565685#ixzz21aREdJ9c http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610387.htm http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/21/actualidad/1342870148_774946.html http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2012/07/23/le-suspect-de-la-tuerie-d-aurora-comparait-au-tribunal_1737339_3222.htmlSe reabre debate sobre la libre tenencia de armas en Estados Unidos.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/americas/analysis-colorado-shooting-mann/index.html?hpt=wo_t4 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/se-reabre-debate-sobre-la-tencia-libre-de-armas-en-ee-uu_12056906-4 http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/E575B18F-1A8B-490F-B5CB-AF0F69084BE8.htm?id={E575B18F-1A8B-490F-B5CB-AF0F69084BE8} http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/opinion/frum-guns/index.html?hpt=hp_c1 Diversos medios hacen referencia a la campaña electoral estadounidense.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860548.html http://elpais.com/tag/elecciones_eeuu_2012/a/"The Economist" analiza la política monetaria de Washington.Para más información: http://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2012/07/monetary-policy-7 Estados Unidos afina plan para remover a Al Assad.Para más información: http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610787.htm http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/_portada/noticias/088F1F29-57CB-4FB1-95AF-9908180BFA86.htm?id={088F1F29-57CB-4FB1-95AF-9908180BFA86}Obama advierte a Siria sobre usar armas químicas.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860515.html "MSNBC" publica: "los canadienses ahora son más ricos que los estadounidenses"Para más información: http://bottomline.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/07/18/12817825-canadians-are-now-richer-than-americans?lite Estados Unidos amplía a África combate a narcos latinoamericanos. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/F94804B0-0D72-4C17-A577-863182B54E64.htm?id={F94804B0-0D72-4C17-A577-863182B54E64}Vehículo con 23 migrantes choca en Texas: mueren 14 .Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860505.htmlEUROPALa crisis en Europa: España a un paso de pedir el rescate. Para más información: http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2012/07/daily-chart-15 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492880-espana-a-un-paso-de-pedir-el-rescate#comentar http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18971041 http://economywatch.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/07/24/12931119-spain-teeters-on-the-edge-of-a-steep-fiscal-cliff?lite La Comisión Europea sostiene que Rumania bordea el precipicio.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/18/actualidad/1342627454_107296.htmlDiversos medios hacen referencia a la crisis económica en Europa.Para más información: http://www.economist.com/node/21559387 http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15611748.htm http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610570.htm http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/21/world/europe/21iht-letter21.html?ref=world&gwh=5F00A422070D0370265B29D72B183EE4 Miles de desempleados de todo el país convergieron en Madrid en repudio al plan de ajuste de Rajoy. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/_portada/noticias/8BCEE0B0-0892-4637-BB53-EDF10359E1E8.htm?id={8BCEE0B0-0892-4637-BB53-EDF10359E1E8} http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492392-marcha-de-desocupados-en-espana#comentarRupert Murdoch renunció a directorios de diarios británicos.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/rupert-murdoch-renunci-a-la-direccin-de-su-grupo-de-medios_12053192-4Noruega conmemoró el primer aniversario de la "Matanza de Utoya".Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/22/world/europe/norway-shooting-anniversary/index.html?hpt=wo_bn9 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/primer-aniversario-del-doble-atentado-realizado-en-noruega_12054601-4 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492557-noruega-conmemora-el-primer-aniversario-de-la-matanza-de-utoya#comentar http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/449BF1B1-92EE-43A1-B68A-3C457DD6F371.htm?id={449BF1B1-92EE-43A1-B68A-3C457DD6F371} http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/22/actualidad/1342948196_251106.htmlPolicía de Bulgaria tras pistas por ataque terrorista.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/22/world/europe/bulgaria-bombing-probe/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-18973992 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/19/actualidad/1342725783_603339.html http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/07/24/12931949-bulgarian-pm-conspiracy-behind-suicidet%20Type%20to%20Content=Internal%20to%20Mixed=1&__utmk=101288258El informe que puso en jaque a uno de los bancos más grandes del mundo.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/informe-que-revela-cmo-hsbc-se-habra-prestado-para-lavar-dinero-a-narcos_12058424-4Ex-juez Baltasar Garzón defenderá a fundador de WikiLeaks. Para más información: http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/ex-juiz-baltasar-garzon-defendera-fundador-do-wikileaks-5574703 Un voraz incendio deja tres muertos y miles de hectáreas quemadas entre España y Francia.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492570-un-voraz-incendio-deja-tres-muertos-y-miles-de-hectareas-quemadas-entre-espana-y-francia#comentar http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492603-incendio-fuera-de-control-en-cataluna#comentar Mayordomo del Papa en arresto domiciliario tras salir de la cárcel. Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/21/actualidad/1342889681_208171.html http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/europe/ex-papal-butler-under-house-arrest-while-awaiting-decision.html?ref=world&gwh=87371F37B57C233BD1B2F4716BBB15C3ASIA- PACÍFICO/ MEDIO ORIENTEContinúa la guerra civil en Siria.Para más información: http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/07/24/12926915-syrian-forces-launch-air-attacks-as-rebels-push-on-largest-city?lite&__utma=2381453&__utmk=27478399 http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/governo-sirio-esta-usando-cacas-contra-aleppo-5565545 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/lucha-entre-ejrcito-y-rebeldes-por-el-control-de-damasco-y-alepo_12056588-4 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-18973719 http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15614173.htm http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/middleeast/us-to-focus-on-forcibly-toppling-syrian-government.html?ref=world&gwh=977E719DD9E2C30C25D6D1DCE9E5A01E http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/21/actualidad/1342894653_612303.html http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/meast/syria-street-of-death/index.html?hpt=wo_c1 http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2012/07/23/la-syrie-n-utilisera-ses-armes-chimiques-qu-en-cas-d-agression-des-occidentaux_1737329_3218.html http://www.economist.com/node/21559367Rebeldes sirios acusan al régimen de haber trasladado armas químicas.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/tropas-del-regimen-buscan-retomar-el-control-de-siria_12059761-4 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492841-el-regimen-sirio-amenaza-con-usar-armas-quimicas#comentar Jóvenes prefieren huir de Siria que prestar el servicio militar.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/siria-jvenes-huyen-para-no-prestar-el-servicio-militar_12055464-4 http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-syria-violence-20120724,0,609506.story http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610946.htm http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492626-una-ola-de-deserciones-aisla-a-al-assad#comentar http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/middleeast/syrians-find-optimism-at-a-tent-city-in-turkey.html?_r=1&ref=world&gwh=0331125FDE361FBFCAE8A9044DC44833Tropas sirias entran en Líbano y bombardean la zona fronteriza.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/22/actualidad/1342945874_168111.htmlChina sufre una de las peores inundaciones en 60 años.Para más información: http://dailynightly.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/07/24/12931085-after-hong-kong-weathers-typhoon-anger-roils-over-beijing-flooding-deaths?lite http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492604-pekin-sufre-las-peores-inundaciones-en-60-anos#comentar http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/asia/china-flooding-reaction/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2012/07/22/au-moins-dix-morts-dans-des-pluies-torrentielles-en-chine_1736845_3216.html http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2012/07/19/en-chine-les-terres-rares-tuent-des-villages_1735857_3216.html http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492604-pekin-sufre-las-peores-inundaciones-en-60-anos#comentarSacude a Irak una ola de atentados: 111 muertos.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/meast/iraq-unrest/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/cadena-de-atentados-en-irak_12056582-4 http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610522.htm http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492842-sacude-a-irak-una-ola-de-atentados-111-muertos#comentar Mensaje terrorista: Al Qaeda dice que recupera zonas en Irak. Para más información: http://usnews.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/07/23/12909634-al-qaida-leader-threatens-to-carry-out-more-attacks-on-us-soil?lite http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/2DFFA519-468B-40D7-A558-41557073F238.htm?id={2DFFA519-468B-40D7-A558-41557073F238} Tensión diplomática: Beijing enviará tropas a disputada isla del Mar del Sur de China. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/53BFE1B4-8CB6-49E1-8EF1-66DDD7BBCAEC.htm?id={53BFE1B4-8CB6-49E1-8EF1-66DDD7BBCAEC}Los legisladores indios votan para elegir al próximo presidente.Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/430B9EF3-0721-4724-84A4-1649039E3CAC.htm?id={430B9EF3-0721-4724-84A4-1649039E3CAC} http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/19/actualidad/1342699225_775489.html Ataque suicida en Paquistán. Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/asia/suicide-bomb-kills-several-in-pakistan-tribal-area.html?ref=world&gwh=B22C26573C23D27F538D5AA456ECCD32 Nuevos reportes critican a TEPCO por crisis nuclear en Fukushima.Para más información: http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610471.htm http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/asia/japan-fukushima-report/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 Un tribunal chino ratifica la condena al artista Ai Weiwei por evasión fiscal.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/20/actualidad/1342784515_854922.html 12 muertos en accidente aéreo en Brunei.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/21/world/asia/brunei-helicopter-crash/index.html?hpt=wo_bn7ÁFRICAFalleció el presidente de Ghana.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/africa/fallecio-el-presidente-de-ghana_12060663-4 http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/07/24/12929632-ghana-president-dies-un&__utmk=156501496 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-18972107 http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2012/07/23/des-inondations-dans-le-centre-du-nigeria-font-au-moins-35-morts_1737327_3212.html Egipto nombra a Hisham Qandil como Nuevo primer ministro.Para más información: http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/mursi-escolhe-politico-pouco-conhecido-para-premier-do-egito-5567762#ixzz21aUbuqbd http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-18969742 Segunda cadena perpetua para Ben Alí, por la muerte de 43 manifestantes en 2011.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/19/actualidad/1342709069_490268.htmlEl Tribunal Internacional de Justicia acusa a Hissene Habré, ex presidente de Chad, de torturar y asesinar a miles de opositores.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/20/actualidad/1342802719_473698.html Fuertes lluvias matan a 21 personas en Nigeria. Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/africa/nigeria-floods/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 Estados Unidos expande su estrategia antidrogas en África. Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/africa/us-expands-drug-fight-in-africa.html?ref=world&gwh=C4B88A6AAA952AD486CF09DB5AD45A29 La alianza pro occidental supera a los islamistas en las elecciones de Libia.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/18/actualidad/1342566811_750417.html Estados Unidos levanta sanciones comerciales contra Zimbabwe. Para más información: http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15612643.htmOTRAS "The Economist" presenta su informe semanal: "Business this week". Para más información: http://www.economist.com/node/21559395
La actividad turística representa para Costa Rica una fuente importante de divisas y de empleos directos e indirectos. El crecimiento exponencial que ha tenido esta actividad en los últimos treinta años en Costa Rica ha traído consigo impactos positivos y negativos. El Turismo Rural Comunitario (TRC) se presenta como un modelo de turismo apropiado para el desarrollo sostenible de los espacios rurales costarricenses, estando, además, en sintonía con el modelo de turismo "vivencial y de experiencia" por el que se apuesta en este país. El TRC se caracteriza por integrar las riquezas naturales y la vida cotidiana de la comunidad rural, además de promover dentro de la misma oferta turística prácticas productivas sostenibles. De este modo, las experiencias de TRC se integran en la vida de la comunidad local y se convierten en una actividad complementaria a las actividades tradicionales agrarias. El valor de tales experiencias de TRC radica, por tanto, en su capacidad para adaptarse a los ritmos cotidianos de la vida rural y para preservar las dinámicas socio-territoriales de las comunidades. Un elemento importante a resaltar del TRC es su capacidad para promover la participación de la comunidad rural, aprovechando y fortaleciendo las estructuras organizativas y las redes sociales ya existentes a nivel local. Desde el punto de vista económico, al integrar la población local en diferentes encadenamientos productivos, el TRC permite que se dé una distribución más equitativa de los beneficios generados por la actividad turística, siendo así una importante fuente complementaria de los ingresos familiares. Esta tesis doctoral está estructurada en cuatro partes diferentes, agrupadas en doce capítulos, cada uno de ellos con un apartado de conclusiones parciales para facilitar su lectura, además de un capítulo de conclusiones generales. Hemos querido centrar nuestra investigación, a partir de elementos cuantitativos (encuesta) y cualitativos (entrevistas, mapeos de actores), en el análisis en los actores endógenos y sus relaciones con la actividad turística, lo que ha permitido generar un acercamiento a las realidades existentes mitigando posibles impactos de índole social y cultural en las comunidades rurales. Para ello, hemos propuesto la investigación empírica a partir de tres enfoques (capital social, acción colectiva y gobernanza), y que debidamente articulados, nos han permitido analizar las distintas experiencias de TRC en las zonas seleccionadas, mostrando sus rasgos característicos (tanto al nivel del discurso ideológico, como de las estrategias y modelos organizativos), los elementos que las componen, y su contribución al desarrollo y gobernanza de los territorios donde se ubican. La confianza, las normas de reciprocidad y los flujos de información, que son elementos fundamentales del enfoque de capital social, son precisamente los factores que inciden en la formación y sostenibilidad de las experiencias de TRC, ya que contribuyen a facilitar la cooperación y la acción colectiva a nivel local. Asimismo, las interacciones entre, de un lado, los actores que forman parte de la comunidad local, y de otro, el entorno exterior, formado por instituciones públicas y privadas revestidas de poder y situadas en posiciones de superior orden jerárquico, son el resultado de la combinación de las lógicas ascendentes (bottom-up) y de las lógicas descendentes (top-down). Para conocer mejor esa combinación, el enfoque del capital social proporciona herramientas útiles, como es la tipología bonding, bridging y linking, así como permite ordenar las dinámicas del desarrollo en distintas dimensiones, facilitando así su medición. Entre las principales conclusiones están las siguientes: 1. Esta tesis doctoral ha tenido la virtud de articular una propuesta teórica como lo es el estudio del capital social, la acción colectiva y la gobernanza de los espacios rurales a un fenómeno social tan relevante como lo es el turismo en Costa Rica. Esta tesis fue un estudio exploratorio centrado en cuatro casos de estudio, en el que se utilizó instrumentos cualitativos y cuantitativos que lograron ofrecer información directa y valiosa sobre la realidad de los territorios rurales a partir de una combinación de enfoques teóricos. Además, la investigación se centró en poblaciones indígenas y campesinas que han abierto sus familias y comunidades a la atención de visitantes. Logramos aproximarnos a su capacidad de relacionarse en contextos intracomunitarios y extracomunitarios, y más aún, a su capacidad para relacionarse con actores que tienen cierto poder político y económico. 2. La metodología propuesta en esta tesis doctoral es apropiada para utilizarla en los análisis de los territorios rurales y en la definición de estrategias de intervención para el desarrollo rural. Es una manera de conocer las dinámicas territoriales, los niveles de confianza que se dan en las comunidades, las relaciones que se tienen entre comunidades, y las capacidades existentes en el intercambio con organismos políticos y económicos. Al capital social se le asocia ese efecto multiplicador de la productividad, al reducir los costes de relacionarse con el resto de los individuos, donde se combinan e intercambian los factores que cada uno posee. 3. Las normas que comparten las organizaciones de TRC se consolidan con el tiempo, y, al igual que los valores, se transforman en escenarios o espacios más complejos. La presencia de capital social tipo bonding desempeñó un papel clave, contribuyendo a construir un nuevo sujeto colectivo en la comunidad local. En una siguiente etapa, una vez constituidas las organizaciones de TRC, la presencia de capital social tipo bridging se convierte en un elemento fundamental al posibilitar el desarrollo de relaciones de confianza con personas ajenas a la propia comunidad. El paso de un tipo de capital social a otro no es un cambio brusco, sino gradual y no excluyente, puesto que tanto el tipo bonding, como el bridging, se complementan para hacer que las experiencias asociativas sean sostenibles y perduren a lo largo de tiempo. 4. La clave el éxito de las experiencias de TRC es una buena combinación entre los tres tipos de capital social (bonding, bridging y linking), cuya importancia varía a lo largo de las distintas fases de evolución de dichas experiencias. 5. El TRC está revalorizando los territorios rurales a partir de elementos que tienen que ver con el medio ambiente, la cultura y las actividades tradicionales, tales como la ganadería y la agricultura, ésta última importante para la soberanía alimentaria de las comunidades locales. Asimismo, permite la puesta en valor de los atributos o valores presentes en las comunidades rurales a partir de los procesos de acción colectiva emprendidos por sus habitantes. 6. La investigación revela que con el paso de los años, las organizaciones que operan iniciativas de TRC van generando alianzas con diversos actores a nivel intracomunitario y extracomunitario. La creación o pertenencia a nuevas y diferentes redes responde a las necesidades de las organizaciones, ya sea para el fortalecimiento del turismo en las comunidades, la implementación de ideas innovadoras que sirvan como alternativas productivas, o el contacto con grupo que buscan la preservación de bienes comunes en las comunidades, como es el caso de la conservación del medio ambiente y el rescate de la cultura local. Los casos analizados nos permiten comprobar que las organizaciones logran entrelazar sus actividades, de tal forma que van formando organizaciones integrales que velan y trabajan en diferentes ámbitos comunitarios. El modelo de TRC debe formar parte de una política pública de desarrollo rural en Costa Rica. Integrar el TRC como un modelo de desarrollo rural implica mayor investigación, mayor apoyo económico y técnico, mayor capacitación y mayor visibilidad de los diferentes actores que hacen parte de la red TRC. Para incorporar elementos de capital social en las políticas públicas de desarrollo rural, hay que dirigir esfuerzos que apoyen la formación de sus tres tipos (bonding, bridging y linking), lo que implica que se definan herramientas para que las personas se empoderen, así como se fomenten vínculos efectivos entre los funcionarios públicos y las comunidades rurales. Si se logra fortalecer el capital social rural, estaremos frente a comunidades con mayor resiliencia y con mayor capacidad para emprender proyectos colectivos. ; Tourism activity represents an important source of foreign currency and direct and indirect employment for Costa Rica. The exponential growth that this activity has had in the last thirty years in Costa Rica has brought positive and negative impacts. The Rural Community Tourism (TRC) is presented as an appropriate model of tourism for the sustainable development of rural Costa Rican spaces, being, in addition, in tune with the model of "experiential and experiential" tourism that is bet in this country. The TRC is characterized by integrating the natural riches and the daily life of the rural community, as well as promoting sustainable productive practices within the same tourism offer. In this way, the experiences of TRC are integrated into the life of the local community and become a complementary activity to traditional agrarian activities. The value of such experiences of TRC lies, therefore, in their ability to adapt to the daily rhythms of rural life and to preserve the socio-territorial dynamics of the communities. An important element to highlight of the TRC is its capacity to promote the participation of the rural community, taking advantage of and strengthening the existing organizational structures and social networks at the local level. From the economic point of view, by integrating the local population into different productive chains, the TRC allows a more equitable distribution of the benefits generated by the tourist activity, thus being an important complementary source of family income. This doctoral thesis is structured in four different parts, grouped into twelve chapters, each one with a section of partial conclusions to facilitate its reading, as well as a chapter of general conclusions. We wanted to focus our research, from quantitative (survey) and qualitative elements (interviews, stakeholder mapping), in the analysis of endogenous actors and their relations with tourism activity, which has allowed us to generate an approach to the existing realities mitigating possible social and cultural impacts on rural communities. For this, we have proposed empirical research based on three approaches (social capital, collective action and governance), and that, duly articulated, have allowed us to analyze the different TRC experiences in the selected areas, showing their characteristic features (both at the of the ideological discourse, as of the strategies and organizational models), the elements that compose them, and their contribution to the development and governance of the territories where they are located. Trust, rules of reciprocity and information flows, which are fundamental elements of the social capital approach, are precisely the factors that influence the formation and sustainability of TRC experiences, since they contribute to facilitate cooperation and action collective at the local level. Likewise, the interactions between, on the one hand, the actors that are part of the local community, and on the other, the external environment, formed by public and private institutions with power and located in positions of superior hierarchical order, are the result of the combination of ascending (bottom-up) and top-down logic. To better understand this combination, the social capital approach provides useful tools, such as the bonding, bridging and linking typology, as well as ordering the dynamics of development in different dimensions, thus facilitating their measurement. Among the main conclusions are the following: 1. This doctoral thesis has had the virtue of articulating a theoretical proposal such as the study of social capital, collective action and governance of rural spaces to a social phenomenon as relevant as tourism in Costa Rica. This thesis was an exploratory study focused on four case studies, in which qualitative and quantitative instruments were used that managed to offer direct and valuable information on the reality of rural territories from a combination of theoretical approaches. In addition, the research focused on indigenous and peasant populations that have opened their families and communities to the attention of visitors. We are able to approach their ability to relate in intracommunity and non-community contexts, and even more, their ability to relate to actors that have a certain political and economic power. 2. The methodology proposed in this doctoral thesis is appropriate to be used in the analysis of rural territories and in the definition of intervention strategies for rural development. It is a way of knowing the territorial dynamics, the levels of trust that exists in the communities, the relationships that exist between communities, and the existing capacities in the exchange with political and economic organisms. Social capital is associated with the multiplier effect of productivity, by reducing the costs of relating to the rest of individuals, where the factors each one possesses are combined and exchanged. 3. The norms shared by TRC organizations are consolidated over time, and, like values, are transformed into more complex scenarios or spaces. The presence of bonding social capital played a key role, contributing to build a new collective subject in the local community. In a next stage, once the TRC organizations are constituted, the presence of bridging social capital becomes a fundamental element in enabling the development of trusting relationships with people outside the community itself. The transition from one type of social capital to another is not a sudden change, but gradual and not exclusive, since both the bonding type and the bridging complement each other to make the associative experiences sustainable and endure over time. 4. The key to successful TRC experiences is a good combination of the three types of social capital (bonding, bridging and linking), whose importance varies throughout the different phases of evolution of these experiences. 5. The TRC is revaluing rural territories based on elements that have to do with the environment, culture and traditional activities, such as livestock and agriculture, the latter important for the food sovereignty of local communities. It also allows the valorization of the attributes or values present in rural communities from the collective action processes undertaken by their inhabitants. 6. The research reveals that over the years, organizations that operate TRC initiatives are generating alliances with various actors at the intra-community and extra-community levels. The creation or belonging to new and different networks responds to the needs of organizations, whether for the strengthening of tourism in communities, the implementation of innovative ideas that serve as productive alternatives, or contact with groups that seek the preservation of goods common in the communities, as is the case of the conservation of the environment and the rescue of the local culture. The analyzed cases allow us to verify that the organizations manage to intertwine their activities, in such a way that they are forming integral organizations that watch and work in different community environments. This model must be part of a public policy of rural development in Costa Rica. Integrating the TRC as a rural development model implies more research, greater economic and technical support, greater training and greater visibility of the different actors that are part of the TRC network. In order to incorporate elements of social capital into public rural development policies, efforts must be directed to support the formation of its three types (bonding, bridging and linking), which means that tools are defined so that people can become empowered, as well as effective links between public officials and rural communities are encouraged. If it is possible to strengthen rural social capital, we will be facing communities with greater resilience and greater capacity to undertake collective projects.
En mi formación de posgrado a finales de los años ochenta, teníamos cerca de treinta camas hospitalarias en un pabellón llamado "sépticas" (1). En Colombia, donde el aborto estaba totalmente penalizado, allí estaban mayoritariamente mujeres con abortos inseguros complicados. El enfoque que recibíamos era técnico: manejo de cuidados intensivos; realizar histerectomías, colostomías, resecciones intestinales, etc. En esa época algunas enfermeras eran monjas, y se limitaban a interrogar a las pacientes para que "confesaran" qué se habían hecho para abortar. Siempre me inquietó que las mujeres que salían vivas se iban sin ninguna asesoría, ni con un método anticonceptivo. Al preguntar alguna vez a uno de mis docentes me contestó con desdén: "este es un hospital de tercer nivel, esas cosas las hacen las enfermeras en primer nivel". Al ver tanto dolor y muerte, decidí hablar con las pacientes del servicio y empecé a entender sus decisiones. Recuerdo aún con tristeza tantas muertes, pero un caso en particular aún me duele: era una mujer cercana a los cincuenta años que llegó con una perforación uterina en estado de sepsis avanzada. A pesar de la cirugía y los cuidados intensivos, falleció. Alcancé a hablar con ella y me contó que era viuda, tenía dos hijos mayores y había abortado por "vergüenza con ellos", pues se iban a dar cuenta de que tenía vida sexual activa. A los pocos días de su fallecimiento, me llamó el profesor de patología, extrañado, para decirme que el útero que habíamos enviado para examen patológico no tenía embarazo. Era una mujer en estado perimenopáusico con una prueba de embarazo falsamente positiva, debido a los altos niveles de FSH/LH típicos de su edad. ¡¡¡NO ESTABA EMBARAZADA!!! No tenía menstruación porque estaba en premenopausia y una prueba falsamente positiva la llevó a un aborto inseguro. Claro, las lesiones causadas en las maniobras abortivas la llevaron al desenlace fatal, pero la real causa subyacente fue el tabú social respecto a la sexualidad. Tuve que ver muchas adolescentes y mujeres jóvenes salir del hospital vivas, pero sin útero, a veces sin ovarios y con colostomías, para ser despreciadas por una sociedad que les recriminaba el haber decidido no ser madres. Tuve que ver situaciones de mujeres que llegaban con sus intestinos protruyendo a través de sus vaginas por abortos inseguros. Vi mujeres que en su desespero se autoinfligieron lesiones tratando de abortar con elementos como palos, ramas, gajos de cebolla, barras de alumbre, ganchos, entre otros. Eran tantas las muertes que era difícil no tener por lo menos una mujer diariamente en la morgue a consecuencia de un aborto inseguro. En esa época no se abordaba la salud desde lo biopsicosocial sino solamente desde lo técnico (2); sin embargo, en las evaluaciones académicas que nos hacían, ante la pregunta de definición de salud, había que recitar el texto de la Organización Mundial de la Salud que involucraba estos tres aspectos, ¡qué contrasentido! Para dar respuesta a las necesidades de salud de las mujeres y garantizar sus derechos, cuando ya era docente, inicié el servicio de anticoncepción posevento obstétrico en ese hospital de tercer nivel. Hubo resistencia de las directivas, pero afortunadamente logré donaciones internacionales para la institución y esto facilitó su aceptación. Decidí concursar para carrera docente con el ánimo de poder sensibilizar a profesionales de la salud hacia un enfoque integral de la salud y la enfermedad. Cuando en 1994 se realizó la Conferencia Internacional de Población y Desarrollo (CIPD) en El Cairo ya llevaba varios años en la docencia, y cuando leí su Programa de Acción, encontré nombre para lo que estaba trabajando: derechos sexuales y derechos reproductivos. Empecé a incorporar en mi vida profesional y docente las herramientas que este documento me daba. Pude sensibilizar personas del Ministerio de Salud de mi país y trabajamos en conjunto recorriéndolo con un abordaje de derechos humanos en materia de salud sexual y reproductiva (SSR). Esta nueva mirada buscaba además de ser integral, dar respuesta a viejos problemas como la mortalidad materna, el embarazo en la adolescencia, la baja prevalencia anticonceptiva, el embarazo no planeado o no deseado o la violencia contra la mujer. Con otras personas sensibilizadas empezamos a permear con estos temas de SSR la Sociedad Colombiana de Obstetricia y Ginecología, algunas universidades y hospitales universitarios. Todavía seguimos dando la lucha en un país que a pesar de tantas dificultades ha mejorado muchos indicadores de SSR. Con la experiencia de haber trajinado en todas las esferas con estos temas, logramos con un puñado de colegas y amigas de la Universidad El Bosque crear la Maestría en Salud Sexual y Reproductiva, abierta a todas las profesiones, en la que rompimos varios paradigmas. Se inició un programa en el que la investigación cualitativa y cuantitativa tenían el mismo peso y algunos de los egresados del programa están ahora en posiciones de liderazgo en los entes gubernamentales e internacionales replicando modelos integrales. En la Federación Latinoamericana de Obstetricia y Ginecología (FLASOG) y en la Federación Internacional de Obstetricia y Ginecología (FIGO), pude por varios años aportar mi experiencia en los comités de SSR de esas asociaciones para beneficio de las mujeres y las niñas en los ámbitos regional y global. Cuando pienso en quienes me han inspirado en esta lucha, debo resaltar las grandes feministas que me han enseñado y acompañado en tantas batallas. No puedo mencionarlas a todas, pero he admirado la historia de vida de Margaret Sanger con su persistencia y mirada visionaria. Ella luchó durante toda su vida para ayudar a las mujeres del siglo XX para que obtuvieran el derecho a decidir si querían o no tener hijos o hijas y cuándo (3). De las feministas actuales he tenido el privilegio de compartir experiencias con Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz y Alejandra Meglioli, lideresas de la Federación Internacional de Planificación de la Familia, Región del Hemisferio Occidental (IPPF-RHO, por su nombre en inglés). De mi país quiero resaltar a mi compatriota Florence Thomas, psicóloga, columnista, escritora y activista feminista colombo-francesa. Es una de las voces más influyentes e importantes del movimiento por los derechos de la mujer en Colombia y en la región. Arribó procedente de Francia en la década de 1960, en los años de la contracultura, los Beatles, los hippies, Simone de Beauvoir y Jean-Paul Sartre, época en la que se empezó a criticar el capitalismo y la cultura del consumo (4). Fue entonces cuando se comenzó a hablar del cuerpo femenino, la sexualidad femenina y cuando llegó la píldora anticonceptiva como una revolución total para las mujeres. A su llegada en 1967, ella experimentó un choque porque acababa de asistir a toda una revolución y solo encontró un país de madres, no de mujeres (5). Ese era el único destino de una mujer, ser callada y sumisa. Entonces se dio cuenta de que no se podía seguir así, hablando de "vanguardias revolucionarias" en un ambiente tan patriarcal. En 1986 con las olas del feminismo norteamericano y europeo, y con su equipo académico crearon el grupo Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, semillero de grandes iniciativas y logros para el país (6). Ella ha liderado grandes cambios con su valentía, la fuerza de sus argumentos, y un discurso apasionado y agradable a la vez. Dentro de sus múltiples libros resalto Conversaciones con Violeta (7), motivado por el desdén hacia el feminismo de algunas mujeres jóvenes. Lo escribe a manera de diálogo con una hija imaginaria en el que, de una manera íntima, reconstruye la historia de las mujeres a través de los siglos y da nuevas luces sobre el papel fundamental del feminismo en la vida de la mujer moderna. Otro libro muestra de su valentía es Había que decirlo (8), en el que narra la experiencia de su propio aborto a sus 22 años en la Francia de los años sesenta. Mi experiencia de trabajo en la IPPF-RHO me ha permitido conocer líderes y lideresas de todas las edades en diversos países de la región, quienes con gran mística y dedicación, de manera voluntaria, trabajan por lograr una sociedad más equitativa y justa. Particularmente me ha impresionado la apropiación del concepto de derechos sexuales y reproductivos por parte de las personas más jóvenes, y esto me ha dado gran esperanza en el futuro del planeta. Seguimos con una agenda incompleta del Plan de acción de la CIPD de El Cairo, pero ver cómo la juventud enfrenta con valentía los retos, me motiva a seguir adelante y aportar mis años de experiencia en un trabajo intergeneracional. La IPPF-RHO evidencia un gran compromiso por los derechos y la SSR de adolescentes en sus políticas y programas, que son consistentes con lo que la Organización promueve; por ejemplo, el 20% de los puestos de toma de decisión están en manos de jóvenes. Las organizaciones miembros, que basan su labor en el voluntariado, son verdaderas incubadoras de jóvenes que harán ese recambio generacional inexpugnable y necesario. A diferencia de lo que nos tocó a muchos de nosotros, trabajar en esta complicada agenda de salud sexual y reproductiva sin bases teóricas, hoy vemos personas comprometidas y con una sólida formación para reemplazarnos. En la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia y en la Facultad de Enfermería de la Universidad El Bosque, las nuevas generaciones están más motivadas y empoderadas, con grandes deseos de cambiar las rígidas estructuras subyacentes. Nuestra gran preocupación son los embates de ultraderecha que soportan grupos antiderechos, muchas veces mejor organizados que nosotros, que sí apoyamos los derechos y somos verdaderos provida (9). Ante este escenario, debemos organizarnos mejor y seguir dando batallas para garantizar los derechos de las mujeres en el ámbito local, regional y global, aunando esfuerzos de todas las organizaciones proderechos. Estamos ahora comprometidos con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (10), entendidos como aquellos que satisfacen las necesidades de la generación presente sin comprometer la capacidad de las generaciones futuras para satisfacer sus propias necesidades. Esta nueva agenda se basa en: - El trabajo no finalizado de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio - Los compromisos pendientes (convenciones ambientales internacionales) - Los temas emergentes en las tres dimensiones del desarrollo sostenible: social, económica y ambiental. Tenemos ahora 17 Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible y 169 metas (11). Entre estos objetivos se menciona en varias ocasiones el "acceso universal a la salud reproductiva". En el Objetivo 3 de esa lista se incluye garantizar, de aquí al año 2030, "el acceso universal a los servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva, incluidos los de planificación familiar, información y educación". De igual manera, el Objetivo 5, "Lograr la igualdad de género y empoderar a todas las mujeres y las niñas", establece que se deberá "asegurar el acceso universal a la salud sexual y reproductiva y los derechos reproductivos según lo acordado de conformidad con el Programa de Acción de la Conferencia Internacional sobre la Población y el Desarrollo, la Plataforma de Acción de Beijing". No se puede olvidar que el término acceso universal a la salud sexual y reproductiva incluye el acceso universal al aborto y la anticoncepción. Actualmente 830 mujeres mueren cada día por causas maternas prevenibles; de estos decesos, el 99% ocurre en países en desarrollo, más de la mitad en entornos frágiles y en contextos humanitarios (12). 216 millones de mujeres no pueden acceder a métodos de anticoncepción moderna y la mayoría vive en los nueve países más pobres del mundo y en un ambiente cultural propio de la década de los sesenta (13). Este número solo incluye las mujeres de 15 a 49 años en cualquier tipo de unión, es decir el número total es mucho mayor. Cumplir con los objetivos marcados supondría prevenir 67 millones de embarazos no deseados y reducir a un tercio las muertes maternas. Actualmente tenemos una alta demanda insatisfecha de anticoncepción moderna, con un bajísimo uso de los métodos de larga duración reversible (dispositivos intrauterinos e implantes subdérmicos) que son los más efectivos y de mayor adherencia (14). No hay uno solo de los 17 Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible donde la anticoncepción no tenga un papel preponderante: desde el primero que se refiere al fin de la pobreza, pasando por el quinto de igualdad de género, el décimo de reducción de la desigualdad, entre los países y en el mismo país, hasta el decimosexto relacionado con paz y justicia. Si queremos cambiar el mundo, debemos procurar acceso universal a la anticoncepción sin mitos ni barreras. Tenemos la obligación moral de lograr la erradicación de la pobreza extrema y avanzar en la construcción de sociedades más igualitarias, justas y felices. En anticoncepción de urgencia (AU), estamos muy lejos de alcanzar lo que esperamos. Si en métodos de larga duración reversible tenemos una baja prevalencia, en la AU la situación empeora. No en todas las facultades de medicina de la región se aborda este tema, y donde sí se hace, no hay homogeneidad de contenidos, ni siquiera dentro del mismo país. Hay aún mitos sobre su verdadero mecanismo de acción. Hay países como Honduras donde está prohibida y no hay un medicamento dedicado, como tampoco lo hay en Haití. Donde está disponible el acceso es ínfimo, particularmente entre las niñas, adolescentes, jóvenes, migrantes, afrodescendientes e indígenas. Hay que derrumbar las múltiples barreras para el uso eficaz de la anticoncepción de emergencia, y para eso necesitamos trabajar en romper mitos y percepciones erróneas, tabúes y normas culturales; lograr cambios en las leyes y normas restrictivas de los países; lograr acceso sin barreras a la AU; trabajar intersectorialmente; capacitar al personal de salud y la comunidad. Es necesario transformar la actitud del personal de salud en una de servicio por encima de sus propias opiniones. Reflexionando acerca de lo que ha pasado después de la CIPD realizada en El Cairo, su Programa de Acción cambió cómo miramos las dinámicas de población de un énfasis en la demografía a un enfoque en los derechos humanos y las personas. Los gobiernos acordaron que, en este nuevo enfoque, el éxito era el empoderamiento de las mujeres y la posibilidad de elegir a través de expandir el acceso a la educación, la salud, los servicios y el empleo, entre otros. Sin embargo, ha habido avances desiguales y persiste la inequidad en nuestra región, no se cumplieron todas las metas, los derechos sexuales y reproductivos continúan fuera del alcance de muchas mujeres (15). Aún queda un largo camino para recorrer, hasta que mujeres y niñas del mundo puedan reclamar sus derechos y la libertad de decidir. Globalmente la mortalidad materna se ha reducido, hay mayor asistencia calificada del parto, mayor prevalencia anticonceptiva, la educación integral en sexualidad y el acceso a servicios de SSR para adolescentes ya son derechos reconocidos y con grandes avances, además ha habido ganancias concretas en materia de marcos legales más favorables en particular en nuestra región; sin embargo, si bien las condiciones de acceso han mejorado, las legislaciones restrictivas de la región exponen a las mujeres más vulnerables a abortos inseguros. Hay aún grandes desafíos para que los gobiernos reconozcan la SSR y los DSR como parte integral de los sistemas de salud, existe una amplia agenda contra las mujeres. En ese sentido, el acceso a SSR está bajo amenaza y opresión, se requiere movilización intersectorial y litigios estratégicos, investigación y apoyo a los derechos de las mujeres como agenda intersectorial. Hacia adelante hay que esforzarnos más en el trabajo con jóvenes, para avanzar no solo en el Programa de Acción de la CIPD, sino en todos los movimientos sociales. Son uno de los grupos más vulnerables, y de los mayores catalizadores para el cambio. La población joven aún enfrentan muchos desafíos, especialmente las mujeres y niñas; las jóvenes están especialmente en alto riesgo debido a la falta de servicios y salud sexual y reproductiva amigables y confidenciales, la presencia de violencia basada en género y la falta de acceso a los servicios. Además hay que mejorar el acceso al aborto; es responsabilidad de los estados garantizar la calidad y seguridad en el acceso. Aún en nuestra región existen países con marcos totalmente restrictivos. Las nuevas tecnologías facilitan el autocuidado (16), lo que permitirá ampliar el acceso universal, pero los gobiernos no pueden desvincularse de su responsabilidad. El autocuidado se está expandiendo en el mundo y puede ser estratégico para llegar a las poblaciones más vulnerables. Hay nuevos desafíos para los mismos problemas, que requieren una reinterpretación de las medidas necesarias para garantizar los DSR de todas las personas, en particular mujeres, niñas y en general las poblaciones marginadas y vulnerables. Es necesario tener en cuenta aspectos como las migraciones, el cambio climático, el impacto de medios digitales, el resurgimiento de discursos de odio, la opresión, la violencia, la xenofobia, la homo/transfobia y otros problemas emergentes, pues la SSR debe verse en un marco de justicia, y no aislado. Debemos exigir rendición de cuentas a los 179 gobiernos que participaron en la CIPD hace 25 años y a los 193 países que firmaron los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. Deben reafirmarse en sus compromisos y expandir la agenda a los temas no considerados en ese momento. Nuestra región ha dado ejemplo al mundo con el Consenso de Montevideo, que se convierte en una hoja de ruta para el cumplimiento del plan de acción de la CIPD y no debe permitirnos retroceder. Este Consenso pone en el centro a las personas, en especial a las mujeres, e incluye el tema de aborto invitando a los estados a que consideren la posibilidad de legalizarlo, lo que abre la puerta para que los gobiernos de todo el mundo reconozcan que las mujeres tienen el derecho a decidir sobre la maternidad. Este Consenso es mucho más inclusivo: Considerando que las brechas en salud continúan sobresalientes en la región y las estadísticas promedio suelen ocultar los altos niveles de mortalidad materna, de infecciones de transmisión sexual, de infección por VIH/SIDA y de demanda insatisfecha de anticoncepción entre la población que vive en la pobreza y en áreas rurales, entre los pueblos indígenas y las personas afrodescendientes y grupos en condición de vulnerabilidad como mujeres, adolescentes y jóvenes y personas con discapacidad, acuerdan: 33-Promover, proteger y garantizar la salud y los derechos sexuales y los derechos reproductivos para contribuir a la plena realización de las personas y a la justicia social en una sociedad libre de toda forma de discriminación y violencia. 37-Garantizar el acceso universal a servicios de salud sexual y salud reproductiva de calidad, tomando en consideración las necesidades específicas de hombres y mujeres, adolescentes y jóvenes, personas LGBT, personas mayores y personas con discapacidad, prestando particular atención a personas en condición de vulnerabilidad y personas que viven en zonas rurales y remotas y promoviendo la participación ciudadana en el seguimiento de los compromisos. 42-Asegurar, en los casos en que el aborto es legal o está despenalizado en la legislación nacional, la existencia de servicios de aborto seguros y de calidad para las mujeres que cursan embarazos no deseados y no aceptados e instar a los demás Estados a considerar la posibilidad de modificar las leyes, normativas, estrategias y políticas públicas sobre la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo para salvaguardar la vida y la salud de mujeres adolescentes, mejorando su calidad de vida y disminuyendo el número de abortos (17). ; In my postgraduate formation during the last years of the 80's, we had close to thirty hospital beds in a pavilion called "sépticas" (1). In Colombia, where abortion was completely penalized, the pavilion was mostly filled with women with insecure, complicated abortions. The focus we received was technical: management of intensive care; performance of hysterectomies, colostomies, bowel resection, etc. In those times, some nurses were nuns and limited themselves to interrogating the patients to get them to "confess" what they had done to themselves in order to abort. It always disturbed me that the women who left alive, left without any advice or contraceptive method. Having asked a professor of mine, he responded with disdain: "This is a third level hospital, those things are done by nurses of the first level". Seeing so much pain and death, I decided to talk to patients, and I began to understand their decision. I still remember so many deaths with sadness, but one case in particular pains me: it was a woman close to being fifty who arrived with a uterine perforation in a state of advanced sepsis. Despite the surgery and the intensive care, she passed away. I had talked to her, and she told me she was a widow, had two adult kids and had aborted because of "embarrassment towards them" because they were going to find out that she had an active sexual life. A few days after her passing, the pathology professor called me, surprised, to tell me that the uterus we had sent for pathological examination showed no pregnancy. She was a woman in a perimenopausal state with a pregnancy exam that gave a false positive due to the high levels of FSH/LH typical of her age. SHE WAS NOT PREGNANT!!! She didn't have menstruation because she was premenopausal and a false positive led her to an unsafe abortion. Of course, the injuries caused in the attempted abortion caused the fatal conclusion, but the real underlying cause was the social taboo in respect to sexuality. I had to watch many adolescents and young women leave the hospital alive, but without a uterus, sometime without ovaries and with colostomies, to be looked down on by a society that blamed them for deciding to not be mothers. I had to see situation of women that arrived with their intestines protruding from their vaginas because of unsafe abortions. I saw women, who in their despair, self-inflicted injuries attempting to abort with elements such as stick, branches, onion wedges, alum bars and clothing hooks among others. Among so many deaths, it was hard not having at least one woman per day in the morgue due to an unsafe abortion. During those time, healthcare was not handled from the biopsychosocial, but only from the technical (2); nonetheless, in the academic evaluations that were performed, when asked about the definition of health, we had to recite the text from the International Organization of Health that included these three aspects. How contradictory! To give response to the health need of women and guarantee their right when I was already a professor, I began an obstetric contraceptive service in that third level hospital. There was resistance from the directors, but fortunately I was able to acquire international donations for the institution, which facilitated its acceptance. I decided to undertake a teaching career with the hope of being able to sensitize health professionals towards an integral focus of health and illness. When the International Conference of Population and Development (ICPD) was held in Cairo in 1994, I had already spent various years in teaching, and when I read their Action Program, I found a name for what I was working on: Sexual and Reproductive Rights. I began to incorporate the tools given by this document into my professional and teaching life. I was able to sensitize people at my countries Health Ministry, and we worked together moving it to an approach of human rights in areas of sexual and reproductive health (SRH). This new viewpoint, in addition to being integral, sought to give answers to old problems like maternal mortality, adolescent pregnancy, low contraceptive prevalence, unplanned or unwanted pregnancy or violence against women. With other sensitized people, we began with these SRH issues to permeate the Colombian Society of Obstetrics and Gynecology, some universities, and university hospitals. We are still fighting in a country that despite many difficulties has improved its indicators of SRH. With the experience of having labored in all sphere of these topics, we manage to create, with a handful of colleagues and friend at the Universidad El Bosque, a Master's Program in Sexual and Reproductive Health, open to all professions, in which we broke several paradigms. A program was initiated in which the qualitative and quantitative investigation had the same weight, and some alumni of the program are now in positions of leadership in governmental and international institutions, replicating integral models. In the Latin American Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FLASOG, English acronym) and in the International Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FIGO), I was able to apply my experience for many years in the SRH committees of these association to benefit women and girls in the regional and global environments. When I think of who has inspired me in these fights, I should highlight the great feminist who have taught me and been with me in so many fights. I cannot mention them all, but I have admired the story of the life of Margaret Sanger with her persistence and visionary outlook. She fought throughout her whole life to help the women of the 20th century to be able to obtain the right to decide when and whether or not they wanted to have children (3). Of current feminist, I have had the privilege of sharing experiences with Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz and Alejandra Meglioli, leaders of the International Planned Parenthood Federation – Western Hemisphere Region (IPPF-RHO). From my country, I want to mention my countrywoman Florence Thomas, psychologist, columnist, writer and Colombo-French feminist. She is one of the most influential and important voices in the movement for women rights in Colombia and the region. She arrived from France in the 1960's, in the years of counterculture, the Beatles, hippies, Simone de Beauvoir, and Jean-Paul Sartre, a time in which capitalism and consumer culture began to be criticized (4). It was then when they began to talk about the female body, female sexuality and when the contraceptive pill arrived like a total revolution for women. Upon its arrival in 1967, she experimented a shock because she had just assisted in a revolution and only found a country of mothers, not women (5). That was the only destiny for a woman, to be quiet and submissive. Then she realized that this could not continue, speaking of "revolutionary vanguards" in such a patriarchal environment. In 1986 with the North American and European feminism waves and with her academic team, they created the group "Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia", incubator of great initiatives and achievements for the country (6). She has led great changes with her courage, the strength of her arguments, and a simultaneously passionate and agreeable discourse. Among her multiple books, I highlight "Conversaciones con Violeta" (7), motivated by the disdain towards feminism of some young women. She writes it as a dialogue with an imaginary daughter in which, in an intimate manner, she reconstructs the history of women throughout the centuries and gives new light of the fundamental role of feminism in the life of modern women. Another book that shows her bravery is "Había que decirlo" (8), in which she narrates the experience of her own abortion at age twenty-two in sixty's France. My work experience in the IPPF-RHO has allowed me to meet leaders of all ages in diverse countries of the region, who with great mysticism and dedication, voluntarily, work to achieve a more equal and just society. I have been particularly impressed by the appropriation of the concept of sexual and reproductive rights by young people, and this has given me great hope for the future of the planet. We continue to have an incomplete agenda of the action plan of the ICPD of Cairo but seeing how the youth bravely confront the challenges motivates me to continue ahead and give my years of experience in an intergenerational work. In their policies and programs, the IPPF-RHO evidences great commitment for the rights and the SRH of adolescent, that are consistent with what the organization promotes, for example, 20% of the places for decision making are in hands of the young. Member organizations, that base their labor on volunteers, are true incubators of youth that will make that unassailable and necessary change of generations. In contrast to what many of us experienced, working in this complicated agenda of sexual and reproductive health without theoretical bases, today we see committed people with a solid formation to replace us. In the college of medicine at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the College of Nursing at the Universidad El Bosque, the new generations are more motivated and empowered, with great desire to change the strict underlying structures. Our great worry is the onslaught of the ultra-right, a lot of times better organized than us who do support rights, that supports anti-rights group and are truly pro-life (9). Faced with this scenario, we should organize ourselves better, giving battle to guarantee the rights of women in the local, regional, and global level, aggregating the efforts of all pro-right organizations. We are now committed to the Objectives of Sustainable Development (10), understood as those that satisfy the necessities of the current generation without jeopardizing the capacity of future generations to satisfy their own necessities. This new agenda is based on: - The unfinished work of the Millennium Development Goals - Pending commitments (international environmental conventions) - The emergent topics of the three dimensions of sustainable development: social, economic, and environmental. We now have 17 objectives of sustainable development and 169 goals (11). These goals mention "universal access to reproductive health" many times. In objective 3 of this list is included guaranteeing, before the year 2030, "universal access to sexual and reproductive health services, including those of family planning, information, and education." Likewise, objective 5, "obtain gender equality and empower all women and girls", establishes the goal of "assuring the universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights in conformity with the action program of the International Conference on Population and Development, the Action Platform of Beijing". It cannot be forgotten that the term universal access to sexual and reproductive health includes universal access to abortion and contraception. Currently, 830 women die every day through preventable maternal causes; of these deaths, 99% occur in developing countries, more than half in fragile environments and in humanitarian contexts (12). 216 million women cannot access modern contraception methods and the majority live in the nine poorest countries in the world and in a cultural environment proper to the decades of the seventies (13). This number only includes women from 15 to 49 years in any marital state, that is to say, the number that takes all women into account is much greater. Achieving the proposed objectives would entail preventing 67 million unwanted pregnancies and reducing maternal deaths by two thirds. We currently have a high, unsatisfied demand for modern contraceptives, with extremely low use of reversible, long term methods (intrauterine devices and subdermal implants) which are the most effect ones with best adherence (14). There is not a single objective among the 17 Objectives of Sustainable Development where contraception does not have a prominent role: from the first one that refers to ending poverty, going through the fifth one about gender equality, the tenth of inequality reduction among countries and within the same country, until the sixteenth related with peace and justice. If we want to change the world, we should procure universal access to contraception without myths or barriers. We have the moral obligation of achieving the irradiation of extreme poverty and advancing the construction of more equal, just, and happy societies. In emergency contraception (EC), we are very far from reaching expectations. If in reversible, long-term methods we have low prevalence, in EC the situation gets worse. Not all faculties in the region look at this topic, and where it is looked at, there is no homogeneity in content, not even within the same country. There are still myths about their real action mechanisms. There are countries, like Honduras, where it is prohibited and there is no specific medicine, the same case as in Haiti. Where it is available, access is dismal, particularly among girls, adolescents, youth, migrants, afro-descendent, and indigenous. The multiple barriers for the effective use of emergency contraceptives must be knocked down, and to work toward that we have to destroy myths and erroneous perceptions, taboos and cultural norms; achieve changes in laws and restrictive rules within countries, achieve access without barriers to the EC; work in union with other sectors; train health personnel and the community. It is necessary to transform the attitude of health personal to a service above personal opinion. Reflecting on what has occurred after the ICPD in Cairo, their Action Program changed how we look at the dynamics of population from an emphasis on demographics to a focus on the people and human rights. The governments agreed that, in this new focus, success was the empowerment of women and the possibility of choice through expanded access to education, health, services, and employment among others. Nonetheless, there have been unequal advances and inequality persists in our region, all the goals were not met, the sexual and reproductive goals continue beyond the reach of many women (15). There is a long road ahead until women and girls of the world can claim their rights and liberty of deciding. Globally, maternal deaths have been reduced, there is more qualified assistance of births, more contraception prevalence, integral sexuality education, and access to SRH services for adolescents are now recognized rights with great advances, and additionally there have been concrete gains in terms of more favorable legal frameworks, particularly in our region; nonetheless, although it's true that the access condition have improved, the restrictive laws of the region expose the most vulnerable women to insecure abortions. There are great challenges for governments to recognize SRH and the DSR as integral parts of health systems, there is an ample agenda against women. In that sense, access to SRH is threatened and oppressed, it requires multi-sector mobilization and litigation strategies, investigation and support for the support of women's rights as a multi-sector agenda. Looking forward, we must make an effort to work more with youth to advance not only the Action Program of the ICPD, but also all social movements. They are one of the most vulnerable groups, and the biggest catalyzers for change. The young population still faces many challenges, especially women and girls; young girls are in particularly high risk due to lack of friendly and confidential services related with sexual and reproductive health, gender violence, and lack of access to services. In addition, access to abortion must be improved; it is the responsibility of states to guarantee the quality and security of this access. In our region there still exist countries with completely restrictive frameworks. New technologies facilitate self-care (16), which will allow expansion of universal access, but governments cannot detach themselves from their responsibility. Self-care is expanding in the world and can be strategic for reaching the most vulnerable populations. There are new challenges for the same problems, that require a re-interpretation of the measures necessary to guaranty the DSR of all people, in particular women, girls, and in general, marginalized and vulnerable populations. It is necessary to take into account migrations, climate change, the impact of digital media, the resurgence of hate discourse, oppression, violence, xenophobia, homo/transphobia, and other emergent problems, as SRH should be seen within a framework of justice, not isolated. We should demand accountability of the 179 governments that participate in the ICPD 25 years ago and the 193 countries that signed the Sustainable Development Objectives. They should reaffirm their commitments and expand their agenda to topics not considered at that time. Our region has given the world an example with the Agreement of Montevideo, that becomes a blueprint for achieving the action plan of the CIPD and we should not allow retreat. This agreement puts people at the center, especially women, and includes the topic of abortion, inviting the state to consider the possibility of legalizing it, which opens the doors for all governments of the world to recognize that women have the right to choose on maternity. This agreement is much more inclusive: Considering that the gaps in health continue to abound in the region and the average statistics hide the high levels of maternal mortality, of sexually transmitted diseases, of infection by HIV/AIDS, and the unsatisfied demand for contraception in the population that lives in poverty and rural areas, among indigenous communities, and afro-descendants and groups in conditions of vulnerability like women, adolescents and incapacitated people, it is agreed: 33- To promote, protect, and guarantee the health and the sexual and reproductive rights that contribute to the complete fulfillment of people and social justice in a society free of any form of discrimination and violence. 37- Guarantee universal access to quality sexual and reproductive health services, taking into consideration the specific needs of men and women, adolescents and young, LGBT people, older people and people with incapacity, paying particular attention to people in a condition of vulnerability and people who live in rural and remote zone, promoting citizen participation in the completing of these commitments. 42- To guarantee, in cases in which abortion is legal or decriminalized in the national legislation, the existence of safe and quality abortion for non-desired or non-accepted pregnancies and instigate the other States to consider the possibility of modifying public laws, norms, strategies, and public policy on the voluntary interruption of pregnancy to save the life and health of pregnant adolescent women, improving their quality of life and decreasing the number of abortions (17).
The Law Review of the Legal Research Institute of the Faculty of Legal Sciences of the National Autonomous University of Honduras presents its forty-first (41) volume, number one (1) of the year two thousand and twenty (2020). The institute with an investigative trajectory of more than fifty (50) years has managed to carry out research and legal articles among other scientific works, which are part of the tradition of university work and are reflected in the Law Review. Generating a national and international space for consolidated researchers with a long history in the investigation, such as those who want to expose their first works and intellectual productions. All complying with the rigor of scientific and legal research method. Our magazine is already the favorite place to publish for many who have the discipline and rigor to present their scientific findings and conjectures to the intellectual community as citizens in general, to shed light and facilitate the interpretation of legal reality in the light of the truth verified in their works. The current edition of the Law Review is marked by a special context for Honduras and the world, the COVID-19 pandemic, hurricanes "Eta" and "Iota", have left our nation devastated in its territorial and social dimensions. economic, environmental, food, educational and others that can be imagined in human development, according to economists are projected at least fifty (50) years behind. We must face precisely with the contribution of science, innovation and technology, but above all with a humanistic and solidary approach, the construction of new national and international scenarios supported by solid social networks supported by a legal platform capable of legitimizing the coexistence needs of egalitarian, equitable, socially just, with a rights approach that generates trust, transparency, inclusion and legal security. The directors of both the Institute and the Law Review spared no effort to make this new edition possible in the current context of pandemic and crisis, health, humanitarian, food and climate, precisely because what we need as countries is, more science, more research and more reflection on our realities, achieve proposals to overcome the challenges of the SXXI. The fourteen (14) articles that emerge from many more extensive investigations and two (2) essays on current issues, achieve a range of legal issues that mark the region such as the country and Spanish law, the changes that we are undergoing as societies and how they affect us in our rule of law, our democracy and our state of human rights in general. Under diverse methodological approaches, many on comparative law. In criminal matters, reference is made to fundamental issues such as article number one (1) with "… the criminal responsibility of legal persons in the new Penal Code…, it is a model that has failed and little supported by Dogmatics and by jurisprudence. " ; Article two (2) also manages to "compare from a legal-scientific perspective the role of the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) and the Mission for Support Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (MACCIH)." ; Article five (5) as a proposal sets out to "… promote the basis of a Theory of the" ISN "(Best Interest of the Child) that allows studying the assumptions that support the rights linked to the best interest of the child. Holding their right to special protection, during the criminal process, due to their high vulnerability… "; Article number six (6) analyzes the gender perspective in the new penal code "… penal regulations approved in the light of doctrinal developments on the matter, in order to determine whether the inclusion of these elements is sufficient to affirm that the new Penal Code has a gender perspective… "; Article number seven (7) analyzes the crimes and penalties in the "… new Penal Code contained in Decree 130-2017, which is now the fifth Penal Code that governs crimes and penalties in our country; Historical fact that we consider should not go unnoticed in academic activity, even more so when we know prior to its entry into force there was a great controversy about the convenience or not of this new normative order . "concluding on this issue with article number nine (9) issue that relates private corruption where it is done "… the weighting between the legal interests that said crime must protect. Likewise, the perception that Honduran citizens have regarding the crime of private corruption, in relation to introducing the issue into the Honduran dynamics. " Interesting human rights illustrations; Article three (3) presents a case publication marking the "… most relevant elements of the study and analysis carried out in the resolution of the Ninth Metropolitan Regional Chamber of the Federal Administrative Court of the United Mexican States, in which it recognizes the Refugee status for an applicant of Guatemalan nationality who identifies as gay in a context of violence and discrimination due to sexual orientation and gender identity, developing a definition of refugee including a gender component in accordance with the regulations of both national origin -Mexico - as an international in matters of asylum… "; article number eight (8) The effective protection of fundamental rights "… determine if the legal person is the beneficiary or not of fundamental rights in Honduras,… examining in turn the constitutional doctrine on the theory of attribution of ownership of these rights, in order to observe the Honduran legal - constitutional reality in light of the principles and purposes of the founding text… "; article number twelve (12) With emphasis on sustainable development and environmental risk we have "… The study is justified taking into account the guidelines established by this branch of law that allow transversality with the guidelines of Environmental Law, revealing some challenges that are it faces planning in the face of emerging risks and the need to promote the protection of the environment for current and future generations… "; Article number fourteen (14) as part of the study of the current context of the health pandemic, the examination of China's international responsibility is presented "… an internationally wrongful act, the international responsibility of universal and regional international organizations in the spread of Covid-19 and Either by action or omission, in strict accordance with the implication of inaccurate collaboration by China in the study and timely disclosure of the pathological consequences of Coronavirus 2 Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS-CoV2) in humans , . " In civil matters, an interesting work published, in article number four (4), the order for payment process as an effective means to protect the right of credit "… comparative view of the Spanish payment order in order to know some reforms that have taken place in the same to ensure greater effectiveness in its application, all this considering that the Spanish Civil Procedure Law served as inspiration for the creation of the CPC (Civil Procedure Code). "; as well as article number eleven (11) and its argument of ". Industrial Secret, currently with such excessive competitiveness in the international and national market, it is becoming more and more used by companies of different sectors, same as for its essence of secrecy it is highly coveted to be obtained illegally, current regulations are insufficient to deal with these various practices of commercial bad faith, since they violate it directly, unlike other figures of industrial property that have protective mechanisms, . " Under the protection of the issue of legal interpretation with a historical approach, in article number ten (10) it presents a publication on the origins of constitutional interpretation in tax matters "… the crisis that developed in the Mayor's Office of Tegucigalpa due to the interpretation that various indigenous peoples gave certain articles of the Political Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy, during its second period of validity from 1820… "; Article number thirteen (13) the anticipated test analyzed through the "… comparative law to demonstrate which is the notion that the world is having regarding the relevance of the parties to resolve their conflicts, I also offer the mechanism of advance test as a new notion, with characteristics of autonomy with the mere intention of information, influenced mainly by the current Brazilian procedural law and the origin of Common Law. " Finally, as far as the presentation of scientific articles is concerned, the problem of bribery is seen as a world crisis. This pernicious practice has been present throughout the entire history of mankind. This research seeks to explore the ethical approaches to bribery as well as its devastating effects on democracy and the development of a country. Closing with two essays, one on the unconstitutionality of parliamentary immunity derived from the reform of the organic law of the national congress and the other on women in politics: towards the vindication of political-electoral rights. The valuable effort of all researchers is recognized as well as the direction of the revisit for such an important edition. Hoping to be cited the authors, in the future research works of the readers and can fill the publications with value. ; La Revista de Derecho del Instituto de Investigación Jurídica de la Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras presenta su cuadragésimo primero (41) volumen, número uno (1) del año dos mil vente (2020). El instituto con una trayectoria investigativa de más de cincuenta (50) años ha logrado realizar investigaciones y artículos jurídicos entre otros trabajos científicos, que son parte de la tradición del hacer universitario y se ven reflejados en la Revista de Derecho. Generando un espacio nacional como internacional para investigadores consolidados de larga trayectoria en la indagación, como de aquellos, que quieren exponer sus primeros trabajos y producciones intelectuales. Todos cumpliendo con la rigurosidad de método de investigación científica y jurídica. Nuestra revista ya es el sitio predilecto para publicar de muchos que tienen la disciplina y el rigor de presentar ante la comunidad intelectual como ciudadana en general, sus hallazgos y conjeturas científicas, para dar luz y facilitar la interpretación de la realidad jurídica a la luminosidad de la verdad comprobada en sus obras. La actual edición de la Revista de Derecho es marcada por un contexto especial para Honduras y el mundo, la pandemia de la COVID-19, los huracanes "Eta" y "Iota", han dejado devastada nuestra nación en sus dimensiones territoriales, sociales, económicas, ambientales, alimentarias, educativas y demás que se pueda imaginar en el desarrollo humano, se proyectan según los economistas al menos cincuenta (50) años de atraso. Debemos enfrentar justamente con el aporte de la ciencia, la innovación y la tecnología, pero sobre todo con enfoque humanista y solidario, la construcción nuevos escenarios nacionales e internacionales apoyados en redes sociales solidas soportadas por una plataforma jurídica capaz de legitimar las necesidades de convivencia de manera igualitaria, equitativa, justa socialmente hablando, con un enfoque de derechos que genere confianza, trasparencia, inclusión y seguridad jurídica. Los directores tanto del Instituto como de la Revista de Derecho no escatimaron esfuerzos para hace posible en el actual contexto de pandemia y de crisis, sanitaria, humanitaria, alimentaria y climática mundial, esta nueva edición, justamente porque lo que necesitamos como países es, más ciencia, más investigación y más reflexión de nuestras realidades, lograr propuestas para superar los desafíos del SXXI. Los catorce (14) artículos que se desprenden muchos de investigaciones más amplias y dos (2) ensayos en temáticas de actualidad, logran un abanico de temáticas jurídicas que marcan la región como el país y el derecho español, los cambios que estamos sufriendo como sociedades y de que forma nos afectan en, nuestro estado de derecho, nuestra democracia y nuestro estado de derechos humanos en general. Bajo enfoque metodológicos diversos muchos sobre derecho comparado. En materia penal , se hace referencia a temáticas fundamentales como lo es el articulo número uno (1) con la "…la responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas en el nuevo Código Penal…, es un modelo que ha fracasado y poco sostenido por la Dogmática y por la jurisprudencia." ; el artículo dos (2) igualmente se logra "comparar desde una perspectiva jurídico-científica el rol de la Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG) y de la Misión de Apoyo Contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad en Honduras (MACCIH)."; el articulo cinco (5) como propuesta se plantea "…promover la base de una Teoría del "ISN" (Interés Superior del Niño) que permita estudiar los supuestos que sustentan los derechos vinculados al interés superior del niño. Ostentando su derecho a una protección especial, durante el proceso penal, por su alta condición de vulnerabilidad…" ; el artículo número seis (6) analiza la perspectiva de genero en el nuevo código penal "…normativa penal aprobada a la luz de los desarrollos doctrinales en la materia, con el propósito de determinar, si la inclusión de estos elementos es suficiente para afirmar que el nuevo Código Penal cuenta con una perspectiva de género…"; articulo número siete (7) hace los análisis de los delitos y penas en el "… nuevo Código Penal contenido en el Decreto 130-2017, siendo ya el quinto Código Penal que rige los delitos y las penas en nuestro país; hecho histórico que consideramos no debe pasar inadvertido en la actividad académica, más aún cuando sabemos previo a su entrada en vigencia existió una gran polémica sobre la conveniencia o no de este nuevo orden normativo…" concluyéndose en esta temática con el articulo número nueve (9) tema que relaciona la corrupción privada en donde se hace "… la ponderación entre los intereses jurídicos que dicho delito debe proteger. Asimismo, la percepción que tiene la ciudadanía hondureña con respecto al delito de corrupción privada, con relación a introducir el tema en la dinámica hondureña." En materia de derechos humanos interesantes ilustraciones ; el articulo tres (3) presenta una publicación de caso marcando los "…elementos más relevantes del estudio y análisis de realizados en la resolución de la Novena Sala Regional Metropolitana del Tribunal Federal de Justicia Administrativa de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, en la que reconoce la condición de refugiado a un solicitante de nacionalidad guatemalteca que se identifica como gay en un contexto de violencia y discriminación por orientación sexual e identidad de género, elaborando una definición de refugiado incluyendo un componente de género de conformidad de la normativa de origen tanto nacional -México- como internacional en materia de asilo …"; artículo número ocho (8) La tutela efectiva de derechos fundamentales "…determinar si la persona jurídica es beneficiaria o no de derechos fundamentales en Honduras, …examinando a su vez la doctrina constitucional sobre la teoría de atribución de titularidad de estos derechos, para así observar la realidad jurídico – constitucional hondureña a la luz de los principios y fines del texto fundacional…"; articulo número doce (12) Con énfasis en desarrollo sostenible y riesgo ambiental tenemos "…El estudio se justifica habida cuenta de las directrices establecidas por esta rama del derecho que permiten una transversalidad con las pautas del Derecho Ambiental, revelando algunos desafíos a los que se enfrenta la planificación frente a los riesgos emergentes y, la necesidad de promover la protección del medio ambiente para las generaciones actuales y futuras…"; articulo número catorce (14) como parte del estudio del contexto actual de pandemia sanitaria se presenta el examen de la responsabilidad internacional de China "…un hecho internacionalmente ilícito, la responsabilidad internacional de organismos internacionales universales y regionales en la dispersión del Covid-19 ya sea por acción u omisión, en estricta consonancia con la implicación de colaboración inexacta por parte de China en el estudio y divulgación oportuna de las consecuencias patológicas del Síndrome Respiratorio Severo Agudo Coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV2 por sus siglas en inglés) en el ser humano, …" En materia civil ,un interesante trabajo publicado, en el artículo número cuatro (4) ,el proceso monitorio como medio efectivo para tutelar el derecho de crédito "…visión comparativa del monitorio español a efecto de conocer algunas reformas que se han producido en el mismo para procurar una mayor efectividad en su aplicación, todo esto considerando que la Ley de Enjuiciamiento Civil española sirvió de inspiración para la creación del CPC( Código Procesal Civil)."; así como el articulo número once (11) y su argumento del "…Secreto Industrial, actualmente con la competitividad tan desmesurada en el mercado internacional y nacional, cada vez se vuelve más utilizada por empresas de diferentes rubros, misma que por su esencia de secreto es muy codiciada para su obtención de manera ilícita, la normativa actual es insuficiente para hacerle frente a estas diversas prácticas de mala fe comercial, ya que la vulneran directamente, a diferencias de otras figuras de la propiedad industrial que cuentan con mecanismos protectorios,…" Al amparo de la temática de interpretación jurídica con un enfoque histórico, nos presenta en el artículo número diez (10) una publicación sobre los orígenes de interpretación constitucional en materia tributaria "…la crisis gestada en la Alcaldía Mayor de Tegucigalpa por la interpretación que varios pueblos indígenas dieron a ciertos artículos de la Constitución Política de la Monarquía Española, durante su segundo periodo de vigencia a partir de 1820…"; articulo número trece (13) la prueba anticipada analizada a través del "…derecho comparado para demostrar cual es la noción, que el mundo está teniendo en cuanto a la relevancia de las partes para resolver sus conflictos, asimismo ofrezco el mecanismo de la prueba anticipada como una nueva noción, con características de autonomía con la mera intención de información, influenciada principalmente por el derecho brasileño procesal vigente y de origen de Common Law." Finalmente en cuanto a la presentación de artículos científicos se refiere, se el problema del soborno como una crisis mundial. Esta práctica perniciosa ha estado presente a lo largo de toda la historia de la humanidad. En esta investigación se busca explorar los planteamientos éticos sobre el soborno así como sus efectos devastadores en la democracia y en el desarrollo de un país. Cerrando con dos ensayos uno sobre la inconstitucionalidad de la inmunidad parlamentaria derivada de la reforma a la ley orgánica del congreso nacional y el otro sobre las mujeres en política: hacia la reivindicación de los derechos políticos-electorales. Se reconoce el valioso esfuerzo de todos los investigadores al igual que a la dirección de la revisita por tan importante edición. Esperando sean citados los autores, en los trabajos futuros de investigación de los lectores y puedan llenar de valor las publicaciones.
El resumen que a continuación se presenta, es el reflejo del trabajo de tesis doctoral realizado bajo el título «El Acoso Escolar en Educación Primaria en la Provincia de Huelva». En los últimos años ha existido una preocupación social en relación al tema de la violencia escolar, reconociéndose como un problema común. Los medios de comunicación se han ocupado de difundir situaciones límites relacionadas con e! comportamiento de escolares; a nivel internacional se ha afrontado la investigación en este campo; en Europa se han iniciado interesantes acciones, a fin de promover la investigación y la intervención educativa para paliar las dificultades de las relaciones, alentando a investigadores y educadores a llegar a definiciones, instrumentos y métodos comunes para el análisis de la convivencia y la práctica docente. En nuestro ámbito educativo comunitario, la Junta de Andalucía, en los últimos años, ha fomentado el desarrollo de Ia investigacióri y la intervención educativas a través de diversos prog ramas. Desde la inquietud, en el ámbito educativo, por solucionar los problemas de disciplina en las aulas, recreos, entre compañeros. en definitiva en ef medio escolar, al observarse una creciente evolución de los problemas de relaciones interpersonales entre los miembros de la Comunidad Educativa, ya sea entre iguales o entre miembros de distintos sectores, la investigación en torno a este problema viene estableciéndose en el análisis del mismo y en la búsqueda de las causas que lo produce, a fin de aportar modos de intervención para la mejora y normalización de las situaciones de relación. La preocupación de este trabajo es la de procurar un acercamiento al estudio del acoso escolar en la provincia de Huelva, impulsado por la inquietud que existe en los contextos educativos, en el que el profesorado, familia y alumnado muestran su preocupación por los problemas de interrelación que se producen,, promoviendo el análisis de la institución docente y aportando unas líneas generales que faciliten la conformación de una propuesta de intervención para la mejora de las capacidades socializadoras del alumnado. Por lo tanto, se ha establecido como objetivo general "determinar el nivel de incidencia del maltrato entre compañeros y compañeras en los centros de Educación Primaria en ia Provincia de Hueiva", que se puede desglosar en los siguientes objetivos específicos: - Elaborar, validar y administrar un cuestionario. - Valorar la incidencia dei acoso escolar en los centros de Educación Primaria en la Provincia de Hueiva. - Recabar la opinión y valoración de! alumnado en relación a los problemas de convivencia. - Describir la situación del contexto estudiado a partir de los datos aportados por los distintos instrumentos empleados para obtener la información. - Verificar si se dan o no diferencias en los datos aportados por género, edad, curso y comarcas. - Estudiar las diferencias de opinión del alumnado inmigrante y autóctono. - Dar cuenta, desde la opinión del alumnado, de las intervenciones que se llevan a cabo en los centros escolares para solucionar los problemas de acoso escolar. - Establecer las líneas generales para 1a elaboración de una propuesta de Programa de Intervención Psicopedagógíca para 1a mejora del clima escolar. El trabajo está estructurado en tres partes: En la primera de ellas, marco teórico sobre el acoso escolar, se hace un recorrido por distintos aspectos del estudio de la violencia escolar (bullying). Se exponen y comentan diferentes posicionamientos de autores sobre el concepto, en el que se han encontrado disparidad y falta de consenso; se reflexiona sobre los problemas de definición, realizando una aportación sobre ella; se estudian distintas contribuciones sobre los sujetos implicados en el acoso escolar, exponiendo, a su vez, [as causas que pueden producir maltrato entre iguales y las consecuencias derivadas; el estudio se acerca a la investigación, exponiéndose un número significativo de trabajos de autores estudiosos del tema y de distintos contextos y amplitud geográfica; por último, se realiza una aproximación a la intervención en el ámbito escolar para la mejora de la convivencia en los centros. Tomando como base las distintas contribuciones de los expertos, como se ha indicado, se realiza una propuesta de definición de maltrato escolar, previa reflexión sobre los componentes que debe reunir, a la que se denomina "aportación para el consenso: en busca de una definición", que pretende ser la primera conclusión de este trabajo de investigación. Previo repaso de los contenidos de las definiciones, se muestra la variedad existente y las peculiaridades que manifiestan cada una de ellas (Olweus, 1993; Smith y Sharp, 1994; Pain, 1998; Smith, 1989; Ortega, 1994; Rigby, 1996; Salmlvaili, 2004). En la segunda parte, se muestra el proceso de trabajo seguido para ia creación de ios distintos instrumentos a emplear en la recogida de información. Se elabora un cuestionario propio, que se ha denominado "Cuestionario para la Detección del Acoso Escolar en Educación Primaria". Se realiza un compendio de cuestionarios de evaluación del acoso escolar, propuestos por diversos autores, a fin de generar un estudio de las dimensiones que han orientado su producción. La exposición de las dimensiones de los cuestionarios, en total setenta, va a originar una reflexión sobre metacategorías, de donde se derivarán las dimensiones que ordenarán esta investigación. Se propone un cuestionario inicial y sus normas de aplicación, que se revisan con las aportaciones de expertos. Por último, aludir a la muestra piloto, que supuso la comprobación de la comprensión de cada apartado, el ritmo de ejecución y ia necesidad de apoyo para centrar algunos contenidos, alcanzándose un 0,838 en el Alfa de Cronbach. Por último, en la tercera parte, se presenta el proceso de investigación seguido para determinar la situación en la que se encuentran los centros Educación Primaria de la Provincia de Hueiva en relación con los conflictos convivenciales de los alumnos y alumnas, dando debida cuenta de los participantes en el estudio, los instrumentos utilizados y los resultados derivados tras el proceso de análisis de datos, estableciéndose las conclusiones del estudio, sus limitaciones e implicaciones y, como aportación final, unas líneas generales para la elaboración de un Programa de Intervención Psicopedagógíca, encaminado a establecer un proceso de trabajo que facilite a los centros escolares ia construcción del suyo propio para la mejora de la convivencia. La investigación, de enfoque interpretativo, persigue la comprensión dei problema en el contexto estudiado, para lo que este estudio se acerca al tipo de encuesta, apoyando ia descripción desde la consecución de datos cuantitativos y cualitativos. Es de destacar la muestra, que asciende a 2.156 sujetos, pertenecientes a treinta centros de Educación Infantil y Primaria de la provincia de Hueiva, correspondientes a las seis comarcas en que ésta se divide, distribuyéndose en veinticuatro localidades. La muestra supone un 10,32 % de la población, siendo equilibrada su distribución por sexo, la presencia de alumnado procedente de cada curso, por edad -que marca en los extremos la variación lógica dei alumnado que no ha cumplido la edad que corresponde a su grupo de compañeros y el alumnado repetidor que se encuentra en el último curso-, existiendo falta de coincidencia en la relación de la muestra y la población en ia distribución comarcal, debido a errores de dispersión o concentración no controlados. El estudio sobre inmigración se inicia con unas breves referencias sobre la temática y se pretende dar respuesta de la percepción que ambos grupos, autóctono e inmigrante, tienen sobre la convivencia en la escuela. Para establecer la muestra, se han seleccionado las aulas en las que, al menos, se encontraba integrado un alumno/a inmigrante. En total han participado 1.172 estudiantes, de los cuales 1.054 eran autóctonos (de nacionalidad española), representando el 89.9 % de la muestra total y 118 eran inmigrantes, suponiendo éstos el 10,1 % del alumnado participante. Las técnicas e instrumentos de recogida de datos utilizados, que se consideraron más útiles para esta investigación, fueron el cuestionario y el grupo de discusión. En cuanto al tratamiento de la información y análisis de datos se ha estructurado en dos partes, dedicando cada una de ellas a las aportaciones de los procedimientos empleados para la obtención de datos: resultados del cuestionario y análisis de los grupos de discusión. Los resultados obtenidos en la aplicación dei cuestionario se exponen en seis apartados diferentes, dando lugar a un extenso capítulo: tras los datos generales, se ha estudiado la incidencia del maltrato entre iguales en el ámbito escolar por sexos, cursos, edad, asf como por comarcalización geográfica. Por último, se ha realizado una reflexión de la visión del alumnado inmigrante comparada con la que tiene el alumnado autóctono, apoyado, como se ha indicado anteriormente, en los datos obtenidos en los centros en los que hay integrados niños y niñas procedentes de otros países. El análisis de los grupos de discusión proporciona opiniones del alumnado sobre los problemas de relación que se producen entre ellos, ¡os roles del alumnado implicado en acciones violentas, los lugares donde se producen y las intervenciones realizadas para dar solución a estas situaciones. La densidad de datos y comentarios expuestos ha exigido un planteamiento de concentración paulatina de las informaciones realizadas, acompañando éstas de gráficos y tablas, y concentrándolas en compendios recopiiatorios. La exposición de las reflexiones sobre los datos del cuestionario finaliza con la presentación de los datos relevantes que aporta al estudio, dando paso a la exposición de fos correspondientes a los grupos de discusión. Previa discusión, apoyada en los resultados de diversas investigaciones, se ofrecen (as siguientes conclusiones: - Desde la percepción del alumnado, se entiende que las relaciones entre compañeros son buenas o muy buenas, aunque se originan hechos contrarios a las normas de convivencia. - Se encuentran diferencias de percepción entre los más jóvenes y los mayores, siendo los más jóvenes quiénes valoran más positivamente las relaciones entre iguales. - En las relaciones del alumnado con sus compañeros y compañeras no se encuentran diferencias significativas de género, al igual que se puede considerar homogénea ia opinión por curso y en el estudio de inmigración se muestra una apreciación similar entre los dos grupos establecidos. - Las relaciones del alumnado con el profesorado son positivas, encontrándose diferencias a favor de la tutoría con respecto a los demás maestros. Las niñas estiman mejores las relaciones con tos docentes. El alumnado de sexto curso destaca en su valoración negativa. Se aprecian diferencias comarcales y dei alumnado inmigrante en la percepción de las relaciones de estudiantes y docentes. Planteadas las limitaciones de la investigación y las impiicaciones y propuestas para futuros estudios, se exponen ias ideas básicas para ia elaboración de un proyecto de intervención orientadora que persiga la formación socializadora del alumnado. Basándose en las aportaciones de Thompson y Smith (2013), Olweus y otros (2007), las orientaciones del Defensor del Pueblo (2000), Torrego (2008), Pantoja (2005), Salmivalli y Peets (2010), Kowalski y otros (2010), Ortega y Mora-Merchán (2000), Salmerón y otros (2010), Ortega, Rey y Córdoba (2010) y Ortega-Ruiz, Rey y Casas (2013), esta propuesta, para la realización de un proyecto de intervención para la prevención y ia intervención dei acoso escolar, debe considerarse como un modelo abierto, adaptable necesariamente al contexto y a las dificultades expresadas en la evaluación inicial y permanentemente acomodada a la evolución del centro en el que se desarrolle, y se configura alrededor de las siguientes premisas: - Se pueden establecer tres bloques de objetivos: por una parte los referidos a la formación del profesorado, por otra, los que desarrollan las Intenciones sobre la evaluación de la socialización en el centro y, por último, aquéllos que se refieren a la intervención psicopedagógica. - Realización de actuaciones dirigidas a facilitar la participación del alumnado en la organización de aula (confeccionando la constitución de aula) y espacios comunes y zonas de ocio (autogestión), y su formación en habilidades sociales, entrenamiento asertivo, fomento de la autoestima y empatia. - La consideración de aspectos cooperativos, que faciliten las interacciones grupales entre el alumnado (tutorización entre iguales, trabajo grupaí, asamblea de aula, desarrollo de juegos cooperativos). - La formación democrática de los niños y niñas, con especial incidencia en el respeto al análisis individual, al debate grupa! y a la toma de decisiones. - La transmisión de valores favorecedores de la convivencia. - La reflexión sobre lecturas relacionadas con los acuerdos comúnmente aceptados por la sociedad, como los derechos humanos, derechos de íos niños, derechos y deberes de los alumnos, comportamientos sociales. - El establecimiento de un foro de debate de padres cuyo tema central sea la convivencia y actividades de formación para ia familia (curso, talleres.,)- - La colaboración de la familia en el desarrollo de actividades curriculares. Por último, resaltar la importancia que en el impulso de estas y otras actuaciones tiene ia tutoría, convirtiéndose en plataforma desde la cual facilitar la tarea de desarrollo de programas y proyectos. ; The summary presented below is a reflection of the doctoral thesis work conducted under the title "The Bullying in Primary Education in the Province of Huelva". in recent years there has been a social concern on the issue of school violence, recognized as a common problem. The media have been busy spreading extreme situations related to school behavior and international research has been addressed in this field. In Europe interesting actions have been initiated in order to promote research and educational intervention to alleviate the difficulties of relationships, encouraging researchers and educators to reach definitions, common tools and methods for the analysis of coexistence and teaching practice. In recent years, our educational community of Andalusia has encouraged the development of research and educational intervention through various programs. Since the concern to solve discipline problems in the classroom, recess, peer . ultimately in the school, to observe a growing trend of interpersonal relationship problems between members of the educational community, either between equals or between members of different sectors, research on this problem is established in the analysis of same and the search for the causes that produced it, in order to provide methods of intervention for the improvement and normalization of relationship situations. The concern of this paper is to seek an approach to the study of bullying In the province of Huelva, driven by the concern that has been in educational contexts in which teachers, families and students are concerned about the problems of interrelation that occurs, promoting the analysis of the educational institution and providing some general guidelines that facilitate the formation of a proposed intervention to improve students' socialization skills. Therefore, it has been established as a general objective "to determine the level of incidence of bully among students in the Primary Schools in the Province of Huelva", which can be broken down into the following specific objectives: Develop, validate and administer a questionnaire. To assess the incidence of bullying in Primary Schools in the Province of Huelva. Seek feedback and assessment of students in relation to the problems of coexistence. Describe the situation of the context studied from data provided by the various instruments used to obtain the information. Check whether or not there are differences in the data provided by gender, age, grade and counties. To study the differences of opinion and indigenous Immigrant students. To report, from the students' view of the interventions carried out in schools to address bullying problems. Establish general guidelines for the preparation of a proposal for Behavioural Intervention Program to improve the school climate. The work is structured in three parts: In the first, theoretical framework about bullying, it is a journey through various aspects of the study of school violence (bullying). Presents and discusses different positions of authors on the concept, which found disparity and lack of consensus, we reflect on the problems of definition, making a contribution upon it discusses different contributions on the subjects involved in bullying exposing, in turn, causes that can cause bullying and the consequences, the study research approaches, exposing a significant number of works by authors and scholars from different backgrounds and geographical extent, and finally, is an approach to intervention in schools for improving behavior in schools. Based on the various contributions of the experts, as noted, there is a proposal for the definition of bully in schools, after reflection on the components to be met, which is called "contribution to the consensus: in search of a definition ", intended as the first conclusion of this research. Prior overview of the contents of the definitions, the existing variety shown and peculiarities those show each (Olweus, 1993, Smith and Sharp, 1994, Pain, 1998, Smith, 1989; Ortega, 1994, Rigby, 1996; Salmivalli, 2004). In the second part shows the working process followed for creating the various instruments used in the collection of information. It develops a self-administered questionnaire, which has been called "Questionnaire for Detection of Bullying in Elementary Education." It takes a compendium of assessment questionnaires bullying, proposed by various authors, in order to generate a study of the dimensions that have guided its production. Exposing the seventy dimensions of the questionnaires, will lead a reflection on meta-categories, from which derive the dimensions ordered this investigation. It proposes an initial questionnaire and it's implementing rules, which are reviewed with input from experts. Finally, alluding to the pilot sample, which involved checking the understanding of each section, the pace of implementation and support need to focus some content, reaching a 0.838 on Cronbach's alpha. Finally, the third part presents the research process followed to determine the situation where schools are. Primary Education of the Province of Huelva in relation to conflicts of coexistence of pupils, giving due regard to the participants in the study, the instruments used and the results derived after the data analysis process, establishing the study's findings, [imitations and implications and as a final contribution, some general guidelines for developing a Behavioral intervention Program, aimed to establish a process that facilitates working to build schools than their own to improve coexistence. The research, interpretive approach, seeks to understand the problem in the context studied, for which this study is about in the survey, bringing the description from the achievement of quantitative and qualitative data. It is noteworthy the sample, amounting to 2,156 subjects, belonging to thirty centers and Primary Education in the province of Huelva, corresponding to the six counties in which it is divided, distributed in twenty-four locations. The sample represents a 10.32% of the population, being balanced gender distribution, the presence of students from each course, by age-which marks extreme variation in the logic of student who has not attained the age corresponding to their peer group and students repeater is in the final year-mismatch exists in the relationship between the sample and the population distribution in the district, due to dispersion or concentration errors uncontrolled. The study on immigration begins with brief references on the subject and it is intended and is meant to address the perception that both, native and immigrant, have on living in school. To set the sample were selected classrooms in which at least one student was an immigrant child. A total of 1,172 students participated, of whom 1,054 were native (Spanish nationality), representing 89.9% of the total sample, 118 were immigrants, assuming these 10.1% of the students participating. The techniques and data collection instruments used, which were considered most useful for this investigation were the questionnaire and group discussion. In terms of information processing and data analysis is structured in two parts, each devoted to the contributions of the procedures used to obtain data: results of the questionnaire and analysis of the discussion groups. The results of the questionnaire are presented in six different sections, resulting in an extensive chapter: after the general data, we studied the incidence of bullying in schools by gender, training, age, and by geographical regionalization. Finally, there has been a reflection of the vision of immigrant students compared to native pupils having, supported, as indicated above in data from centers where children are integrated from other countries. The analysis of the discussion groups provides students' opinions about the relationship problems that happen between them, the roles of students involved in violence, the places where they occur and interventions to resolve these situations. The data density and comments made approach has required a gradual concentration of the information made, accompanying these graphs and tables, and abstracts concentrating on compilations. Exposure of reflections on questionnaire data ends with the presentation of the relevant data that contributes to the study, leading to the exposure of relevant discussion groups. After discussion, based on the results of various investigations, we offer the following conclusions: From the perception of students, it is understood that peer relationships are good or very good, although originating acts contrary to the rules of coexistence. They are differences in perception between younger and older, with the youngest who value more positive peer relationships. On the relations of students with their peers is not significant gender differences, as can be seen by current opinion homogeneous and immigration study shows a similar appreciation between the two groups established. The relationship of students with faculty is positive, differing in favor of mentoring over other teachers. Girls estimate better relationships with teachers. The sixth-grade students in their negative assessment highlights. County differences are appreciated and immigrant students in the perception of the relationship of students and teachers. Raised research limitations and implications and suggestions for future studies, basic ideas are presented for the preparation of a draft guidance intervention socializing pursuing training of students. Based on input from Thompson and Smith (2013), Olweus and others (2007), the orientations of the Ombudsman (2000), Torrego (2008), Pantoja (2005), Salmivalli and Peets (2010), Kowalski and others ( 2010), Ortega and Mora-Merchan (2000), Salmerón et al (2010), Ortega, King and Cordova (2010) and Ortega-Ruiz, Rey and Casas (2013), this proposal for conducting an intervention project for prevention and intervention of bullying, should be considered as an open model, necessarily adaptable to the context and the difficulties expressed in the initial evaluation and permanently accommodated to the evolution of the center in which it develops, and is set around the following premises: Three different blocks objectives: firstly those relating to teacher education, on the other, those who develop the intentions on the assessment of socialization in the center and, finally, those that relate to pedagogic intervention. - Carrying out activities aimed at facilitating the participation of students in classroom organization (tailoring classroom constitution) and common areas and amenities (self), and social skills training, assertiveness training, building self-esteem and empathy. - The consideration of cooperative aspects that facilitate group interactions among students (peer tutoring, group work, class assembly, cooperative game development), - The democratic training children, with special emphasis on respect for the individual analysis, the group discussion and decision-making. The transmission of values favoring coexistence. Reflection on readings related to the agreements commonly accepted by society, such as human rights, children's rights, rights and duties of students, social behavior. The establishment of a forum for discussion of parents whose central theme is the coexistence and training activities for the family (course, workshops.). Collaboration of the family in the development of curricular activities. Finally, highlight the importance of the promotion of these and other actions have tutoring, becoming platform from which to facilitate the task of developing programs and projects.
