IV. Aggregate Individual Rights
In: The Normative Position of International Non-Governmental Organizations under International Law, S. 310-314
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In: The Normative Position of International Non-Governmental Organizations under International Law, S. 310-314
In: Reclaiming Justice, S. 84-112
In: Politics and Power, S. 138-165
In: Equality and Liberty, S. 46-65
In: Psychological Reactance, S. 213-228
In: Handbook of Organizational and Managerial Wisdom, S. 180-222
In: Losers' Consent, S. 73-89
In: Preventive stress management in organizations (2nd ed.)., S. 59-72
Discusses factors leading to the government institutionalization of individual property rights. Although previous theorists have hypothesized that property rights emerge as the result of moral requirements, it is argued that these rights are the product of desires to improve the productivity & wealth of individuals &, thereby, the government. Individual rights institutions evolve in environments characterized by conflict between the old agents of control & agents seeking changes in old institutions. Since society without rules leads to unproductive & unregulated conflict, governments support individual rights to enhance productivity, which allows government to advance its own power through increased taxes & other forms of support. Drawing on a game-theoretic model of government-enforced individual rights, it is concluded that law enforcement policies must be known to society to maintain the government monopoly of rights & achieve the desired ends associated with such rights granting. In an environment with incomplete information, governments may fail to grant necessary rights or grant rights that undermine their own goals. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix. T. Sevier
In: Political communication, S. 449-468
"This chapter reflects on political media use, political talk, and political participation in nations across the globe. Based on a discussion of normative perspectives on individual political communication the authors present results from a comparative secondary analysis of the World Values Survey (WVS). In the analysis, the authors compare patterns of individual political communication and participation for 15 selected countries from all continents, also investigating correlations with individual and contextual factors (e.g., press freedom, political culture). The findings show that political talk and media use remain the most important link to politics for most citizens, while more demanding forms of participation in most countries are confined to a minority of people. Given the rise of the Internet the authors highlight the danger of a digital divide between activists using the multiple political options of the Web and large segments of societies left behind in this respect." (publisher's description)
In: Futures of modernity: challenges for cosmopolitical thought and practice, S. 177-194
In: Philosophy of Justice, S. 75-94
In: Schriftenreihe der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, S. 143-157
Using the sector municipal power supply companies as an example, it is shown 'how the self-image of these employees as employees has changed, conditioned by the structural rupture since the 1970s, and what successive effects this change has had on the influence wielded by collective interest representatives (such as works councils). The point of reference for this is a qualitative longitudinal study in the years 2004 to 2008 in the formerly municipal power supply companies. Its aim was to examine new structures and participation trends since the liberalisation of the power market as well as the simultaneous privatisation of the formerly municipal power companies.' The results of the study show that, despite increasing fear of losing one's job, the collective consciousness of being an employee is only very slight. Moreover, the higher a person's level of qualifications, the more this sinks. Instead, with higher qualified persons a trend towards individual bargaining is making itself apparent. The reason for this is also the introduction of new styles of management, such as target agreements, which encourage self-responsibility on the part of the employee. For the members of the works council this means reorientating themselves to a new role of co-manager. (IAB)
In: Politik- und Gesellschaftsgeschichte, S. 143-157
Using the sector municipal power supply companies as an example, it is shown 'how the self-image of these employees as employees has changed, conditioned by the structural rupture since the 1970s, and what successive effects this change has had on the influence wielded by collective interest representatives (such as works councils). The point of reference for this is a qualitative longitudinal study in the years 2004 to 2008 in the formerly municipal power supply companies. Its aim was to examine new structures and participation trends since the liberalisation of the power market as well as the simultaneous privatisation of the formerly municipal power companies.' The results of the study show that, despite increasing fear of losing one's job, the collective consciousness of being an employee is only very slight. Moreover, the higher a person's level of qualifications, the more this sinks. Instead, with higher qualified persons a trend towards individual bargaining is making itself apparent. The reason for this is also the introduction of new styles of management, such as target agreements, which encourage self-responsibility on the part of the employee. For the members of the works council this means reorientating themselves to a new role of co-manager. (IAB)
In: Adolescence in context: the interplay of family, school, peers, and work in adjustment, S. 82-95