The History and Parameters of the Indo-Pacific Strategic Region -- Historical Context : Geopolitics and Balance-of-Power Thinking and Practices in the Past and Present -- IPR's Four Major Entanglements -- A New World Order : Sino-centric, West-centric or Hybrid National Security Transactional Relations?
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Democratic governance is a critical element of the U.S. strategy to ensure a free and open Indo-Pacific region. This CSIS report catalogues regional efforts to support democracy and recommends ways the United States can partner with like-minded countries in the region.
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The global Indian and Pacific region is playing an increasing role in modern international relations. At the beginning of the XXI century, this region is a crossroads of different interests of great powers. The United States continues to play a leading role. The Pentagon introduced the concept of the Indo-Pacific region. From a military-strategic point of view, this concept is a symbol of American-Chinese competition. This process intensified under the Trump administration in 2017-2020. The Biden administration is consolidating regional democracies. Australia, India and Japan play a key role in this process. The European Union promotes the values and ideas of democracy in the Indo-Pacific region. China is an important trading partner of the EU. The intensification of the Sino-US confrontation in early 2022 has blocked the entry into force of the China-EU Free Trade and Investment Agreement. In early 2022, the United States, Great Britain and Australia announced the creation of a military alliance. India and Japan are concerned about China's growing military power. The Republic of Korea has a similar position. Hotspots of confrontation in the region are Taiwan, the Korean Peninsula, the disputed Spratly Islands. The Indo-Pakistani conflict around Kashmir destabilizes regional security. The Indo-Pacific region is an example of a complex multipolar system of international relations. This system is more risky in terms of security. The functioning of internal regional and interregional communication networks is complicated by military-technical, environmental, demographic, socio-cultural, interstate contradictions. The formation of a regional security system is limited by political problems. Post-modern democracies, such as Australia, India, Japan and the modernized Chinese autocracy and the North Korean Stalinist dictatorship, coexist in the Indo-Pacific region. The balance of interests is maintained by the United States and the European Union. This balance is volatile and unpredictable
The main consequence of rapidly progressing globalization is the strengthening of new, dynamically developing economies. The paper includes the author's reflections on the European Union's strategy for the Indo-Pacific region, which is responsible for 60% of global GDP and 2/3 of global economic growth. As a result, this makes that neighborhood an area of conflicting interests and rivalry between the economically strongest state entities. Despite the relatively late involvement of other foreign players in the region, the European Union is also trying to strengthen its position in this area. On September 16, 2021, the "EU Cooperation Strategy in the Indo-Pacific Region" was established. The author of the paper will try to answer two main research questions: (1) What influences the shape of the European strategy towards the Indo-Pacific region? and (2) What obstacles does the European Union face in the process of shaping its relations with representatives of this region?
Indonesia as one of the countries that is included in the Indo-Pacific Region has an important role in creating security stability in the Region. As the center point of the Indo-Pacific, Indonesia certainly thinks about the right defense strategy to be able to play an active role in the region. Undoubtedly, this action will be related to Indonesia's free-and-active foreign policy. As a region that has strategic points, countries in the Indo-Pacific Region carry out an agenda to be able to solve problems in a peaceful way by increasing mutual trust. Naturally, it will make the Indo-Pacific Region as a central region in the future. Based on the findings, Indonesia's foreign policy takes part in an active role at the international level by promoting the concept of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Region to increase mutual trust between countries. In addition, countries in the region participate in mutually beneficial openness in order to create security stability in the region. Indonesia's foreign policy is considered to be appropriate and useful in the midst of situations in competing for having influence in the region. Thus, Indonesia's role in the Indo-Pacific cannot be separated from the character of Indonesia's current foreign policy which emphasizes "middle power" and leadership in the region.
This research attempted to analyse the effectiveness of the new policy under the President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) which is called as "Global maritime fulcrum" or poros maritim dunia as approach in contributing Indo-Pacific region stability. The policy has strong maritime sense linkages inspired by Indonesia's past maritime kingdom such as Majapahit and Sriwijaya glory, hence the new government try to revive the maritime identity in the nation-state to achieve national interest not only for domestic development but importantly also for stability in the region. As the relatively new policy at the time, the research try a preliminary assessment within two years of Jokowi administration. The effectiveness of this policy will be assessed no how the policy were implemented dan responded to deal with challenges in the Indo-Pacific region including the domestical sphere. The discussion will be followed with the concluding remarks for suggestion on the policy including evalutions as well as recommendations. Key Words: Maritime, Indo-Pacific, Indonesia, Joko Widodo, Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF),Sea Toll.
The Indo-Pacific region is an area adjacent to some oceans and the gateway that connects the great power and small countries to the world; this region is always considered by Vietnam as a key strategic geographic area, having direct impacts on national security, position and its role in this region. While big powers have different perceptions to the Indo-Pacific region, as a country occupying an important geographic position in the Pacific region, Vietnam shares a common vision of an open and rule-based area, and a common interest in maintaining peace, stability and prosperity as well as building a common space for coexistence and development with the belief that the Indo-Asian-Pacific is large enough for every nation to grow and prosper. This article finds out that recent changes in the Indo-Pacific region in geopolitics, economics, security and national defence have made many countries, including Vietnam, to redefine their global and regional policies to refresh their strategic perceptions. Vietnam has its own perception, position, approach and national orientations, which is shaping its state behaviour and perspectives in this geopolitical vibrant Indo-Pacific region. Besides, this article uses the SWOT analysis model to determine the challenges, strengths and weaknesses of Vietnam in the Indo-Pacific region. Moreover, while the future of the Indo-Pacific in a post-COVID-19 pandemic world remains filled with uncertainty and economic challenges, the crisis also presents an opportunity for Vietnam to re-evaluate its position. Today, Vietnam always maintains its foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, multilateralism and diversification of international relations, which attaches great importance to enhancing multi-faceted cooperation with countries in the Indo-Pacific region. Thus, with its own perception and geostrategic advantage, Vietnam—a developing country in the region and in the world with relatively stable economic growth, pursuing rules and order will be a positive factor for a stable, peaceful and prosperous development in the region.
In: Dissanayake, D., Kuruppu, S., Qian, W. and Tilt, C. (2020), "Barriers for sustainability reporting: evidence from Indo-Pacific region", Meditari Accountancy Research, Vol. 29 No. 2, pp. 264-293.