Suchergebnisse

The article highlights the system of Islamic education in contemporary Indonesia and its specific features and peculiarities. According to the state law adopted in 2007 and government instructions, all educational institutions and organizations should include religious (mostly Islamic) lessons in their curriculums. Nevertheless, young generation of Indonesian Muslims can receive the most complete and profound Islamic education only in Islamic educational institutions comprising of more than 50 thousand schools of different kinds and levels. Islamic education in Indonesia is based on Holy Scriptures, such as the Koran and Sunnah. Religious teachings in the Indonesian system of Islamic education have a direct and long-lasting impact on lives and the formation of Islamic world views of Muslims in the country. ; Статья посвящена специфике мусульманского образования в современной Индонезии. Хотя большинство общеобразовательных учебных заведений по всей стране с помощью Министерства религии организует преподавание ислама, главную роль в деле исламского просвещения играет самостоятельная специализированная система мусульманского образования, которое представляет собой особую подсистему национального образования. Мусульманское образование находится в фокусе внимания центрального правительства, которое осуществляет руководство им через каналы министерства религии. В статье освещается структура исламского образования и воспитания, институты, идейные основы и особенности. Сегодня в стране имеется более 50 тыс. исламских учебных заведений. Исламское образование представляет собой многоступенчатую систему и включает несколько типов учебных заведений, которые оказывают серьёзное влияние на процессы формирования мировоззрения и образа жизни индонезийских мусульман.

The article describes the Indonesian Government using non-violent methods in withstanding the spread of radicalism in contemporaryIndonesia. The article analyzes the development of de-radicalization program aimed at the rehabilitation of the former terrorists and supporters of violent methods of the Islamization of the country — the jihadists. The main tools are such methods of struggle against terrorism and extremism, as de-radicalization, rehabilitation and reintegration into society, and most importantly — the elimination of roots and causes of terrorism. This article provides details on how the use of the "soft power" in withstanding extremism works, as well as successes and difficulties in implementing this program. ; Статья посвящена использованию ненасильственных методов противостояния распространению радикализма и терроризма в современной Индонезии. В статье подробно разбираются способы применения «мягкой силы» в противостоянии экстремизму, успехи и трудности в реализации этой программы. Показано, что в Индонезии большое внимание уделяется реабилитации бывших радикалов и их реинтеграции в общество. В стране ведётся серьёзная борьба с терроризмом. Выявляется также отношение представителей разных организаций и групп индонезийских мусульман к дерадикализации — как тех, кто поддерживает эту правительственную программу, так и ее ярых противников.

У статті висвітлюються основні етапи здобуття незалежності Індонезії та особливості дипломатії індонезійських лідерів на шляху до незалежності. Аналізується позиція ООН під час війни за незалежність Індонезії, а саме здійснено комплексний аналіз засідань Ради Безпеки ООН на яких розглядалось індонезійське питання. Також аналізується роль представників Української РСР у вирішенні даного питання. А саме, охарактеризовано діяльність Д. З. Мануїльського на засіданнях Ради Безпеки ООН під час обговорення війни в Індонезії. Зроблено висновок про те, що саме за посередництва ООН вдалося припинити війну в Індонезії. ; In the article covers the main stages of gaining independence of Indonesia and the peculiarities of the diplomacy of the Indonesian leaders on the path to independence. The position of the United Nations during the Indonesian Independence War is analyzed, in particular, a comprehensive analysis of the UN Security Council's deliberations on the Indonesian issue was carried out.The main thesis of the article is to determine the position of the United Nations during the Indonesian Independence War and to explore the participation of this international organization in the peaceful settlement of the Indonesian-Dutch conflict.The role of representatives of the Ukrainian SSR in solving this issue is analyzed also. Namely, the characterization of D. Z. Manuilsky at meetings of the UN Security Council during the discussion of the war in Indonesia.The scientific novelty is that the historical aspect of UN involvement in the Indonesia-Netherlands conflict has been explored for the first time, since most of the work is written by lawyers or political scientists who, due to the specifics of their research, did not cover the historical aspects to the full extent.In the course of the research, we came to the conclusion, that as a result of the Second World War, Indonesia is witnessing an increase in the national liberation movement against colonial rule. Indonesia's struggle for independence has become a real challenge for both the United Nations and the international community as a whole. From the first days of the military confrontation, the UN tried to call on both parties to cease fire and peacefully resolve the conflict. During 1946-1949, the Indonesian question became the subject of discussion both at the meetings of the UN Security Council and at the meetings of the UN General Assembly. For detailed information on military operations in Indonesia, the UN Security Council created a Consultative Commission on Good Services, which became the main source of information from the Security Council on the situation in the region. It was through the mediation of the UN managed to put an end to the war in Indonesia. In March 1949, the US Congress freezes aid to the Netherlands for the Marshall Plan, the United States and Britain impose an arms embargo, Australia, New Zealand and India announce a complete boycott of Netherlands goods. Having succumbed to international condemnation and realizing the apparent lack ofprospect of a military campaign under the prevailing conditions, in May 1949, the Government of the Netherlands agreed to peace talks under UN mediation.At the insistence of the United Nations, the Netherlands recognized the independence of this country. On December 27, 1949, the Queen of the Netherlands, Julian, signed the decision to grant sovereignty to the United States of Indonesia, which led Indonesia to become an independent state. The Netherlands-Indonesia Union went into oblivion. On September 28, 1950, Indonesia became a member of the United Nations. As its official foreign policy platform, Indonesia proclaimed a policy of non-joining military blocs.

У статті висвітлюються основні етапи здобуття незалежності Індонезії та особливості дипломатії індонезійських лідерів на шляху до незалежності. Аналізується позиція ООН під час війни за незалежність Індонезії, а саме здійснено комплексний аналіз засідань Ради Безпеки ООН на яких розглядалось індонезійське питання. Також аналізується роль представників Української РСР у вирішенні даного питання. А саме, охарактеризовано діяльність Д. З. Мануїльського на засіданнях Ради Безпеки ООН під час обговорення війни в Індонезії. Зроблено висновок про те, що саме за посередництва ООН вдалося припинити війну в Індонезії. ; In the article covers the main stages of gaining independence of Indonesia and the peculiarities of the diplomacy of the Indonesian leaders on the path to independence. The position of the United Nations during the Indonesian Independence War is analyzed, in particular, a comprehensive analysis of the UN Security Council's deliberations on the Indonesian issue was carried out.The main thesis of the article is to determine the position of the United Nations during the Indonesian Independence War and to explore the participation of this international organization in the peaceful settlement of the Indonesian-Dutch conflict.The role of representatives of the Ukrainian SSR in solving this issue is analyzed also. Namely, the characterization of D. Z. Manuilsky at meetings of the UN Security Council during the discussion of the war in Indonesia.The scientific novelty is that the historical aspect of UN involvement in the Indonesia-Netherlands conflict has been explored for the first time, since most of the work is written by lawyers or political scientists who, due to the specifics of their research, did not cover the historical aspects to the full extent.In the course of the research, we came to the conclusion, that as a result of the Second World War, Indonesia is witnessing an increase in the national liberation movement against colonial rule. Indonesia's struggle for independence has become a real challenge for both the United Nations and the international community as a whole. From the first days of the military confrontation, the UN tried to call on both parties to cease fire and peacefully resolve the conflict. During 1946-1949, the Indonesian question became the subject of discussion both at the meetings of the UN Security Council and at the meetings of the UN General Assembly. For detailed information on military operations in Indonesia, the UN Security Council created a Consultative Commission on Good Services, which became the main source of information from the Security Council on the situation in the region. It was through the mediation of the UN managed to put an end to the war in Indonesia. In March 1949, the US Congress freezes aid to the Netherlands for the Marshall Plan, the United States and Britain impose an arms embargo, Australia, New Zealand and India announce a complete boycott of Netherlands goods. Having succumbed to international condemnation and realizing the apparent lack ofprospect of a military campaign under the prevailing conditions, in May 1949, the Government of the Netherlands agreed to peace talks under UN mediation.At the insistence of the United Nations, the Netherlands recognized the independence of this country. On December 27, 1949, the Queen of the Netherlands, Julian, signed the decision to grant sovereignty to the United States of Indonesia, which led Indonesia to become an independent state. The Netherlands-Indonesia Union went into oblivion. On September 28, 1950, Indonesia became a member of the United Nations. As its official foreign policy platform, Indonesia proclaimed a policy of non-joining military blocs.

Because of the regional security system crisis Ukraine needs new reliable political and economic partners. In this context, example of Indonesia as relatively young state is important for Ukraine. Indonesia is the informal leader of ASEAN, but pays attention to the development of close cooperation with other international forums and integration associations, successfully defends its national interests in political, military, trade, investment areas. The aim of this study is to develop a coherent picture of the foreign policy strategy of Indonesia in international organizations. This article deals with the role of Indonesia in international organizations of the Asia-Pacific region. Its main initiative within cooperation with these organizations is improvement of the region security system. The author also identified a special place of NAM foreign policy of the state. This study demonstrates that, despite the undeniable importance of the ASEAN's foreign policy for Indonesia, the state focuses its attention on the other organization and cooperates with a lot of regional forums. This pragmatic and effective strategy can be an example for the Ukrainian leadership ; Статья посвящена исследованию роли Республики Индонезия в международных организациях Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона. Проанализирована нормативно-правовая база внешнеполитической стратегии госу-дарства, которая касается участия в интеграционных процессах, особое внимание уделено целям, задачам и принципам сотрудничества Индонезии с региональными организациями. Дана характеристика деятельности Республики Индонезия в рамках таких региональных форумов, как Азиатско-Тихоокеанское экономическое сотрудничество (АТЭС), Азиатский диалог сотрудничества (АДС), Организация исламского сотрудничества (ОИС), План Коломбо. Основными инициативами Индонезии в рамках сотрудничества с этими организациями является налаживание полномасштабного сотрудничества по линии Север-Юг и совершенствования системы безопасности в регионе. Автор также определил особое место Движения неприсоединения во внешней поли-тике государства. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню ролі Республіки Індонезія в міжнародних організаціях Азійсько-Тихоокеанського регіону. Проаналізована нормативно-правова база зовнішньополітичної стра-тегії держави щодо участі в інтеграційних процесах, особлива увага приділена цілям, завданням та принципам співробітництва Індонезії з регіональними організаціями. Надана характеристика діяльності Республіки Індонезія у межах таких регіональних форумів, як Азійсько-Тихоокеанське економічне співробітництво (АТЕС), Азіатський діалог співробітництва (АДС), Організація іслам-ського співробітництва (ОІС), План Коломбо. Основними ініціативами Індонезії у межах спів-робітництва з цими організаціями є налагодження повномасштабного співробітництва по лінії Північ-Південь та удосконалення системи безпеки в регіоні. Автор також визначив особливе місце Руху неприєднання у зовнішній політиці держави.

In the "reform era" in Indonesia, political parties faced problems related to institutionalization, consolidating ideology, and sound platform. In addition, the party system in Indonesia is not yet compatible with the presidential system of government, so the government has not been effective. The study aims to identify the peculiarities of political parties and party systems in Indonesia developed during the reform era. The results showed that several factors made the level of party institutionalization not yet developed properly. First, the existing parties often experience draining and time-consuming confl icts so that there is no time to build the institutionalization of political parties. Second, party elites have not become party rules. And third, the party tradition that respects differences (democratic political culture) among party elites has not yet grown, elements of patrimonialism and even feudalism are still strong amongparty elites. The article is a research response to publications: Is Non-Western Democracy Possible? A Russian Perspective. Ed. by Alexei D. Voskressenski. New Jersey, London, Singapore, Beijing, Shanghai, Hong Kong, Taipei, Chennai, Tokyo: World Scientifi c, 2017. 738 p.; Methodology and Praxis in Researching the Non-Western World: Dialogue between Alexei D. Voskressenski and Fred Eidlin as an Introduction to the Special Issue of "Comparative Politics Russia" // Comparative Politics Russia, 2019, No. 4, pp. 5-11.]; "Non-Western Transformations" (special issue) // Comparative Politics Russia, 2019, No. 4. (Ed.) ; В эпоху реформ в Индонезии политические партии столкнулись с проблемами, связанными с институционализацией, консолидацией идеологии и формированием прочной платформы. Кроме того, партийная система в Индонезии остается несовместимой с президентской системой правления, поэтому правительство не может быть эффективным. Исследование направлено на выявление особенностей политических партий и партийных систем Индонезии, сложившихся в эпоху реформ. Результаты показали, что сформировалось несколько факторов, из-за которых уровень партийной институционализации еще не развился должным образом. Во-первых, существующие партии часто сталкиваются с серьезными конфликтами. Во-вторых, партийные элиты не сформировали четкие партийные правила. В-третьих, партийная традиция, уважающая различия (демократическая политическая культура) среди партийных элит, еще не созрела, элементы патримониализма и даже феодализма все еще сильны среди партийных элит. Статья представляет собой исследовательский отклик на публикации: Is Non-Western Democracy Possible? A Russian Perspective. Ed. by Alexei D. Voskressenski. New Jersey, London, Singapore, Beijing, Shanghai, Hong Kong, Taipei, Chennai, Tokyo: World Scientifi c, 2017. 738 p.; Методология и практика исследований Незападного мира: диалог А. Д. Воскресенского и Фрэда Эйдлина. Вступительная статья к специальному номеру // Сравнительная политика. 2019. № 4. С. 5-11. [Methodology and Praxis in Researching the Non-Western World: Dialogue between Alexei D. Voskressenski and Fred Eidlin as an Introduction to the Special Issue of "Comparative Politics Russia" // Comparative Politics Russia, 2019, No. 4, pp. 5-11.]; Незападные трансформации (специальный номер) // «Сравнительная политика», 2019, № 4. (Прим. ред.)

After the amendment to the 1945 Constitution, there was a shift in the authority and position of the People's Consultative Assembly of the Republic of Indonesia. Previously the MPR was the highest state institution, but after that it was only a high institution like other high state institutions. The position of the MPR when compared to the world parliament model, is similar to the Russian Federal Assembly or the Congress in the United States which is a joint institution between the upper house and lower house. But uniquely the MPR is different, it is not only a joint institution, but has the authority with its own duties and functions. This study uses a qualitative method, with a statutory and literature approach. The results of the study stated that there were several shifts in the authority and position of the MPR after the amendment to the 1945 Constitution. Among them were no longer being the highest state institution, only being a joint institution while still having its own duties and functions, not authorized to form the Outlines of State Policy, no longer authorized elect the president and vice president, and rigid authority to dismiss the president and vice president.Keywords: People's Consultative Assembly; Authority; position; The 1945 Constitution. Abstrak:Pasca perubahan Konstitusi UUD 1945 maka terjadi pergeseran kewenangan dan kedudukan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia. Sebelumnya MPR menjadi lembaga tertinggi negara namun setelahnya ia hanyalah lembaga tinggi sebagaimana lembaga tinggi negara lainnya. Kedudukan MPR bila dibandingkan dengan model parlemen dunia, mirip dengan Majelis Federal Rusia atau Konggres di Amerika Serika yang menjadi lembaga gabungan antara majelis tinggi dan majelis rendah. Namun uniknya MPR berbeda, ia tidak hanya menjadi lembaga gabungan, tetapi memiliki kewenangan dengan tugas dan fungsi tersendiri. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan literature. Hasil penelitian menyatakan bahwa terjadi beberapa ...

У статті проведено аналіз зміни оборонних витрат в галузі оборони деяких країн тихоокеанського регіону, з'ясовано зміни витрат на оборону в 2013 році. Завдяки зниженню темпів відновлення світового економічного підйому, відзначається значне зростання військових витрат в 2013 році, значними державними інвестиціями та витратами на відновлення економіки після стихійних лих у країнах Південно-східної Азії, зокрема в Індонезії та Таїланді. ; The paper analyzes the trends in economic situation in defense of some countries of the Pacific region and determines the changes in defense spending in 2013. Due to reduction of the of the global economic develop-ment recovery rate, there is a significant increase in military spending in 2013, large public investments and ex-penditures economic recovery after disasters in South-East Asia, especially in Indonesia and Thailand.

The article is devoted to the research of manifestations of separatism in Southeast Asia. Among the countries of this region, the most pressing problem of separatism is in Thailand, Myanmar, Indonesia and the Philippines. In the process of writing the article, features of the emergence of separatism in each of these countries, its causes, forms of manifestation, centers of distribution and consequences have been considered.The main reason for the emergence of separatist sentiments in all the countries under study was ethno-religious differences in their population. The effect of this factor was strengthened by historical, political, socio-economic factors, sometimes external influences, which together led to the emergence of powerful separatist cells. In Buddhist Thailand, such centers are the Muslim provinces of Pattaya, Yala, Narathiwat and Songhl, whose inhabitants are actively seeking to establish their own state of Pattaya. In the populated mainly Buddhists of Myanmar, the cell of active separatism was formed at its event in the state of Rakhine (Arachan), where, in addition to representatives of the indigenous Burmese subethnic - Arakans who profess Buddhism, the representatives of the most numerous Muslim national minority in the country - Rohingya, who are struggling for independence There are several problems regarding the separatism of the regions in Indonesia. It is the province of Irian Jaya (Western Papua) in the western part of the island of New Guinea, Aceh (Aceh) in the north of the island of Sumatra, East Timor (until 2002, until the proclamation of the independence of East Timor), and settled by the Christians of the South Moluccas. One of the most pressing problems of the predominantly Christian Philippines is separatism and extremism of the Moroccan Islamic people living in the southwestern part of the island of Mindanao and the archipelago Sulu and constantly, but with varying intensity, fights for complete independence or autonomy.Separatism in the countries of Southeast Asia is dangerous ...

The author analyses the Front of Defenders of Islam as the largest legal organisation of Indonesian supporters of political Islam, which existed in Indonesia from 1998 to December 2020, when its activities were stopped by the authorities. It is assumed that the religiously motivated political radicalism develops as a heterogeneous phenomenon, and its secondary character became its main feature. Therefore, the Front is analysed in the context of the recent history of the Islamic alternative to the processes of democratic transition and trends of modernisation and secularization also. The author believes that the radicals of the Front were unable to off er an original political program, and their ideology actualised the fragmentation of Indonesian society and the inability of some traditional groups to integrate into a dynamically changing society. The author analyses various forms of intellectual activities of religiously motivated political radicals, including criticism of liberalism, rejection of secularisation, denial of modernisation in general and its forms imagined as extreme in Indonesia by some intellectuals in particular. The author believes that after the prohibition of the Front in December 2020, far-right political Islam in modern Indonesia entered a new stage of its development. The delegitimation of the Front, on the one hand, could become an incentive for the revitalisation of other similar groups in Indonesia. On the other hand, the legal marginalisation of supporters of far-right political Islam and their displacement to the periphery of the legal space can become an incentive for the growth of extremism, inspiring change new tactics of adherents of extreme currents in Indonesian Islam. ; Автор анализирует Фронт защитников ислама как крупнейшую в Индонезии легальную организацию сторонников религиозно мотивированного политического радикализма, которая существовала с 1998 по декабрь 2020 г., когда ее деятельность была остановлена властями. Предполагается, что религиозно мотивированный радикализм ...