Suchergebnisse

After the Second World War, Mozambique went through a series of transformations, from an incipient industrializing colonial society to an independent country with a central planned economy, plus a regional and internal war, and finally from 1994 onwards, a multi-party democracy with a mix of market economy and a still strong public hand. Although growing at more than 7 per cent annually since 1992, the economy is mostly based on low-productivity agriculture. Manufacturing contributes with less than 15 per cent of its GDP, but mineral coal and natural gas tend to expand significantly. The economy faces the challenge to diversify, integrate and industrialize.

We see industrialization in China the last 150 years as an ongoing process through which firms acquired and deepened manufacturing capabilities. Two factors have been consistently important to this process: openness to the international economy and domestic market liberalization. Openness and market liberalization are usually complementary: One without the other can seriously limit benefits. For a latecomer like China, modern industry initially finds its most success in more labor-intensive products that require only modest capabilities. Gradual upgrading entails the shift into more skilled-labor and capital-intensive products and processes. China's experience shows that government can both support and obstruct this process. Our review of long-term data shows that i) China's industrial growth rate has consistently exceeded that of Japan, India and Russia/USSR not just in recent decades but throughout most of the 20th century; ii) China's shift from textiles and other light industry toward defense-related industries began before rather than after 1949, as did the geographic spread of industry beyond the initial centers in the Lower Yangzi and the Northeast (formerly Manchuria) regions; iii) the state sector has consistently been a brake on industrial upgrading, highlighting the significance of current reform initiatives in determining China's future industrial path.

In all geographical departments of Greece there has been noticed a significant population change since 1920. Until 1928 the population of the country increased because of the compulsory exodus of the Greeks from Asia Minor which followed the great military defeat of 1922. The mo st important population increase was noticed in the Greater Athens Area during the period 1920-28. Also in Macedonia which has shown la considerable density rate there was an increase from 30.9 to 40.5 inhabitants per square kilometer while Thrace showed a greater increase from 24.1 to 34.8 inhabitants per square kilometer. ; peer-reviewed

Urban re-industrialisation could be seen as a method of increasing business effectiveness in the context of a politically stimulated 'green economy'; it could also be seen as a nostalgic mutation of a creative-class concept, focused on 3D printing, 'boutique manufacturing' and crafts. These two notions place urban re-industrialisation within the context of the current neoliberal economic regime and urban development based on property and land speculation. Could urban re-industrialisation be a more radical idea? Could urban re-industrialization be imagined as a progressive socio-political and economic project, aimed at creating an inclusive and democratic society based on cooperation and a symbiosis that goes way beyond the current model of a neoliberal city? In January 2012, against the backdrop of the 2008 financial crisis, Krzysztof Nawratek published a text in opposition to the fantasy of a 'cappuccino city,' arguing that the post-industrial city is a fiction, and that it should be replaced by 'Industrial City 2.0.' Industrial City 2.0 is an attempt to see a post-socialist and post-industrial city from another perspective, a kind of negative of the modernist industrial city. If, for logistical reasons and because of a concern for the health of residents, modernism tried to separate different functions from each other (mainly industry from residential areas), Industrial City 2.0 is based on the ideas of coexistence, proximity, and synergy. The essays collected here envision the possibilities (as well as the possible perils) of such a scheme.

We consider a Gellnerian model to study the transformation of a two-region state into a nation state. Industrialization requires the elites to finance schooling. The implementation of statewide education generates a common national identity, which enables cross-regional production, while regional education does not. We show that statewide education is chosen when cross-regional production opportunities and productivity are high, especially when the same elite holds power at both geographical levels. By contrast, a dominant regional elite might prefer regional schooling, even at the loss of large cross-regional production opportunities if it is statewide dominated. The model is consistent with evidence for five European countries in 1860–1920. ; This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (grant number SEV-2015-0563), CICYT (grant number ECO2012- 37065), and the government of Catalonia ; Peer reviewed

The industrialization which started in 1953 had been completely disrupted by the chronic civil war and closed-door policy of successive communism/socialism regimes. Since 1993 Cambodia has embraced a market economy heavily dependent on foreign capital and foreign markets. As a result, the economy has experienced high economic growth rate yet with low linkage to domestic economy. The government's Rice Export Policy introduced in 2010 to diversify its economy, maximize its value added and job creation was highly evaluated to bring those benefits under the environment of weak governance. Whether similar kind of such a policy for other sectors is successful remains to be seen.

This study shows that China's post-1949 state-led industrialization has closely followed an underlying path that began in the late nineteenth century. It was initiated by pressing national defence needs and has since been motivated by the same and strong incentives for a faster catch-up with the West despite radical regime shifts. Government determined or influenced resource allocation benefited selected industries and hence nurtured vested interest groups connecting and integrating with the ruling elite, which have strengthened and sustained the path. This means that the path is inherently inefficient which is evidenced by a newly constructed dataset. Reform measures can only temporarily improve efficiency performance, but are unable to break the path in the absence of a genuine political democracy.

Peer reviewed ; We consider a Gellnerian model to study the transformation of a two-region state into a nation state. Industrialization requires the elites to finance schooling. The implementation of statewide education generates a common national identity, which enables cross-regional production, while regional education does not. We show that statewide education is chosen when cross-regional production opportunities and productivity are high, especially when the same elite holds power at both geographical levels. By contrast, a dominant regional elite might prefer regional schooling, even at the loss of large cross-regional production opportunities if it is statewide dominated. The model is consistent with evidence for five European countries in 1860–1920. This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (grant number SEV-2015-0563), CICYT (grant number ECO2012- 37065), and the government of Catalonia

This paper analyzes the impact of industrial change on partisan transitions in the American South. Using aggregate data from the decennial censes from 1940 to 1980 and aggregate election returns for roughly this same period, the primary finding is a weak and often contradictory bivariate relationship between industrial employment and partisan support in the South. The results were usually much worse for a typical economic development thesis when the dependent and independent variables were operationalized dynamically and when presidential voting and congressional voting were analyzed separately. Overall, the evidence in this paper does not suggest that the Republican party is necessarily or often a beneficiary of industrialization. Neither does it speak well for the possibility of pursuing industrial development as a means of promoting partisan democracy in the South or any other geopolitical context.

Insofar as the issue of reindustrialization, or "reshoring", becomes more and more relevant for advanced economies, Bulgaria is not only unable to devise a serious long-term national economic model, but it also appears unable to find domestic consensus even on its evaluation of certain questions relating to its own recent economic history. However, time is running out, and the country needs to prepare itself for this possible next phase in its development and its reindustrialization alongside other European countries. First, however, it might be better to start from national economic interests i.e. from the reconciliation of issues, such as those of the Socialist industrialization, and from the subsequent transition to a market economy, with a special focus on how this transition has taken place in pure economic terms. Indeed, one might ask if it would have been better to "consult" an economist such as Friedrich List, rather than leave everything to the "mercy" of democratic euphoria, the "invisible hands" and political divisions. Perhaps, a golden opportunity to deploy the different assets of the country's actual industrial sector has been lost. That being said, this paper does not aim to enter into issues of evaluation or defense, nor even less to evoke nostalgia for the Communist regime. Forcing a connection between Socialist industrialization and the "infant industry argument" would be stretching things theoretically, and perhaps even "politically incorrect", too. That being said, maybe such an economic doctrine could have been at least "been asked for" when engaging the "heavy" industrial legacy of the Communist regime in Bulgaria.

A decent and well-established economy is an indicator of community welfare. Economic improvement and development are supported by industrial progress in an area. The existence of the industry will have an impact on the area as happened in Surodadi Village which experienced development after the construction of PT. CJ CheilJedang Feed Semarang is the largest company in Surodadi Village by producing animal feed and fish feed with its head office in South Korea. This research is a qualitative descriptive study that describes the impact of PT. CJ CheilJedang Feed Semarang on the living conditions of the Surodadi Village community. The object of research is PT. CJ CheilJedang Feed Semarang and Surodadi Village, while the research subjects were the Surodadi village community, employees, local government, and related agencies. Data comes from primary data in the form of primary sources directly obtained from research results, as well as secondary data from literature and document studies. The data was obtained from the results of observations, interviews, and field documentation. Data analysis with stages of data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and conclusions. The analysis of the validity of the data with data triangulation techniques and sources. The results showed the existence of PT. CJ CheilJedang Feed Semarang creates job opportunities (reduces unemployment), develops community business units (food stalls, shops, boarding houses, rented houses), improves community welfare. The negative impact is in the form of odor pollution which sometimes reaches residents' settlements as well as heavy traffic during the hours of leaving and returning from work.

The world has seen a shift in socio-economic relations, in the patterns and processes of industrialization and regional development. The social regulation of the economic order, flexible production organization and industrial district formation have brought periods, places and pathways to the heart of economic debate. Pathways to Industrialization and Regional Development provides a platform from which to address a new economic order. All the major schools of thought are represented. Focussing upon the interactions between economic logic and political institutions at both the local and global levels, the authors set the agenda for the 1990s.

This article reiterates the various concerns that have been expressed about the problems of accelerating rural industrialization through the promotion and management of small and medium-scale industries. New initiatives are described particularly with respect to evolving some coherent policies, setting up regional industrial centers, and most of all, affecting some better management of the program and the support for the rural industrialization program. New legislations are not likely to help unless a strengthened leadership initiative and revitalized administrative machinery are put in place.