Suchergebnisse

V Sloveniji % podobno pa tudi v več drugih postkomunističnih drţavah % od osamosvojitve naprej mnogi lastniki zemljišč spodbujajo k temu, da bi divjad podobno kot v večini zahodnih drţavah postala nikogaršnja last. S tem bi lastniki pridobili lovno pravico nad divjadjo na svojih posestih. Preskusili smo domnevo, da je v drţavah, kjer imajo lastniki zemljišč pravico do lova, teţje uveljavljati interese po ohranjanju zavarovanih velikih zveri (rjavi medved, volk in ris). Takšna ureditev verjetno daje lastniku večjo avtonomnost na svoji posesti ter občutek lastništva nad vsemi vrstami prostoţivečih ţivali, tudi zavarovanih. Za preučitev vpliva lovnih pravic na stanje velikih zveri smo v rastrskem okolju z ločljivostjo 10 % 10 km analizirali petindvajset evropskih drţav z različno zakonodajno ureditvijo lovnih pravic (drţavna lovna pravica, ali pa vezana na lastništvo zemlje). V raziskavo smo poleg lovnih pravic vključili tudi habitatne, socioekonomske in druge dejavnike, ki bi lahko vplivali na stanje velikih zveri. Ugotovili smo, da habitatna primernost bistveno vpliva na prisotnost velikih zveri ; zelo pomembni sta tudi gostota prebivalstva in prisotnost zavarovanega območja. Kjer so lovne pravice last zasebnikov, ugotavljamo negativen vpliv na prisotnost medveda in volka, ne pa tudi na risa. Sprememba lovne zakonodaje v Sloveniji bi torej utegnila zmanjšati toleranco do velikih zveri s tem pa negativno vplivala na njihovo populacijo. ; Since Slovenia declared independence, the landowners, similarly to other European post-communist countries, want the hunting right to be a property right that is tied to land, as it is the case in many western European countries. In this way, the landowners would have the right to hunt on their land. Our hypothesis was, that it is more difficult to maintain the protected large carnivores (brown bear, wolf and lynx) on areas where landlords have the right to hunt. Such regulations allow the landlords to enjoy greater autonomy there, as well as an ownership status attached to all wild life, including the protected. To examine the effects of hunting rights regulations on the status of the large carnivores, we analyzed a raster environment of 10 % 10 km in twenty-five European countries with different hunting right regulations, where the hunting right is either a property right, or it is regulated by a supreme state body. Additional to hunting rights, other factors were included into the research, such as habitat rights, socio-economic factors, and other that could influence the situation of large carnivores. We found out, that the habitat suitability has the largest influence on the presence of large carnivores, followed by the population density, and the status of a protected area. The presence of the bear and the wolf is lower where the hunting rights are tied to the land. There was no significant impact on the presence of the lynx. A legislation change in Slovenia might therefore decrease the level of tolerance towards large carnivores and have negative influence on their population.

Zunanji akterji igrajo poglavitno vlogo pri upravljanju in reševanju konfliktov, saj s svojimi kapacitetami lahko prispevajo k reševanju vzroka konflikta in k delnemu spreminjanju ter izpolnjevanju ciljev sprtih strani. Med najbolj trdovratne konflikte uvrščamo verske in druge identitetne konflikte, saj identiteta vpliva na prepričanje posameznika in skupine o svoji vlogi oz. položaju v konfliktu. Prednost pri zaznavanju in reševanju tovrstnih konfliktov pa imajo zaradi svojega poznavanja območja in akterjev predvsem regionalne organizacije, med njimi tudi države članice Sveta za sodelovanje v zalivu (Gulf Cooperation Council – GCC), ki so dejavne pri upravljanju in reševanju izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Magistrska naloga preučuje vpliv verskega dejavnika na vlogo arabskih zalivskih držav pri reševanju konflikta od ustanovitve Izraela leta 1948 do katarske diplomatske krize leta 2017 ter posledice razmaha šiitsko-sunitskega razkola na njihovo vlogo. Kot kažejo ugotovitve, so arabske zalivske države v obdobju od leta 1948 do leta 2011 vztrajno poskušale rešiti konflikt v prid palestinskega prebivalstva, z razmahom šiitsko-sunitskega razkola med arabsko pomladjo pa je iranska grožnja zasenčila reševanje izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Zunanji akterji, predvsem regionalne organizacije, so torej občutljive na mednarodno in regionalno dogajanje ter morebitne spremembe dinamike konflikta. Slednje posledično vpliva na vlogo zunanjih akterjev pri reševanju konfliktov, ki se v luči sprememb strukturnega okolja iz pozitivne lahko prelevi v negativno. ; External actors play a key role in conflict management and resolution, as they can contribute to resolving the cause of the conflict and partially changing or meeting the goals of the conflicting parties. Among the most persistent conflicts are religious and other identity conflicts, since identity influences the belief of an individual and a group about their role in the conflict. Due to their knowledge of the region and actors, the advantage in detecting and resolving such conflicts lies particularly with regional organizations, including the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states, which are actively engaged in the management and resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The master's thesis examines the influence of the religious factor on the role of the Arab Gulf states in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the founding of Israel in 1948 up until the Qatar diplomatic crisis in 2017, and the consequences of the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide on their role. In the period between 1948 and 201 the Arab Gulf states persistently sought to resolve the conflict in favor of the Palestinian population ; however, with the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide during the Arab Spring, the Iranian threat overshadowed the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. External actors, especially regional organizations, are therefore sensitive to international and regional developments, as well as possible changes in the dynamics of the conflict. The latter consequently influences the role of external actors in managing and resolving conflicts, which can change from positive to negative, in the light of changes to the structural environment.

Abstract. Among twentieth-century political philosophers, Americans
John Rawls and Robert Nozick are generally recognized as giants – both
for the boldness of their arguments and for the influence they have exerted. They sketched rival visions. Rawls, inspired by Immanuel Kant, argued for a world characterized by tolerance, equality, and justice as fairness. Nozick, claiming a Lockean heritage but actually inspired by Adam Smith (the "invisible hand") and Herbert Spencer ("survival of the fittest"), outlined a program for a minimal state, with very little taxation, offering no cushion at all against poverty, and providing no state assistance for the poor, the sick, the disabled, or the widowed. Rawls' vision is clearly part of the liberal tradition, while Nozick's championing of a minimal state contains illiberal elements.
Keywords: John Rawls, Robert Nozick, political liberalism, libertarianism, taxation, equality, justice.

V Ukrajini so se leta 2014 po seriji različnih notranjih političnih kriz na vzhodu države, v regiji Donbas, pojavila separatistična gibanja, katerih pripadniki so za regiji Doneck in Lugansk zahtevali odcepitev od države. Začetnim protestom je sledil konflikt, ki ga že od vsega začetka zaznamuje prepletanje delovanja različnih vpletenih strani: upornikov na eni in ukrajinske oblasti na drugi strani, kot tudi mednarodne skupnosti. Na eni strani sta Evropska unija in NATO, ki si zadnji dve desetletji na različne načine prizadevajo za integracijo vzhodnoevropskih držav. Na drugi strani je Ruska federacija, ki je še vedno izrazito povezana z republikami nekdanje Sovjetske zveze in nanje tudi močno vpliva. Širjenje vplivov iz EU in ZDA oziroma zahoda na splošno v teh državah domnevno ogroža ruske interese in interese proruske struje v Ukrajini. Magistrsko delo prikazuje zgodovinski razvoj Ukrajine in zapletene družbene, gospodarske in politične razmere, prisotne v državi, ki pripomorejo k razumevanju razvoja in poteka konflikta. Temu sledita analiza medijskega poročanja in vloge medijev v razvoju konflikta in političnogeografska analiza konflikta ter njegov vpliv na širše dogajanje in odnose v Evropi in svetu ; After a series of various internal political crises in eastern Ukraine in 2014, separatist movements appeared in the Donbas region, demanding secession of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The initial protests were followed by a conflict marked throughout by the intertwining actions of the various parties involved: the rebels, the Ukrainian authorities as well as the international community. On the one hand, there is the European Union and NATO, striving for the integration of Eastern European countries over the last two decades. On the other hand, there is the Russian Federation, still strongly connected with the republics of the former Soviet Union and exerting a strong influence on them. Supposedly, the growing influences of the EU, the US and the West in general in these countries pose a threat to the Russian interests and the interests of the pro-Russian movement in Ukraine. This master's thesis presents the historical development of Ukraine and its complex social, economic and political conditions, shedding light on the development and course of the conflict in the country. It then provides an analysis of the role of the media in the development of the conflict, as well as a political geographic analysis of the conflict and its impact on the events and relations on European and global level.

The study presented in the article examined
the mediating role played by internationalisation in
both government financial support–export strategic
performance and government non-financial support–
export strategic performance relationships. The moderating role of a strategic alliance in the relationships
between government financial support and degree of
internationalisation, and between government nonfinancial support and degree of internationalisation,
was also considered. The study entailed a cross-sectional survey and included 301 indigenous export firms in
Ghana. The reliability and validity of the data was tested using confirmatory factor analysis, with structural
equation modelling as the primary means of analysis,
run using Amos (v.23). It was concluded that both government financial support and non-financial support
had a direct positive influence on export strategic performance. These relationships were partially mediated
by the degree of internationalisation. Strategic alliance
positively moderated the relationships between government financial support and degree of internationalisation, and also between government non-financial support and degree of internationalisation.
Keywords: government financial support; government
non-financial support; strategic alliance; internationalisation; export strategic performance

Abstract. In the article, we discuss how the political communication and interpersonal influence found in discussion networks add to fragmentation of the political space and the strengthening of political parties at the extremes of the political continuum. To this end, we analyse the mobilisation potential held by discussion networks of people who position themselves on the margins of the left–right political spectrum and compare them with the networks of those positioned in the centre and those who do not align themselves politically. The analysis focuses on four features of discussion networks: size, homogeneity, frequency of political discussion, and frequency of trying to persuade others. The results of the analysis show the most extensive mobilisation potential is found among people in the centre of the political continuum, while people on the far right and far left have networks that are the basis of intense political communication with people holding different political views but lack opportunities for the broad network dissemination of their political views and attitudes. Keywords: discussion networks, political communication, left-right political orientation

Paragraphs in the Slovene constitution, decisions by the Constitutional Court, & local self-government statutes are examined to determine if there is an inherent conflict of interest when mayors of municipalities are also elected & serve as representatives to this country's national assembly. Comparative references are made to other European countries, mostly France, where a similar performance of parliamentary & mayoral functions by the same person is permitted under certain conditions. After analyzing the conflicting scenarios in which the parliamentarian mandate influence the mayoral one, & vice versa, & recognizing the unusually high incidence of dual-mandate cases in Slovenia, a relatively small country, constitutional & legislative actions are suggested to remedy the current situation & minimize the incompatibility of functions & duties at state & local levels. The triple mandate of deputy mayors in Slovenia is also examined, pointing out his/her burden & responsibility in performing duties of mayor & local council & national assembly member. It is concluded that although neither unconstitutional nor unlawful, dual & triple mandates are potentially harmful to democracy, open doors to political corruption & abuse of power, & pose a danger of further damaging the image of an honest politician. Adapted from the source document.

Local communities have an important role in society. According to states legislature they execute local public policies. Those processes include local democracy, public administration, local economy and social entities. Also they combine public and private resources. All of these groups of factors have their own capacity. Capacity is their ability to achieve goals and consists from inside and outside factors. Capacity of local self-government is integrated capacity. It represents holistic capacity for those units. It tells us, whether they are capable of doing things they should do, according to social and political system and its demands. Local units have different level of capacity. With conceptual model and field research we tested our research hypothesis. Our hypothesis is that local self-government communities with higher capacity offer their residents broader local public services and goods. Also we studies influence of political stability and autonomy on capacity. On representative sample of municipalities in Republic of Slovenia we confirmed all ours research hypothesis. Conceptual model of capacity is a tool for analysing individual communities and for analysing the whole system of local-self government. Also many suggestions for improvement can be made.

Abstract. The study focused on investigating and analysing the perception
of Facebook's role, as one of the components in the field of Information and
Communication Technologies (ICT), namely, social media, on the quality
of emotional interaction, particularly among individuals in their third age.
The research sample comprised 260 participants of various ages, divided
into two age groups – under 50 and over 50 years old. Participants' opinions were obtained through empirical research, employing quantitative
methods and surveys as the research technique. The research findings indicate that age influences participants' attitudes to digital communication
as a means and medium of emotional communication in various contexts.
Participants in the third age exhibit stronger reservations towards Facebook as a tool for emotional communication and are more cautious about
the use of modern communication methods offered by new social media
techniques. They are also less inclined to abandon traditional interpersonal interactions. The results reveal general distrust in the information
circulating on Facebook and underscore the advantage of maintaining
each interpersonal communication, encompassing all elements of emotional relationships beyond the realm of the Internet, or the information
mediation services offered by ICT, primarily social media.
Keywords: Information and Communication Technologies, Facebook,
third age, emotional communication, alienation.

Prispevek v luči slovenskega predsedovanja Svetu EU v prvi polovici leta 2008 predstavi institucijo Svet EU in organizacijske, posredniške, politične in nacionalne vloge, ki jih uresničuje predsedujoča država. Obravnavan je slovenski gozdno-politični okvir, ki vpliva na usmeritev za posamezno vlogo inpredstavljena teza, da sta za Slovenijo najpomembnejši organizacijska in nacionalna vloga. V okviru nacionalne vloge je pomembno pridobiti nove ideje za vsebino gozdne politike in znanja o procesu njenega oblikovanja na domači ravni in ravni Unije. ; In the light of the Slovenian presidency of the EU Council in the first half of the year 2008, the contribution presents the Council of the European Union (the EU Council) as an institution and the organizational, mediatory, political and national roles performed by the presiding state. The framework of the Slovenian forest policy is discussed, which influences the policy regarding each individual role, and the thesis presented by which the most important roles for Slovenia are the organizational and national role. Within the national role it is important to acquire new ideas regarding forest policyas well as the skills and knowledge regarding the drafting of forest policy on the level of the state and the EU.

The paper gives an analysis of the system for implementing the regional policy in the Republic of Croatia. Proceeding from increasingly large development disparities in the Republic of Croatia, the paper evaluates the level of readiness of the territorial administrative system for conducting regional policy efficiently. Particular emphasis is being placed on the analysis of the three elements that are in a positive correlation with the efficient conduct of regional policy. They are: a legislation framework of regional policy, institutional structure with a special emphasis on the mechanisms of horizontal & vertical coordination, & the system of local & regional self-government. All three variables include relevant limitations that influence the efforts for additional improvement of the overall capacity for conducting regional policy & for stimulating the development of the country. The author analyses & justifies the need for adoption of a special regional development system act. He points to some basic issues that should be solved; he maintains an attitude that an institutional framework should be created & emphasizes the need for reform of local & regional self-government that should be transformed from a retarding element into a generator of development. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

V okviru aktualnih procesov v mednarodni skupnosti je mogoče opaziti večje poudarjanje vloge nedržavnih akterjev v tradicionalnih državocentričnih oblikah vladanja. Aktivnosti slednjih so zaznane na področju problematike, povezane z oskrbo z globalnimi okoljskimi dobrinami. Magistrsko delo poskuša ovrednotiti vlogo nedržavnih akterjev, natančneje mednarodnih nevladnih okoljskih organizacij (MNVOO) v okviru mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj lahko aktivnosti MNVOO kritično vplivajo na učinkovito delovanje režimov samih. Predmet proučevanja je vpliv MNVOO v državocentričnih mednarodnih okoljskih režimih, primarni cilj pa je ovrednotenje vpliva MNVOO na spremembe v teh režimih. Vplive MNVOO bomo ovrednotili skozi zrcalo treh teoretskih perspektiv mednarodnih režimov. S podrobnejšo analizo Evropske unije kot pomembnega akterja mednarodnega režima za boj proti podnebnim spremembam, konkretno njenega sistema za trgovanje z emisijami (EU ETS), – in s to analizo povezanimi odzivi evropskih MNVOO na delovanje EU ETS – bomo dosegali cilj magistrskega dela. Ugotovitve pokažejo, da je vloga MNVOO v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov manj pomembna kot v fazi implementacije. Realizem se pokaže kot najprimernejša teoretska perspektiva v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj ti kažejo posledice strukturnega izražanja moči med državami. Ker liberalizem poudarja pomen večjega vključevanja nevladnih akterjev v fazi implementacije mednarodnih režimov, se ta teoretska perspektiva izkaže kot najbolj primerna za obravnavo izbranega mednarodnega okoljskega režima. Liberalizmu se pridruži šibkejši kognitivizem, saj temelji na medsebojnem učenju ter delitvi informacij. ; Within the current processes of the contemporary international community, academic research observes a greater emphasis being placed on the role of international non-state actors in generally state-centered forms of governance. Their activities are manifested in the field of problems related to the supply of global environmental goods. This master's thesis aims to evaluate the role of non-state actors, (i.e. environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs)) in internationalenvironmental regimes (IERs), as ENGOs' activities can significantly contribute to a more effective operation of IERs. Thesis seeks to examine the impact of ENGOs on IERs, whereby its primary goal is to assess the actual ENGOs' influence on changes within state-centric IERs. ENGOs influence will be evaluated through the lens of three theoretical perspectives on international regimes. The set goal will be achived through detailed analysis of the European Union – and its emissions trading system (EU ETS), respectively – as one of the leading players within the international climate change regime – and through associated response of European ENGOs on EU ETS. Thesis shows that ENGOs play greater role at the IERs implementation phase in comparison to IERs formation phase. Realism proves to be the most applicable theoretical perspective at the IERs formation phase, as newly established IERs demonstrate structural power relations between the states. Placing greater emphasis on the ENGOs involvement at the IERs implementation phase, liberalism attests to be the most suitable theoretical perspective for this master's thesis case study. Being based on mutual learning and information sharing, liberalism is joined by weak cognitivism.

Spremembe v mednarodni skupnosti po koncu hladne vojne so mednarodne institucije, ki delujejo na področju zagotavljanja miru in varnosti, postavile pred nove izzive, ki so izpostavili pomanjkljivost obstoječh norm, mehanizmov in konceptualnega aparata za naslavljanje novih varnostnih groženj. Mednarodne institucije se težko spopadajo z modernimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katere spadajo tudi etnični konflikti, hkrati pa je proces prepoznavanja varnostnih groženj kompleksen. Magistrska naloga skozi študijo primera delovanja Varnostnega sveta in Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi v ukrajinskem konfliktu preučuje, kako pojmovanje varnosti mednarodnih institucij vpliva na upravljanje (etničnih) konfliktov. Naloga pokaže, da sodobno pojmovanje varnosti presega dojemanje države kot edinega relevatnega referenčnega objekta varnosti in da je varnost intersubjektivna kategorija, ki odpira vprašanje glede procesa prepoznavanja (novih) varnostnih groženj. Posledično pojmovanje varnosti vpliva na diskurz in delovanje akterjev. Na primeru Varnostnega sveta tako vidimo, da se države članice zavedajo pomena vzpostavljene prakse delovanja, ki izhaja iz pojmovanja varnosti dotične institucije, ter njenega vpliva na odločanje v Varnostnem svetu. OVSE pa kljub prepoznavanju kršitev določenih prvin varnosti v praksi te kršitve težko naslavlja. Naloga pokaže tudi, kako specializirano znanje posameznih institucij vpliva na diskurz držav v teh institucijah ter da pojmovanje varnosti v posameznih institucijah ni statično, temveč rezultat nenehnih (re)interpretacij. ; Changes in the international community after the end of the Cold War have led international institutions working in the field of peace and security to face new challenges that have highlighted the disadvantage of existing norms, mechanisms and conceptual apparatus for addressing new security threats. International institutions are struggling to deal with modern security threats, including ethnic conflicts, while the process of identifying security threats is complex. The master's thesis examines how the concept of security of international institutions influences the management of (ethnic) conflicts through a study of the functioning of the Security Council and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in the Ukrainian conflict. Thesis demonstrates that modern concept surpasses the perception of the state as the only relevant referent object of security and that security is an intersubjective category that raises the issue of the process of identifying (new) security threats. As a consequence the concept of security affects the discourse and the functioning of the actors. In the case of the Security Council, we can see that Member States are aware of the importance of the established practice, which stems from the concept of security of the institution, and its impact on decision-making in the Security Council. Despite the recognition of violations of certain elements of security in practice, the OSCE has difficulty addressing this violation. The thesis also shows how the specialized knowledge of individual institutions influences the discourse of states in these institutions, and that the concept of security in individual institutions is not static, but the result of continuous (re)interpretations.

Konferenca o razvoju organizacijskih znanosti je konferenca z najdaljšo tradicijo na Univerzi v Mariboru in vsako leto poveže študente, raziskovalce, gospodarstvenike in predstavnike javne uprave, ki delujejo na področju organizacije in managementa. Tema letošnje, že 36. mednarodne konference o razvoju organizacijskih znanosti, je Odgovorna organizacija in se nanaša na širino organizacije v njenem notranjem in zunanjem okolju. Odgovornost do zaposlenih, poslanstva, strategije, procesov, tehnologije, razvoja so samo nekatera izmed področij, ki jim mora organizacija slediti. Identiteta organizacije se izkazuje z njenim vsestransko odgovornim ravnanjem in kaže vrednost navzven pri kupcih ali uporabnikih storitev. V času, ki ga živimo, smo vpeti v preplet tehnološkega in socialnega napredka, ki nenazadnje rezultira v posamezniku in družbi nasploh. Ravnanje organizacije se ravno tako ne veže samo na delovanje v lokalnem okolju temveč zaradi globalnih razsežnosti učinkuje tudi v mednarodnih dimenzijah. S temo konference želimo odpreti polje vprašanj in poiskati odgovore, ki bodo doprinesli k napredku organizacijskih ved. Materialni vplivi, komuniciranje, znanje in poštenje ter nenazadnje ideal odgovornega ravnanja lahko kot pomembni dejavniki obvladujejo pogosto nemirne situacije v in izven okolja naših organizacij. Ker smo časovno in prostorsko vpeti v vzorce, ki mnogokrat ne sledijo več našim preteklim izkušnjam, je naša želja, da s srečanjem na konferenci stopimo v korak s časom in prepoznamo dobre prakse, izoblikujemo nove metode in se seznanimo z aktualnimi trendi, ki jih organizacije vsakodnevno živijo. ; The conference on Organizational Sciences Development is a conference with the longest tradition at the University of Maribor. Each year, the conference brings together students, researchers, businessmen and public administration representatives, who are active in the area of organization and management. The theme of this year's 36th international conference on Organizational Sciences Development is Responsible Organization referring to the wideness of an organization in its internal and external environment. The responsibility of the organization towards its employees, mission, strategy, processes, technology, and development are just a few areas in which the organization needs to follow the principles of responsibility. The identity of the organization is recognized through its versatile responsible activities, showing its value externally to the customers or recipients of the services offered by the organization. The concurrent mixture of technological and social progress influences individuals as well as the society. The impact of the organization is therefore not only local but global, making a mark on the international level. With this conference theme, we are opening new questions and seeking answers which could contribute to the progress of organizational sciences. Material influence, communications, knowledge, fairness, and nevertheless the ideal of responsible behaviour can be seen as influential factors which can contribute to occasional turbulent situations inside and outside our organizations. Since we are all caught up in moulded mind-sets, not following our experiences anymore, our wish was to keep up with the times and identify best practices, form new methods, and become familiar with the contemporary trends in organizations.

The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; Članek je utemeljen na raziskavah ameriških predsedniških volitev leta 2016, ki so postale simbol postresničnostnega obdobja. Predstavlja pregled literature na temo volitev in pomaga razumeti vpliv, ki ga je računalniška propaganda imela na izid volitev in obnašanje volivcev. Članek se začne z definicijo postresničnostne družbe in z njo povezanih konceptov, kot so lažne novice in računalniška propaganda. Poglobi se v spremembe, ki jih je politična komunikacija doživela v digitalnem okolju, in analizira vlogo socialnih medijev v volitvah leta 2016. Prouči tudi spremljajoče pojave postresničnostne družbe, kot sta banalnost politike in izguba kredibilnosti političnih akterjev. Po pregledu literature se zdi, da so socialni mediji sicer postali pomemben dejavnik na političnem odru, vendar zaenkrat še niso prevladujoč vir političnih informacij ali vpliva na obnašanje volivcev. Članek prinaša dva pomembna prispevka: s pomočjo koncepta postresničnostne družbe analizira vlogo računalniške propagande v predsedniških volitvah 2016, obenem pa skuša razložiti paradoks splošne politične apatije na eni strani in povečanega političnega aktivizma na drugi. Da bi bili pri soočanju z omenjenimi izzivi uspešni, jih moramo najprej prepoznati in razumeti.