Suchergebnisse

The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward. ; The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward.

On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development. ; On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development.

The concept of territorial cohesion can not be reduced to regional disparities that are based on analyzes on the level of economic relations and of various infrastructures. Interpretation of cohesion between parts and units of European society, rethinking one of the challenges of the future. Increas-ing the value of social cohesion and European responses to demand arising from globalization and geopolitical challenges. The European Union is facing a series of decisions both trans-Atlantic co-operation initiatives and the East, Eurasia challenges with respect. The study presents a novel interpretation of the traditional and the cohesion of the European Union and anticipates resistance to external influences is important to increase, and the importance of new quality requirements. The continuing global economic crisis, international migration and global changes in energy prices are raise awareness of the sensitivity of European Union's economy and society.

The primary objective of implementation research is to identify the success factors of policy implementation, and the definition of the conditions that are necessary to the effective realization of strategic objectives. Among the success factors financing conditions are of crucial importance. Money itself is not enough to the successful implementation of the policies, but the lack of the necessary financial resources leads to policy failure. In general, a partial fulfilment of the conditions leads to partial success of the implementation of a given policy. Environmental policies could be possible targets of implementation research, and they are very sensitive to the financing conditions. In my paper I examine the influence of the lack of the necessary financial resources for the implementation of the new Hungarian waste management policy launched in 2013. First I discuss the theory of implementation as a framework, then I analyze the financila conditions of the new waste management policy in that framework.

To solve ecological problems the contribution of international organizations, national governments, civil organizations, companies,academic researchers, and individuals is required. The unsustainable buyer, consumer and user patterns have to be changed.Fortunately, nowadays there are more and more efforts on the part of consumers, according to the results of consumer researches ecologicalconsciousness of consumers is ascendant over the world. The ecologically conscious consumer segment persistently rises, andthis segment can be featured accurately not by demographic, but by psychographic variables. Individuals have several opportunitiesto lower own environment use, one form of it is proenvironmental purchasing behaviour (Buy eco-labelled products, organic food orenergy-efficient household appliances, refuse animal tested cosmetics, disposable products and plastic bags, etc.). According to ourresearch, the Hungarian population have positive general environmental attitudes and can be divided into five clusters: Neglectfultownspeople, Environment sensitive people, Distance-keeping inquirers, Doubters, and Responsibility-taking countrymen. Hungarianpeople are not environmentally conscious in their purchases. In demographics gender, age and education have a weak or possibly amedium, property status and residence has a strong, significant influence. Positive attitudes increase while negative attitudes decreasethe possibilities of such activities. ; To solve ecological problems the contribution of international organizations, national governments, civil organizations, companies,academic researchers, and individuals is required. The unsustainable buyer, consumer and user patterns have to be changed.Fortunately, nowadays there are more and more efforts on the part of consumers, according to the results of consumer researches ecologicalconsciousness of consumers is ascendant over the world. The ecologically conscious consumer segment persistently rises, andthis segment can be featured accurately not by demographic, but by psychographic variables. Individuals have several opportunitiesto lower own environment use, one form of it is proenvironmental purchasing behaviour (Buy eco-labelled products, organic food orenergy-efficient household appliances, refuse animal tested cosmetics, disposable products and plastic bags, etc.). According to ourresearch, the Hungarian population have positive general environmental attitudes and can be divided into five clusters: Neglectfultownspeople, Environment sensitive people, Distance-keeping inquirers, Doubters, and Responsibility-taking countrymen. Hungarianpeople are not environmentally conscious in their purchases. In demographics gender, age and education have a weak or possibly amedium, property status and residence has a strong, significant influence. Positive attitudes increase while negative attitudes decreasethe possibilities of such activities.

The essay deals with the territorial disparities of Poland and the new aspects of regional development. According to the general opinion, there are two types of explanation of the differences of the level of regional development. According to the evolutionist perception, the roots of the regional differences are the consequents of the cleavages coming from the historical past. On the other hand, the other opinion is based on the 'big bang' of the economic and political transformation. There are different perceptions of the phenomenon 'region', some of the authors concentrate on the regional identity and the region as a historical phenomenon. The regions have different historical past in the Central and Eastern European countries where the role of the central government had greater influence. Finally, the essay deals with the cleavages of Poland and the several approaches made in oreder to eliminate these differences, and the role of the regional development programmes and practices.

One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents. ; One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents.

Due to the accession to the EU, the possibilities of receiving European Union resources have opened up. A great number of the tenders launched by the government reaches the SMS-sector delayed. However, there are promoter and tender monitoring firms, the expenses of applying them cannot be covered by the SMS-sector. On the basis of the received replies it can be stated that tenders are called for a given region, consequently, they cannot be applied for in numerous cases. Tendering deadlines are short from publishing to submission, therefore, submission of the tender fails in many cases. The tenders usually relate to range of activities, which is also grounds for refusal. The system is slow and bureaucratic. The European Union resources influence financing of the businesses, but due to the fact the continuous development resources cannot be granted. Tenders are restricted to a limited strata owing to the current tender system. As a result of the bureaucracy, the tendering funds are allocated to too many areas, therefore the efficiency of the capital acquired by the funds deteriorates significantly.

Energy is one of the key tools of Russian geopolitical advocacy that Russia can still use efficiently through the energy supply systems built up after WWII and that is still unavoidable. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the advocacy role of the Russian state has decreased however it has never completely lost its influence on the energy sector and thereby on the countries depending on it. We can speak about the active use of energy relations as a tool of political advocacy again since 2006, nonetheless we cannot observe a complete lack of use of these tools between 1990 and 2006 either. The former Soviet republics and the former satellite countries were the targets of these actions, which illustrates the long-term effects of energy dependency systems developed between 1945 and 1990. The 2006 Russian-Ukrainian conflict was the first, when Russia did not only threaten with but actually reduced the amount of natural gas transported. During the 2006 and the 2009 Russian-Ukrainian conflicts, it became clear that Russia actually uses limitation of supply and price policy pressure and not only as a means of threat in order to enforce its political interests, even accepting its negative consequences.

Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic. ; Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic.

The adoption of the new multiannual financial framework for the period 2021-2027 is one of the most important questions in the EU nowadays. It always belongs to the most difficult and time-consuming decisions the member states have to make. Such a decision should represent several interest like the net contributor and net beneficiary states' aims, the willingness of the European Commission and the European Parliament to make the cooperation among the countries deeper and to extend the cooperation to new policy areas too. The EU's long term multiannual financial framework (MFF) influences and somehow defines the next years' yearly budget and the benefits the member states can receive from the common budget of the EU as well. The main spending numbers represents the importance of the different policy areas as the EU provides resources for the topics which will be in focus in the next seven years. The decision about the new MMF is more complicated than the earlier ones. As a result of the Brexit there will be a gap in the common budget. As at the beginning of the MFF negotiations the way and the exact date of the Brexit was not clear the whole process became less transparent and predictable. On the other hand, the EU planes to provide significantly more money to new priorities and goals like border security, competitiveness or foreign policy. It means that the two traditional beneficiary policy areas' (the CAP and the Cohesion spending) share should decrease within the common budget. This study examines the effects of this decrease on the CAP 2nd pillar, rural development.

After the transformation to democracy and market economy the Visegrad Four (V4) countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) have rejoined the group of donors providing international development assistance to poor emerging countries. The aim of the paper is to help to better understand the foreign aid policy and practice of the V4 countries and their contribution to the development of the poor emerging countries by providing foreign aid for them. The main research questions focus on the following issues: What is the history and the major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid? Which are the most preferred beneficiary countries and why? How much foreign aid and in what area is provided? How does it relate to other international donors? What does it mean to the recipient countries? Are there similarities or differences between the V4 countries in this respect? What are the major features distinguishing V4 donors from others? What kind of challenges and opportunities can arise? The hypotheses of the research to be tested are as follows: 1. Providing foreign aid by the V4 countries has its roots in the past regime which still has an influence on the present practice. 2. The V4 countries represent a special model for development cooperation with the aid recipient countries. 3. The major motif of the V4 countries for providing foreign aid was to support the geopolitical interest of the ex "Soviet Block", while after the change of the regime the aspiration of the V4 countries shifted towards gaining economic benefits from the cooperation with the aid recipient countries. The method of the research is literature review related to development theory and foreign aid as well as statistical analysis based on data on Official Development Assistance (ODA). Results prove the hypotheses.

As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.