Suchergebnisse

Die Kurzbibliographie verweist auf Literatur zu den Themen Außenbeziehungen, Innenpolitik und Gesellschaft in der VR Vietnam. Sie gliedert sich wie folgt: 1 Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, 1.1 Außenbeziehungen zum asiatischen Raum, 1.1.1 Beziehungen zur VR China, 1.2 Außenbeziehungen zu den USA, 1.3 Außenbeziehungen zu Europa, 1.4 Wehrpotenzial, 2 Innenpolitik, 2.1 Verhältnis von Staat und Gesellschaft, 2.2 Kommunistische Partei Vietnams, 2.3 Recht und Menschenrechte, 2.4 Weitere innenpolische Entwicklungen, 3 Gesellschaft, 3.1 Bildung, soziale Sicherheit und Gesundheit, 3.2 Soziale Ungleichheit, 3.3 Ethnische Minderheiten, 3.4 Kultur und Religion, 3.5 Lebensstil und Alltag, 3.6 Massenmedien. (DÜI-Fra)

Vorspann
Dass es in der Rüstungstechnik ganz bestimmte Schlüsseltechnologien gibt, die über das Technische hinaus eine unabsehbare militärische und politische Wirkung entfalten, ist in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts ein bekanntes Phänomen. Dieser Artikel erinnert daran, dass es sich hier nicht um eine Erscheinung aus der Zeit nach 1945 handelt. Am Beispiel eines Naturprodukts, des Edelgases Helium, wird vorgeführt, welche technischen und politischen Folgen die Entdeckung dieses chemischen Elements hatte. Aber nicht nur das. Dieser Artikel vermittelt auch eine Vorstellung davon, wie schnell die Rüstungstechnik in 20 Jahren veralten konnte.

Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May 2019 in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term because the law does not apply retroactively. In February 2020, the President won again the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in March and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved, but remains poor. Yet, the international community followed a 'laissez faire' approach in the interests of regional stability. The economy dropped into recession due to the worldwide economic negative effects of the corona-crisis. The democracy index of the Economic Intelligence Unit, London, still rated Togo as an 'authoritarian regime'.

No other bilateral relationship has comparable significance for the future of the international order as that between the United States and the People's Republic of China. Domestic political and social structural factors have a significant influence on the conflict behaviour of the two states. These factors are contributing towards the deterioration of the bilateral relationship and making it crisis-prone. Vulnerabilities arise from the interdependencies between the two societies and economies. An awareness of this fact can provide an incentive for cooperation. Efforts made to avoid the risk of escalation can also promote cooperation. Both states are dependent on a functioning international order. However, this insight is all too easily overshadowed by the conflictual aspects of the bilateral relationship. This is the task - and at the same time an opportunity - for German and European policy, which should strengthen European participation in world governance to gain more weight and exert a moderating influence on China and America. (author's abstract)

This article seeks to contribute to ongoing debates about the causes and consequences of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It argues via a neoclassical realist analysis that BRI can be seen as the product of the convergence of Aussenpolitik (foreign policy) and Innenpolitik (domestic politics) factors in China's grand strategy, specifically enduring desires to balance against American primacy and to secure China's frontier regions such as the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). The article concludes that the intersection of these objectives with the geopolitical logic of BRI (i.e. combating American primacy in the maritime domain of the Indo-Pacific through China-led Eurasian integration) provides an explanation for the timing and intensity of Beijing's imposition of a pervasive 'security state' in Xinjiang. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Moscow's decision on 24 February 2022 to invade Ukraine constituted a culmination in the militarisation trajectory of Russian foreign policy since 2008. At the same time, the war has exposed the weaknesses of the military reform launched by Moscow in 2008. The high losses of the country's armed forces in Ukraine limit Russia's military power projection capabilities, for example in Syria and in other conflicts. Moreover, military setbacks and partial mobilisation have undermined an important pillar of the regime's legitimacy. (author's abstract)