Suchergebnisse

National audience; This article raises the question of the capacity of democratic regimes to recognise, in law and in fact, the expansion of public space and the diversification of the modes of political participation made possible via the Internet. The reflection is based on the concept of "insurgency citizenship" developed by the socio-anthropologist of the urbanity James Holston, which refers to the multiple forms of mobilisation or daily practice that challenge the policies pursued by public authorities to raise political demands and to interfere with the meaning of citizenship and democracy. Similarly, as the city is the subject of a set of rules which, taken together, form "a city policy", there is a policy of freedom of expression and democratic "public space" that the article will seek to characterise. This leads to a conflict of legitimacy between the State and these contemporary social movements, in which different conceptions of the rule of law and democracy clash. ; National audience; Cet article pose la question de la capacité des régimes démocratiques à reconnaître, en droit et en fait, l'élargissement de l'espace public et la diversification des modes de participation politique rendus possibles par Internet. La réflexion s'appuie sur le concept de « citoyenneté insurrectionnelle » dégagée par le socio-anthropologue de l'urbanité James Holston, qui désigne les multiples formes de mobilisation ou de pratiques quotidiennes qui contestent les politiques menées par les pouvoirs publics pour porter des revendications politiques et interpeller sur le sens de la citoyenneté et de la démocratie. De la même manière que la ville fait l'objet d'un ensemble de règles qui, prises ensemble, forment « une politique de la ville », il existe une politique de la liberté d'expression et de l' « espace public » démocratique que l'article s'attachera à caractériser. Face aux manifestations de « citoyenneté insurrectionnelle » propres à Internet, qui sont porteuses de revendications vis-à-vis de la liberté d'expression ...

This work is devoted to the insurrectional policy of the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC), from its birth in 1920 to the eve of the Second World War in 1939. The goal is to find if the SFIC gave itself the means necessary to overthrow the « Bourgeois State » and if this orientation changed during its first twenty years of existence.This study begins by analysing the origins of this policy, in the left wing of the socialist SFIO and, broadly, of the French and international workers movement. The topic of the insurrectional policy is understood as combining different sides. The theoretical and practical preparation to insurgency on one side ; the formation of an underground apparatus and of self-defence structures that can, in needed, act as an attacking force (what was known in the German KPD as the M-Apparat – for Militär[politischer]Apparat) ; and, finally, an actively antimilitarist policy, aimed at breaking the repressive forces.We will also devote ourselves to identify the causes of the evolutions of this policy, whereas these are to find in the practical results of the said policy, in French domestic politics or in the internal crisis of the French and international communist movement ; Ce travail de recherche entend aborder l'histoire de la politique insurrectionnelle de la Section Française de l'Internationale Communiste de sa naissance en 1920 jusqu'à l'éclatement de la deuxième guerre mondiale en 1939. Il s'agit de savoir si la SFIC a essayé de se donner les moyens pratiques de renverser « l'État bourgeois » et si cette orientation a varié durant les 20 premières années de son existence.Cette étude commence par traiter des origines de cette politique, au sein de l'aile gauche de la SFIO ou du mouvement ouvrier français et international. La question de la politique insurrectionnelle est comprise comme intégrant plusieurs aspects, d'une part la préparation (théorique et pratique) à l'insurrection ; la création d'un appareil clandestin et de structures d'autodéfense pouvant ...

This work is devoted to the insurrectional policy of the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC), from its birth in 1920 to the eve of the Second World War in 1939. The goal is to find if the SFIC gave itself the means necessary to overthrow the « Bourgeois State » and if this orientation changed during its first twenty years of existence.This study begins by analysing the origins of this policy, in the left wing of the socialist SFIO and, broadly, of the French and international workers movement. The topic of the insurrectional policy is understood as combining different sides. The theoretical and practical preparation to insurgency on one side ; the formation of an underground apparatus and of self-defence structures that can, in needed, act as an attacking force (what was known in the German KPD as the M-Apparat – for Militär[politischer]Apparat) ; and, finally, an actively antimilitarist policy, aimed at breaking the repressive forces.We will also devote ourselves to identify the causes of the evolutions of this policy, whereas these are to find in the practical results of the said policy, in French domestic politics or in the internal crisis of the French and international communist movement ; Ce travail de recherche entend aborder l'histoire de la politique insurrectionnelle de la Section Française de l'Internationale Communiste de sa naissance en 1920 jusqu'à l'éclatement de la deuxième guerre mondiale en 1939. Il s'agit de savoir si la SFIC a essayé de se donner les moyens pratiques de renverser « l'État bourgeois » et si cette orientation a varié durant les 20 premières années de son existence.Cette étude commence par traiter des origines de cette politique, au sein de l'aile gauche de la SFIO ou du mouvement ouvrier français et international. La question de la politique insurrectionnelle est comprise comme intégrant plusieurs aspects, d'une part la préparation (théorique et pratique) à l'insurrection ; la création d'un appareil clandestin et de structures d'autodéfense pouvant éventuellement servir des buts offensifs (ce qui était désigné dans le PC allemand sous le nom de M-Apparat – acronyme de Militär[politischer]Apparat, c'est à dire Appareil Militaro-politique), et l'application d'une politique antimilitariste, visant à la désagrégation des forces de répression. On s'attachera aussi à identifier les causes des évolutions et des tournants de cette politique, que celles-ci soient à trouver dans les résultats pratiques obtenus, dans la politique intérieure française ou dans les crises internes du mouvement communiste français et international.

This work is devoted to the insurrectional policy of the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC), from its birth in 1920 to the eve of the Second World War in 1939. The goal is to find if the SFIC gave itself the means necessary to overthrow the « Bourgeois State » and if this orientation changed during its first twenty years of existence.This study begins by analysing the origins of this policy, in the left wing of the socialist SFIO and, broadly, of the French and international workers movement. The topic of the insurrectional policy is understood as combining different sides. The theoretical and practical preparation to insurgency on one side ; the formation of an underground apparatus and of self-defence structures that can, in needed, act as an attacking force (what was known in the German KPD as the M-Apparat – for Militär[politischer]Apparat) ; and, finally, an actively antimilitarist policy, aimed at breaking the repressive forces.We will also devote ourselves to identify the causes of the evolutions of this policy, whereas these are to find in the practical results of the said policy, in French domestic politics or in the internal crisis of the French and international communist movement ; Ce travail de recherche entend aborder l'histoire de la politique insurrectionnelle de la Section Française de l'Internationale Communiste de sa naissance en 1920 jusqu'à l'éclatement de la deuxième guerre mondiale en 1939. Il s'agit de savoir si la SFIC a essayé de se donner les moyens pratiques de renverser « l'État bourgeois » et si cette orientation a varié durant les 20 premières années de son existence.Cette étude commence par traiter des origines de cette politique, au sein de l'aile gauche de la SFIO ou du mouvement ouvrier français et international. La question de la politique insurrectionnelle est comprise comme intégrant plusieurs aspects, d'une part la préparation (théorique et pratique) à l'insurrection ; la création d'un appareil clandestin et de structures d'autodéfense pouvant éventuellement servir des buts offensifs (ce qui était désigné dans le PC allemand sous le nom de M-Apparat – acronyme de Militär[politischer]Apparat, c'est à dire Appareil Militaro-politique), et l'application d'une politique antimilitariste, visant à la désagrégation des forces de répression. On s'attachera aussi à identifier les causes des évolutions et des tournants de cette politique, que celles-ci soient à trouver dans les résultats pratiques obtenus, dans la politique intérieure française ou dans les crises internes du mouvement communiste français et international.

This work is devoted to the insurrectional policy of the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC), from its birth in 1920 to the eve of the Second World War in 1939. The goal is to find if the SFIC gave itself the means necessary to overthrow the « Bourgeois State » and if this orientation changed during its first twenty years of existence.This study begins by analysing the origins of this policy, in the left wing of the socialist SFIO and, broadly, of the French and international workers movement. The topic of the insurrectional policy is understood as combining different sides. The theoretical and practical preparation to insurgency on one side ; the formation of an underground apparatus and of self-defence structures that can, in needed, act as an attacking force (what was known in the German KPD as the M-Apparat – for Militär[politischer]Apparat) ; and, finally, an actively antimilitarist policy, aimed at breaking the repressive forces.We will also devote ourselves to identify the causes of the evolutions of this policy, whereas these are to find in the practical results of the said policy, in French domestic politics or in the internal crisis of the French and international communist movement ; Ce travail de recherche entend aborder l'histoire de la politique insurrectionnelle de la Section Française de l'Internationale Communiste de sa naissance en 1920 jusqu'à l'éclatement de la deuxième guerre mondiale en 1939. Il s'agit de savoir si la SFIC a essayé de se donner les moyens pratiques de renverser « l'État bourgeois » et si cette orientation a varié durant les 20 premières années de son existence.Cette étude commence par traiter des origines de cette politique, au sein de l'aile gauche de la SFIO ou du mouvement ouvrier français et international. La question de la politique insurrectionnelle est comprise comme intégrant plusieurs aspects, d'une part la préparation (théorique et pratique) à l'insurrection ; la création d'un appareil clandestin et de structures d'autodéfense pouvant éventuellement servir des buts offensifs (ce qui était désigné dans le PC allemand sous le nom de M-Apparat – acronyme de Militär[politischer]Apparat, c'est à dire Appareil Militaro-politique), et l'application d'une politique antimilitariste, visant à la désagrégation des forces de répression. On s'attachera aussi à identifier les causes des évolutions et des tournants de cette politique, que celles-ci soient à trouver dans les résultats pratiques obtenus, dans la politique intérieure française ou dans les crises internes du mouvement communiste français et international.

This work is devoted to the insurrectional policy of the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC), from its birth in 1920 to the eve of the Second World War in 1939. The goal is to find if the SFIC gave itself the means necessary to overthrow the « Bourgeois State » and if this orientation changed during its first twenty years of existence.This study begins by analysing the origins of this policy, in the left wing of the socialist SFIO and, broadly, of the French and international workers movement. The topic of the insurrectional policy is understood as combining different sides. The theoretical and practical preparation to insurgency on one side ; the formation of an underground apparatus and of self-defence structures that can, in needed, act as an attacking force (what was known in the German KPD as the M-Apparat – for Militär[politischer]Apparat) ; and, finally, an actively antimilitarist policy, aimed at breaking the repressive forces.We will also devote ourselves to identify the causes of the evolutions of this policy, whereas these are to find in the practical results of the said policy, in French domestic politics or in the internal crisis of the French and international communist movement ; Ce travail de recherche entend aborder l'histoire de la politique insurrectionnelle de la Section Française de l'Internationale Communiste de sa naissance en 1920 jusqu'à l'éclatement de la deuxième guerre mondiale en 1939. Il s'agit de savoir si la SFIC a essayé de se donner les moyens pratiques de renverser « l'État bourgeois » et si cette orientation a varié durant les 20 premières années de son existence.Cette étude commence par traiter des origines de cette politique, au sein de l'aile gauche de la SFIO ou du mouvement ouvrier français et international. La question de la politique insurrectionnelle est comprise comme intégrant plusieurs aspects, d'une part la préparation (théorique et pratique) à l'insurrection ; la création d'un appareil clandestin et de structures d'autodéfense pouvant éventuellement servir des buts offensifs (ce qui était désigné dans le PC allemand sous le nom de M-Apparat – acronyme de Militär[politischer]Apparat, c'est à dire Appareil Militaro-politique), et l'application d'une politique antimilitariste, visant à la désagrégation des forces de répression. On s'attachera aussi à identifier les causes des évolutions et des tournants de cette politique, que celles-ci soient à trouver dans les résultats pratiques obtenus, dans la politique intérieure française ou dans les crises internes du mouvement communiste français et international.

The French army is entrenching itself in the sahel region since 2014, claiming a near victory over the multitude of armed groups operating in the region. The french implication relies heavily on special operation units waging a movement war against the so-called "terror groups". But what are the true natures of those groups? Such armed groups are actually far from being the archetype of international Jihadist organisations that the french government claims they are fighting. Paris Meanwhile, by fighting in those countries is actually entrenching itself geographically for its own geopolitical gains rather than pursuing humanistic goals. By supporting unrepresentative governments and relying on heavy military presence in the Sahel, the French governemnt is actually helping recruitment among those armed groups and is uncontiously helping their creations.

published in Raimond C., Zakinet D., Abdouramane M., Sylvestre F. (dir), Cross-searches on Chadian lacustres ecosystems. Before the Boko Haram insurgency, the economic dynamism of multi-use of space was based, in Cameroon's part of Lake Chad, on an effective and fair form of joint governance of natural resources, characterised by the great fluidity of coordination between users and the absence of groups of rights holders able to exclude other users from access to resources. However, the sustainability of this form of governance was challenged by local power games open with democratisation, which undermined the ability to act collectively. In lake territories which have largely been emptied of their populations since the insurgency, the 'return to development' directly affects the political dimension of the governance of natural resources. ; Before the Boko Haram uprising, the economic vitalityof the multi-use of space in the Cameroonian part of Lake Chad was based on an efficient and equitable mode of governance of the common property resources. This mode of governance was characterized by the fluidity of coordinations between users and by the absence of rights holders in capacity to exclude other groups from resources access. Nevertheless the sustainability of this mode of governance was called into questions by the local power games supplied by the democratization which undermined the collective action capacities. While the lacustrian territories have been emptied of populations, the "development recovery" gives rise to the political dimension of the natural resources governance. ; published in Raimond C., Zakinet D., Abdouramane M., Sylvestre F. (dir), Cross-searches on Chadian lacustres ecosystems. Before the Boko Haram insurgency, the economic dynamism of multi-use of space was based, in Cameroon's part of Lake Chad, on an effective and fair form of joint governance of natural resources, characterised by the great fluidity of coordination between users and the absence of groups of rights holders able to ...

Judging in the Midst of Civil War. The Taliban Courts in Afghanistan (2001–2013) - Since 2001, the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan has been gaining momentum in a civil war characterized by the growing politicization of private conflicts. By establishing courts, the Taliban have managed to override the social and identity divides apparent in private disputes while striving to objectivize the armed movement and the national scope of its cause. Through their accessibility for the population and their proven effectiveness, the Taliban courts have enabled the insurgency to expand its social base across ethnic and tribal boundaries. The Taliban case suggests that in a situation of civil war, the establishment of judicial institutions is a component in a strategic repertoire and that the ability to judge is a decisive factor for an insurgency seeking to establish itself as a political authority against competing claims to appropriate the state's monopoly. ; Depuis 2001, l'insurrection Taleban s'implante en Afghanistan dans le contexte d'une guerre civile qui a pour caractéristique d'amener la politisation croissante des conflits privés. Par la mise en place de cours de justice, les Taleban sont parvenus à déborder les lignes de clivage qui se manifestent dans les conflits privés et s'efforcent, dans le même mouvement, d'objectiver le mouvement armé et le caractère national de sa cause. Ainsi, ces cours de justice Taleban, par leur accessibilité pour la population en même temps que par la manifestation de leur efficacité, ont permis à l'insurrection d'étendre son assise sociale par-delà les frontières ethniques et tribales. Le cas Taleban suggère ainsi que, dans une situation de guerre civile, l'établissement d'institutions judiciaires se présente comme un élément du répertoire stratégique, la capacité de juger étant un élément déterminant pour s'affirmer comme unité politique contre les revendications concurrentes d'appropriation du monopole étatique.

Uncertainty prevails in Iraq, as the regime is confronted with the reawakening of the "Islamist State of Iraq and Syria" (a jihadi insurgency linked to al-Qaeda) and has to address as well the Sunni tribal protests, active in the Western provinces. The Syrian crisis only adds to the challenge, and exacerbates an explosive situation. ; Entre la renaissance sur son territoire de l'insurrection djihadiste de l'Etat islamique en Irak et en Syrie (branche d'al-Qaida), et le mouvement de contestation tribalo-religieux sunnite dans l'Ouest du pays, la situation politique de l'Irak demeure incertaine. La crise syrienne s'ajoute à ce contexte explosif pour exacerber ces difficultés.

Uncertainty prevails in Iraq, as the regime is confronted with the reawakening of the "Islamist State of Iraq and Syria" (a jihadi insurgency linked to al-Qaeda) and has to address as well the Sunni tribal protests, active in the Western provinces. The Syrian crisis only adds to the challenge, and exacerbates an explosive situation. ; Entre la renaissance sur son territoire de l'insurrection djihadiste de l'Etat islamique en Irak et en Syrie (branche d'al-Qaida), et le mouvement de contestation tribalo-religieux sunnite dans l'Ouest du pays, la situation politique de l'Irak demeure incertaine. La crise syrienne s'ajoute à ce contexte explosif pour exacerber ces difficultés.

Uncertainty prevails in Iraq, as the regime is confronted with the reawakening of the "Islamist State of Iraq and Syria" (a jihadi insurgency linked to al-Qaeda) and has to address as well the Sunni tribal protests, active in the Western provinces. The Syrian crisis only adds to the challenge, and exacerbates an explosive situation. ; Entre la renaissance sur son territoire de l'insurrection djihadiste de l'Etat islamique en Irak et en Syrie (branche d'al-Qaida), et le mouvement de contestation tribalo-religieux sunnite dans l'Ouest du pays, la situation politique de l'Irak demeure incertaine. La crise syrienne s'ajoute à ce contexte explosif pour exacerber ces difficultés.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; As a result of protracted armed conflict, Somalia remains as one of Sub-Saharan Africa's most underdeveloped county. Following the collapse of the central government in 1991, the country has been plagued with violent conflict and insurgency, extreme and widespread poverty, acute food shortage, and political instability, economic underdevelopment, and recurring natural disasters such as droughts and floods. Somalis to date lack: essential healthcare, education, food security, safe drinking water, hygiene and adequate sanitation, and have very limited employment and livelihood opportunities. The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and sub national tiers of government have meagre resources to meet the country's pressing needs.

jihadist mouvance Issu, the Syrian rebel group Ahrar al-Sham has operated an ideological de-radicalisation movement since its creation in 2011. This move, which was completed in 2017 with the official adoption of the Syrian national flag, saw Ahrar al-Sham embracing a 'revisionist' posture which gradually removed him from the most radical factions and brought it closer to the mainstream revolutionary. This path can be read in the light of contextual factors, namely the influence of the sponsoring states of the Syrian insurgency and the emergence in 2011 of a popular revolution project between a credible ideological alternative to the jihadist project. However, Ahrar al-Sham's response to these external stimuli can only be understood through its organisational powers, i.e. early cessation of transnational jihadist networks and the establishment of a collegial decision-making structure that allowed the consolidation of the group's reformist wing at the expense of its doctrinal rival. This study of a process of deradicalisation in times of civil war is intended to enrich the reflection on the moderation dynamics of Islamist groups, which have so far been studied mainly in contexts of peace or gentlemen. It also helps to take account of the ideological transformation mechanisms of non-state armed groups, an issue largely neglected by the theoretical work on civil wars. ; International audience ; jihadist mouvance Issu, the Syrian rebel group Ahrar al-Sham has operated an ideological de-radicalisation movement since its creation in 2011. This move, which was completed in 2017 with the official adoption of the Syrian national flag, saw Ahrar al-Sham embracing a 'revisionist' posture which gradually removed him from the most radical factions and brought it closer to the mainstream revolutionary. This path can be read in the light of contextual factors, namely the influence of the sponsoring states of the Syrian insurgency and the emergence in 2011 of a popular revolution project between a credible ideological ...

On 14 January 2011, President Ben Ali fled from Tunisia after a month of popular insurgency. The demonstrations of lawyers that accompanied the protest movements of December 2010-January 2011 are partly a continuation of the sectoral mobilisations that preceded them, as the authoritarian regime of Ben Ali by refusing access to the main professional demands of the Bar has contributed to a strong political tone for the collective actions of lawyers. However, these 'revolutionary' mobilisations are not of the same nature as the previous ones, as they have been part of a popular revolt movement and have contributed to the de-sectorisation of the social space, before embarking on a political arena characterised by a smooth environment conducive to the reformulation of forms of professional legitimacy. ; International audience On January 14, 2011, president Ben Ali fled Tunisia following one month of popular insurrection. The insurrectionalmovements of December 2010-January 2011 have included protests by lawyers that took place in the continuity of previoussectoral mobilizations, since the authoritarian Ben Ali regime had contributed to politicize collective action by the lawyerswhen it refused to grant the main professional requests of the Tunisian bar. However, these "revolutionary" mobilizationswere different from previous ones, since they took part in a popular insurrection and contributed to de-sectorialize socialspace, before redeploying themselves in a political arena characterized by a fluid conjuncture, propitious to a redefinition ofthe norms of professional legitimacy. ; On 14 January 2011, President Ben Ali fled from Tunisia after a month of popular insurgency. The demonstrations of lawyers that accompanied the protest movements of December 2010-January 2011 are partly a continuation of the sectoral mobilisations that preceded them, as the authoritarian regime of Ben Ali by refusing access to the main professional demands of the Bar has contributed to a strong political tone for the collective actions of ...