Suchergebnisse

Die Autoren dieses Bandes beschäftigen sich mit Geschichte, Politik und Europäischer Integration derjenigen Staaten, die einst dem Wahrschauer Pakt angehörten. In den Beiträgen, die auf einem Kolloquium der Fakultät für Europastudien der Universität Klausenburg basieren, wird insbesondere das Verhältnis zu Deutschland und der EU aufgegriffen

Die Autoren dieses Bandes beschäftigen sich mit Geschichte, Politik und Europäischer Integration derjenigen Staaten, die einst dem Wahrschauer Pakt angehörten. In den Beiträgen, die auf einem Kolloquium der Fakultät für Europastudien der Universität Klausenburg basieren, wird insbesondere das Verhältnis zu Deutschland und der EU aufgegriffen

Since its declaration of independence Kosovo has clearly postured itself towards Euro-Atlantic integration with NATO, keeping its door open towards Western Balkan states. This integration process faces major challenges stemming from different dimensions: NATO's internal unity and its stance towards Kosovo's political status having direct impact in consensual decision making processes; current geopolitical tensions from a global perspective, particularly between the West and Russia; and Kosovo's ability to fulfil NATO's standards and criteria. These challenges might prove very difficult to overcome at least in the current global political and security environment. The objective of this paper is to discuss from legal and geopolitical perspectives the relations between Kosovo and NATO and the challenges, dynamics and perspective of NATO opening a formal integration process for Kosovo. ; Since its declaration of independence Kosovo has clearly postured itself towards Euro-Atlantic integration with NATO, keeping its door open towards Western Balkan states. This integration process faces major challenges stemming from different dimensions: NATO's internal unity and its stance towards Kosovo's political status having direct impact in consensual decision making processes; current geopolitical tensions from a global perspective, particularly between the West and Russia; and Kosovo's ability to fulfil NATO's standards and criteria. These challenges might prove very difficult to overcome at least in the current global political and security environment. The objective of this paper is to discuss from legal and geopolitical perspectives the relations between Kosovo and NATO and the challenges, dynamics and perspective of NATO opening a formal integration process for Kosovo.

U ovom se radu istražuje odnos između nacije, nacionalizma, građanstva i strategija europskih integracija. Propituje se problem odnosa između 'nacionalnog' i 'građanskog' aspekta u postojećoj nacionalnoj državi i problem odvajanja nacionalnog od građanskog u nekim opravdanjima transnacionalnih političkih integracija. Propituje se i teza nekih autora da su i nacija i država zapreka afirmaciji građanstva kao univerzalnog statusa u slobodi i jednakosti svih. Zapravo, analizira se krucijalno pitanje je li neka transnacionalna politička organizacija moguća kao "zajednica građana" prema konceptu 'konstitucionalnog patriotizma' ili kao internacionalna zajednica "društva narodā" s "pravom narodā" na pretpostavkama političkog liberalizma ili pristojno uređene državne vlasti. Autor analizira i pojam 'nacionalizma' te neopravdanost njegova proskribiranja per se. Na kraju komentira i analizira uočene nacionalne (nacionalističke) strategije integracije u Europsku uniju. ; This paper explores the relationship between the nation, nationalism, citizenship and European integration strategies. It addresses the problem of the relationship between the 'national' and 'civil' aspects of the existing nation state and the problem of separating the national from the civil in some justifications of transnational political integrations. It also examines the thesis of some authors who claim that both the nation and the state are obstacles to asserting citizenship as a universal status in the freedom and equality of all. In fact, it analyses the crucial issue whether a transnational political organisation is possible as a 'community of citizens' in line with the concept of 'constitutional patriotism', or as an international community in the sense of a 'Society of Peoples' with the 'right of nations' under the assumptions of political liberalism or of a properly ordered state government. The author also analyses the concept of 'nationalism' and the unjustifiableness of its proscription per se. In the final section, he comments on and ...

Europsko je vijeće u lipnju 2000. godine utvrdilo da Hrvatska ispunjava uvjete za potencijalnoga kandidata za članstvo u Europskoj uniji (EU). Integracijski proces usmjeren prema kandidaturi i punopravnom članstvu u EU-u postaje otada temeljnom hrvatskom "državnom strategijom" i vanjskopolitičkim ciljem, razvijajući se "različitim brzinama" i s različitim stupnjevima uspješnosti na putu prema očekivanom krajnjem cilju. Istraživačko pitanje vezano je uz identifi kaciju i opis djelovanja glavnih vanjskih i unutrašnjih aktera (hrvatskih vlada i Europske unije) u tom procesu te uz procjenu ostvarenih rezultata njihova međudjelovanja u promatranom šestogodišnjem razdoblju. Empirijski istražen fenomen analizira se teorijskim pristupom akterski usmjerenog institucionalizma i modelom teorije igara.Rezultat analize pokazuje komparativnu prednost menadžmenta jednostranačke vlade Ive Sanadera (2003-2005) pred koalicijskom vladom Ivice Račana (2000-2003) u rezultatu i uspješnosti vođenja integracijskoga procesa za pristupanje Hrvatske Europskoj uniji. Doprinos i kvaliteta podrške Europske unije tom procesu višeznačna je, kao što su višeznačni i kompleksni njezin ustroj i politika. ; In June 2000, the European Council established that Croatia fulfi lled the conditions for acquiring the status of potential candidate for membership in the European Union.Thereafter, the integration process aimed at the candidature for, and subsequent full membership in the EU has been the fundamental Croatian "governmental strategy" and foreign policy goal, developing with "diff erent speeds" and diff erent levels of success towards the fi nal expected goal. Research is focused on the identifi cation and description of actions of the major foreign and internal actors in the process (Croatian governments and the European Union), as well as on the assessment of the achieved results of their interaction in the sixyear period under observation. The empirically studied phenomenon is analysed through the theoretical approach of actor-based ...

U radu se na temelju empirijskog istraživanja (intervjui), provedenog u Bjelovaru 2017. g., analiziraju stavovi Albanaca u Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji o njihovom dolasku te integraciji u lokalne zajednice i u hrvatsko društvo, kao i o oblicima i uspješnosti te integracije. U Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji, u zadnja tri popisa stanovništva (1991., 2001., 2011.), udio Albanaca kreće se od 0,4% do 0,6% u ukupnoj populaciji županije, a njihov broj iznosi 608 (1991.), 755 (2001.) i 743 (2011.). U novom i drugačijem sociopolitičkom i kulturnom ambijentu, migranti uglavnom čine manjinsku populaciju, a njihov nacionalni identitet dolazi pritom u različita iskušenja. U slučaju Albanaca, postoje neke specifičnosti koje otežavaju integraciju u lokalne zajednice, ali doprinose unutargrupnoj koheziji i očuvanju nacionalnog identiteta. Najveća brana asimilaciji u njihovom slučaju je jezična različitost, a zatim set tradicionalnih vrijednosti i patrijarhalnih obrazaca, koji u sinergiji ovu nacionalnu zajednicu čine zatvorenijom u odnosu na većinu drugih takvih kolektiviteta. Provedeno empirijsko istraživanje (polustrukturirani intervjui), kao svoje ciljeve imalo je spoznaju stavova pripadnika albanske nacionalne manjine u županiji, te spoznaju o njihovom nacionalnom identitetu, problemima integracije u lokalno društvo (i šire, hrvatsko), te njihovu organiziranost u cilju sprječavanja asimilacije i očuvanja nacionalne posebnosti. Intervjuirano je ukupno osam ispitanika, pripadnika muške populacije, u dobi od 34 godine do 68 godine. Intervjuirani su rođeni u sljedećim naseljima: Prizren, Đakovica, Bobovac (Kosovo), Pakrac (Hrvatska), dok su njihova mjesta življenja: Drljanovac, Bjelovar, Velika Pisanica, Predavac (Bjelovarsko-bilogorska županija). Odgovori ispitanika pokazuju da su Albanci uglavnom uspješno integrirani u naselja i gospodarski segment Bjelovarsko-bilogorske županije. U Hrvatsku dolaze najviše iz socioekonomskih razloga, rješavanja posla i poboljšanja vlastite egzistencije u odnosu na mjesta i kraj iz kojeg su stigli u županiju. Načini dolaska su najčešće individualni i porodični, koji rezultiraju u konačnici lančanom migracijom, postupnim dolaskom članova uže i šire porodice. Integraciju u društvo su im olakšala i neka specifična zanimanja u kojima su Albanci vrlo umješni, kao što su pekari, slastičari i zlatari. Albanci su organizirani u Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji, u kulturnoj i političkoj sferi, a važan činilac očuvanja njihovog nacionalnog identiteta je i obrazovanje, što se na prostoru županije manifestira kao korištenje C modela u obrazovanju učenika njihove nacionalne manjine. ; Based on the empirical research (interviews) conducted in Bjelovar in 2017, the paper analyzes the standpoints of the Albanians in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County on their settlement and integration in both local community and Croatian society, as well as on the forms and success thereof. In the last three censuses conducted in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County (in 1991, 2001, and 2011), the share of the Albanians ranged between 0.4% and 0.6% in the total county population, their number having amounted to 608 (in 1991), 755 (in 2001), and 743 (in 2011). In the new and different socio-political and cultural environment, migrants mainly form minority populations, whereby their national identity is tested in various ways. As the Albanians are concerned, there exist certain specificities, which, despite making the integration in local communities complicated, have contributed to the cohesion within the group and the preservation of national identity. The strongest hinderances to assimilation are – in their case – primarily linguistic diversity, and secondly a set of traditional values and patriarchal patterns; together, they have led to a larger-scale closeness of this national community in relation to the majority of other communities of this kind. The objective of the conducted empirical research (semi-structured interviews) was to determine the standpoints of the members of Albanian national minority in the county, awareness of their national identity, problems of integration in the local community (and Croatian society), and their high level of organization with the aim of preventing assimilation and preserving their national specificities. Eight respondents – members of male population between 34 and 68 years of age – have been interviewed. The respondents were born in the following towns/settlements: Prizren, Đakovica, and Bobovac (Kosovo), and Pakrac (Croatia); whereas their places of residence are as follows: Drljanovac, Bjelovar, Velika Pisanica, and Predavac (in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County). The responds have shown that the Albanians have to the most part been successfully integrated in their places of residence and the economic segment of the Bjelovar-Bilogora County. Their settlement in Croatia has mostly been due to socio-economic reasons, with the aim of finding employment and advancing their own existence in comparison with the life they had had in their previous places of residence. The Albanians usually arrive in Croatia individually or as close families; this eventually results in chain migration – i.e. gradual arrival of members of wider families. The integration of the Albanians in the society has been made easier thanks to several specific professions they have mastered, such as bakers, pastry cooks and goldsmiths. The Albanians are in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County involved in both the cultural and the political spheres; a further major factor in preserving their national identity is education, manifested in this county by using the C model in the education of students – members of their national minority.

Ovaj naslov podsjeća neminovno na ljudska prava i kao da inzistira na nekom novom pravu čovjeka i građanina, poput npr. "prava na vodu", koje je bilo predmetom građanske zakonotvorne inicijative prošle godine pred Europskom komisijom. Pravo na "dobru javnu upravu" često se poistovjećuje s pravom na "dobro upravljanje", pa će stoga u uvodnom dijelu biti potrebno razjasniti razliku između tih dvaju pojmova, te se potom pozabaviti "dobrom javnom upravom", njezinim načelima i deontologijom u dvjema europskim integracijama – članice koje su i Hrvatska i Francuska – a to su, najprije ona starija, politička integracija Vijeća Europe, a zatim i ona malo mlađa, još uvijek pretežito ekonomska integracija, a to je Europska unija. Promotrimo stoga najprije što ta dva pojma znače u međunarodnim organizacijama, a što na internom planu demokratskih država. ; This title inevitably makes us think of human rights as if it is insisting on some new human and citizen rights such as for example "the right to water", which was the subject of a civil law creating initiative last year before the European Commission. The right to "good public administration "is often identified with the right to "good management". So, in the introduction it will be necessary to differentiate between these two concepts. Then "good public administration "will be dealt with; its principles and deontology in two European integrations or member states who are Croatia and France. These are primarily the old political integration of the European Council and then the more recent ones mainly including economic integration which is the European Union. Therefore, these two concepts will firstly be observed as to their definition in international organisations and in the internal plan of democratic states.

Ontologija otvorene vlade predstavljena u ovom radu je sveobuhvatna ontologija koja za cilj ima modeliranje širokog opsega servisa otvorene vlade. Semantički model otvorene vlade daje mogućnost za integraciju s drugim semantičkim i informatičkim modelima te omogućuje semantičko razmišljanje i pronalaženje resursa. Karakteristike otvorene vlade su transparentnost, sudjelovanje i suradnja. Glavne komponente otvorene vlade su otvorena arhitektura, otvoreni podaci i otvoreni standardi. Organizacijska struktura otvorene vlade sastoji se od unutarnjih vladinih organizacija, povezanih područja i otvorenih (e)vladinih servisa. Ontologija otvorene vlade se može koristiti kao semantičko spremište meta podataka za (e)vladine i otvorene (e)vladine servise. Primjenom formalnih metoda razmišljanja predložena ontologija omogućuje pronalaženje informacija o servisima otvorene (e)vlade i zaključivanje na osnovu prikupljenog znanja. Također, ontologija otvorene arhitekture se može koristiti kao informacijska arhitektura za stvaranje tih servisa, kao u slučaju Crnogorske semantičke naučne mreže. ; Open Government Ontology proposed in this paper is an extensive ontology aimed at modelling a wide range of Open Government services. Semantic model of the Open Government opens possibilities for the integration with other semantic and information models, and enables semantic reasoning and resource discovery. Characteristics of the Open Government are transparency, participation and collaboration. Main components of the Open Government are Open Architecture, Open Data and Open Standards. Organizational structure of the Open Government consists of the internal government organizations, associated domains and Open (e)Government services. Open Government Ontology can be used as a semantic meta-data repository for the (e)Government and Open (e)Government services. Using formal methods of reasoning with the proposed ontology we can search for information about Open (e)Government services and infer on gathered knowledge. Also Open Architecture Ontology can be used as Information Architecture framework for the creation of these services as was the case regarding Montenegrin Semantic Science Network.

Budućnost Zapadnog Balkana u svjetlu evropske integracije umnogome počiva na nizu različitih faktora koji nijesu dominantno i jedino vezani za same države ovog regiona. Iako sam proces integracije u EU presudno zavisi od spremnosti i sposobnosti država kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata da sprovedu sve potrebne reforme, transponuju pravnu tekovinu i ostvare tzv. evropski standard u zakonodavstvu i u praksi, on se ne odvija u vakuumu. Prije svega treba imati na umu da će razvoj situacije unutar Evropske unije imati značajnog uticaja na brzinu, dubinu i kvalitet ulaska preostalih balkanskih zemalja u Uniju. Evropska unija odnosno njezine države članice su te koje određuju i postavljaju pravila, te i snose najveću odgovornost za politiku proširenja. Pored toga ne smiju se zanemariti ni uticaji trećih strana koji su sve primjetniji i akutniji u regionu. Usporavanje reformi, evropsko upravljanje krizama, pojačana ili slabija uloga trećih aktera, sve to će bitno odrediti kakav proces evrointegracije predstoji u narednim godinama te, u skladu s time, i način na koji će on uticati na stabilnost i budućnost samih zemalja proširenja. U tom smislu, Zapadni Balkan istovremeno živi u promjenljivim stvarnostima koje donose različite ishode i mogućnosti. Ovaj članak, pored pregleda stanja na Zapadnom Balkanu, stoga daje i moguće scenarije za budući period. ; This article deals with the future of the Western Balkans in the light of a number of different factors that are not solely and purely connected to the countries of the region. Although the very process of integration into the EU is predominantly dependant on the readiness and the ability of the candidate and potential candidate countries to implement all the needed reforms, transpose the acquis and achieve the so-called European standard in legislation and in practice, the process is not being conducted in a vacuum. First of all, we should bear in mind that the development of the situation within the EU shall have crucial impact on the speed, depth and quality of the entrance of the remaining Balkan countries into the Union. Apart from that, we cannot ignore the influences of the third actors, which have become more visible and acute in the region. The EU and its Member States are the ones that define and set up the rules, therefore they bear most of the responsibility for the Enlargement Policy. Laggardness in reforms, EU crisis management, a stronger or weaker role of the third actors – all this shall determine what kind of process of European integration we shall have in the next years, and in line with it, the manner in which the process shall influence the stability and future of the enlargement countries. In this context, the Western Balkans simultaneously lives in variable realities that bring different outcomes and possibilities. This article, apart from the presentation of the situation in the Western Balkans, offers possible scenarios for the future.

U siječnju 2020. uredi državne uprave kao prvostupanjska tijela državne uprave ukinuti su, a njihovi poslovi povjereni su na obavljanje županijama u njihov preneseni djelokrug. Na temelju polustrukturiranih intervjua s pročelnicima županijskih upravnih tijela za poslove opće uprave ocjenjuju se prvi dosadašnji rezultati ove organizacijske promjene. Preliminarni rezultati na koje upućuju intervjui pokazuju da je ukidanje ureda državne uprave u ispitanim županijama dovelo do boljih materijalnih prava službenika, boljih materijalnih uvjeta rada, nepromijenjenog ili nešto boljeg položaja građana, ali i slabijeg nadzora središnje države nad povjerenim poslovima i jedinicama lokalne samouprave. Neka pitanja su otvorena: utječe li smanjenje broja službenika na kvalitetu rada i hoće li broj službenika opet rasti; kakav je položaj župana i hoće li doći do jačanja politizacije te kakva je buduća uloga županija. ; In January 2020, the county state administration offices, as former first-instance state administration bodies, ceased to operate. By legislative amendments of October 2019, most of their tasks were transferred to the counties' delegated scope of affairs. The paper presents the peculiarities of the legal regime of delegated scope of affairs and it introduces the organizational forms that the counties are using in order to perform the delegated tasks. The first results of the abolition of county administrative offices are evaluated on the basis of semi-structured interviews conducted with the heads of county administration bodies responsible for general administration affairs. The results obtained so far are classified into three categories. The first category consists of the positive results of this organizational change: better material rights of employees, better working conditions and unchanged or slightly improved position of citizens. The second category consists of the negative results: weaker control exercised by the central government and the loss of control over general acts of units of local self-government. The third category consists of open questions: whether there will be a new increase in the number of employees, or whether their current reduction will affect the quality of work; what is the position of the county governor and whether politicization will increase; what is the future role of counties and whether there can be inequality in the performance of delegated state tasks between counties. The paper represents the basis for further evaluation studies on the abolition of county state administration offices and opens the doors for further research.

U ovome radu istražit će se uvjeti nastajanja i rok trajanja, tj. opstojnost jedne konceptualne integracije koja se pojavljivala u hrvatskome političkom diskursu za vrijeme predizborne promidžbe za parlamentarne izbore 2011. godine. Riječ je o blendu Kukuriku-koalicija koji je svojevremeno bio općeprihvaćen među političarima, ali i građanima Republike Hrvatske. Pojavljivao se u svim medijima, upotrebljavali su ga svi političari, jednako oponenti spomenute koalicije i njezini pripadnici. Iako je istodobno bio omiljen i omražen, premda se upotrebljavao izuzetno često, nakon određenog vremena ipak postupno nestaje iz jezične upotrebe. Ilustrirat ćemo stoga u ovome radu rađanje ove konceptualne integracije. Prikazat ćemo kada se ova konceptualna integracija najviše upotrebljavala te ćemo analizom anketnih odgovora i primjera prikupljenih s mrežnih stranica u razdoblju zadnjih godinu dana pokušati objasniti razlog(e) njezina nestanka iz današnjega političkog diskursa. ; This paper investigates the conditions of the emergence and duration, i.e. the survival, of a conceptual integration that appeared in Croatian political discourse during the pre-election campaign for the 2011 parliamentary elections. This is the KUKURIKU-COALITION blend, which was at one time generally accepted among politicians, but also among the citizens of the Republic of Croatia. It appeared in all media, it was used by all politicians, both opponents of the coalition and its members. Although it was both loved and hated, and although it was referenced extremely often, after some time it gradually disappeared from language use. We will therefore illustrate in this paper the birth of this conceptual integration. We will show when this conceptual integration was most used and we will try to explain the reason(s) for its disappearance from today's political discourse by analyzing survey responses and examples collected from websites over the last year.

Ovo je dio izvještaja o empirijskom dijelu projekta »Vanjske migracije i društveni razvoj«, kojeg je autor proveo u Institutu za migracije i narodnosti s grupom suradnika. Uzorak čini 271 vanjski migrant prve generacije iz dviju izrazilo vanjskomigracijskih općina kontinentalnog dijela Hrvatske, koje se međusobno razlikuju po razvijenosti. Anketiranje je obavljeno na terenu u nekoliko dana između Božića i Nove Godine 1989. U okviru upitnika konstruirane su dvije ljestvice stavova Likertovog tipa. Prva se odnosila na društveno političku situaciju u zemlji, a druga na evropsku integraciju i pitanje jugoslavenskog priključenja proširenom EEZ-u. Faktorska analiza izlučila je iz prve ljestvice 6 faktora. Analizirali smo i definirali tri tipa stavova: optimistički, umjereno optimistički i pesimistički. 0 jugoslavenskoj perspektivi uključivanja u Evropu ispitanici su se, pak, grupirali u tri orijentacije: optimističko proevropsku, skeptike i pesimiste. Na kraju napravljena je i regresijska analiza faktora s nezavisnim varijablama kao kriterijima. Poseban utjecaj na neke od faktora ustanovljen je za općinsko porijeklo ispitanika, spol, radni status, školsku spremu. ; This is part of a report on the empirical study within the project »External Migrations and Social Development« conducted by the author and a group of associates in the Institute for Migrations and Nationalities. The sample consists of 271 first generation external migrants from two distinctly external-migrational communes in I he continental part of Croatia, differing mutually in the degree of development. The survey was conducted there between Christmas and New Year's Day 1989. The questionnaire consisted of two Likert-type scales of attitude items. The first referred to the socio-political situation in Yugoslavia, while the second referred to the European integration and the issue of Yugoslavia's integration into an extended European Community. By means of factor analysis 6 factors were extracted from the first scale. The author analysed and defined 3 types of attitudes: the optimistic, the moderately optimistic and the pessimistic type. Regarding the chances of Yugoslavia's integration into Europe, the examinees have then been categorized as belonging to 3 groups of orientations: the optimistic pro-Europeans, the sceptics and the pessimists. Finally, the regression factor analysis was performed with independent variables serving as criteria. A special influence on some of the factors has been established concerning the examinee's origins (the district he comes from), his sex, his work-status and level of education.

Proces integracije promatramo kroz prizmu pravde, gdje je cilj integracije postizanje pravne i političke jednakosti između manjine i većine. U ovom radu polazi se od ideje da društvo čine dvije osnovne zajednice: kulturna i politička. Prateći ovu dihotomiju zaključuje se da i proces integracije ima dvije dimenzije: političku i društvenu. Proces integracije nacionalnih manjina podrazumijeva njihovo sudjelovanje (integriranost) u politički i društveni život zajednice (države) u kojoj žive. U prvom dijelu rada autorica predstavlja modele političkog predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina, kako bi utvrdila prednosti i mane svakog od njih. U drugom dijelu rada autorica analizira aktivnosti manjinskih stranaka na posljednjim parlamentarnim izborima u Srbiji, izborne programe koje predlažu i rezultate koje su ostvarile. ; The integration process can be perceived through the prism of justice, whereby the aim of integration is to achieve the legal and political equality between minority and majority. This paper is based on the idea that the society has two main communities: cultural and political. Following this dichotomy, one can conclude that the integration of national minorities has two dimensions: political and social. Integration of national minorities involves their participation (integration) in political and social life of the community (state) in which they live. First part of the paper provides the analysis of models of political representation of national minorities in order to determine the advantages and disadvantages of each model. In the second part, the author analyzes the activities of minority parties in the last parliamentary elections in Serbia, the electoral programs which they proposed and the results that have been achieved.

U radu se, korištenjem konstruktivističkog pristupa Alexandera Wendta, analiziraju razlozi za nastanak europskih integracija s obzirom na neriješeno njemačko pitanje. Pritom se koristi model odnosa identiteta i interesa kako bi se analiziralo ponašanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Sovjetskoga Saveza u razdoblju od 1945. do 1990. s obzirom na nastanak hladnoga rata, europskih integracija i rješavanje njemačkoga pitanja. Također se analizira odnos identiteta i interesa dviju njemačkih država prema njihovom budućem ujedinjenju. Polazeći od Giddensove teorije strukturacije, na koju se naslanja Wendtov konstruktivizam, prati se ponašanje države kao agenta u odnosu prema anarhiji kao strukturi međunarodnog sustava. U članku se propituje pretpostavka da je neriješeno njemačko pitanje ubrzalo, ali i uvjetovalo nastanak europskih integracija. Na kraju članka analizira se utjecaj politike detanta i njezinih posljedica na njemačko ujedinjenje. ; In this article, Alexander Wendt's constructivist approach was used in order to explain the reasons for the formation of European integrations in regard to the unresolved German Question. The model of interaction between identities and interests was used in order to analyse the behaviour of two superpowers between 1945 and 1990, in relation to the following developments: the Cold War, European integrations, and German unification. The behaviour of two German states regarding their future unification was also observed. The state was used as the basic unit of analysis. As theoretical foundation, Wendt's constructivist approach, which rests on Giddens' theory of structuration, was used in order to explain duality of structure and agency in relation to reproduction or transformation of the (international) system. The assumption that the unresolved German Question not only accelerated but also conditioned the emergence of European integrations, was put under scrutiny. It was also analysed how the emergence of the policy of detente conditioned the changes in international relations during the observed period, particularly in regard to ideational factors such as the results of the Conference on European Security and Co operation, West German Ostpolitik, and the appearance of new ideas in the former Soviet Union, as well as their role in the unification of two German states in 1990.