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The Way Towards an Effective and Reliable Intelligence: Causes and Results of the Intelligence Reform in Lithuania The rise of new security issues over the past decades proves that the clear line between internal and external security is slowly disappearing. Due to the relevance of intelligence agencies protecting states from emerging new risks to their national security, all countries around the globe seek to have effective and reliable intelligence apparatus. However, in order to achieve that, countries are urged to adapt-reform the model of their intelligence system. The intelligence reform in Lithuania (2009-2012) can be regarded as a good example of national authorities' response to the set of structural and political problems that Lithuanian intelligence was experiencing. Therefore, the main goal of this Master thesis is to assess the impact of implemented legal and structural changes on the effectiveness of the Lithuanian intelligence system and offer guidelines for an effective and sustainable model of intelligence. In order to achieve this goal, the following hypothesis are formulated: the effectiveness of intelligence apparatus is determined by (H1) the legal normative regulation which clearly and unambiguously defines functions, competences and responsibilities of intelligence agents; effectiveness also depends on (H2) a clear and understandable democratic control and accountability mechanism; (H3) resources (both financial and human) that are allocated to intelligence activity and (H4) transparency (depoliticisation and growing trust) of the intelligence system. The research begins with a comprehensive literature review comprising other states' practices reforming their intelligence systems and emphasising the key reasons behind these reforms. Based on this analysis, the theoretical model is constructed which focuses on four main dimensions for effective intelligence apparatus: the clarity of intelligence activity, the firmness of accountability and control mechanisms, growing financial and human resources and transparency of the whole intelligence system. This becomes the basis for an empirical part of this research. First of all, the political situation in Lithuania from 1990 until 2009 is traced, which reveals the set of reasons, problems and circumstances that led to the launch of the Lithuanian intelligence reform. In the second part, the content of the Law of intelligence (2013) is analysed – in this way, the main elements of this reform are presented and explained, emphasising what problems each of this element was supposed to solve. After analysing Lithuanian intelligence path towards efficiency and reliability, the assessment is being made whether changes in normative legislation and structure of intelligence services contributed to the effectiveness of Lithuanian intelligence system. The findings suggest that Lithuania's intelligence reform indeed solved the main problems: the new version of the Law on Intelligence provided clarity by shifting Lithuanian intelligence services towards the classical intelligence cycle – this reduced the misunderstandings which had occurred in Lithuanian political life before the reform; accountability has also become more robust and rigorous; both financial and human intelligence resources have slightly increased and the transparency indicator has also progressed to a positive direction. Thus, it can be concluded that intelligence reform directed its intelligence apparatus on a quite successful way towards an effective and reliable intelligence system, however, the events from Lithuanian political life reveal gaps in the new Law of Intelligence and possible amendments how to improve it. Finally, based on this assessment, guidelines for a model of an intelligence system that can help to ensure the effectiveness of intelligence activities in the face of changing geopolitical situation and emerging threats to national security are outlined.

The Way Towards an Effective and Reliable Intelligence: Causes and Results of the Intelligence Reform in Lithuania The rise of new security issues over the past decades proves that the clear line between internal and external security is slowly disappearing. Due to the relevance of intelligence agencies protecting states from emerging new risks to their national security, all countries around the globe seek to have effective and reliable intelligence apparatus. However, in order to achieve that, countries are urged to adapt-reform the model of their intelligence system. The intelligence reform in Lithuania (2009-2012) can be regarded as a good example of national authorities' response to the set of structural and political problems that Lithuanian intelligence was experiencing. Therefore, the main goal of this Master thesis is to assess the impact of implemented legal and structural changes on the effectiveness of the Lithuanian intelligence system and offer guidelines for an effective and sustainable model of intelligence. In order to achieve this goal, the following hypothesis are formulated: the effectiveness of intelligence apparatus is determined by (H1) the legal normative regulation which clearly and unambiguously defines functions, competences and responsibilities of intelligence agents; effectiveness also depends on (H2) a clear and understandable democratic control and accountability mechanism; (H3) resources (both financial and human) that are allocated to intelligence activity and (H4) transparency (depoliticisation and growing trust) of the intelligence system. The research begins with a comprehensive literature review comprising other states' practices reforming their intelligence systems and emphasising the key reasons behind these reforms. Based on this analysis, the theoretical model is constructed which focuses on four main dimensions for effective intelligence apparatus: the clarity of intelligence activity, the firmness of accountability and control mechanisms, growing financial and human resources and transparency of the whole intelligence system. This becomes the basis for an empirical part of this research. First of all, the political situation in Lithuania from 1990 until 2009 is traced, which reveals the set of reasons, problems and circumstances that led to the launch of the Lithuanian intelligence reform. In the second part, the content of the Law of intelligence (2013) is analysed – in this way, the main elements of this reform are presented and explained, emphasising what problems each of this element was supposed to solve. After analysing Lithuanian intelligence path towards efficiency and reliability, the assessment is being made whether changes in normative legislation and structure of intelligence services contributed to the effectiveness of Lithuanian intelligence system. The findings suggest that Lithuania's intelligence reform indeed solved the main problems: the new version of the Law on Intelligence provided clarity by shifting Lithuanian intelligence services towards the classical intelligence cycle – this reduced the misunderstandings which had occurred in Lithuanian political life before the reform; accountability has also become more robust and rigorous; both financial and human intelligence resources have slightly increased and the transparency indicator has also progressed to a positive direction. Thus, it can be concluded that intelligence reform directed its intelligence apparatus on a quite successful way towards an effective and reliable intelligence system, however, the events from Lithuanian political life reveal gaps in the new Law of Intelligence and possible amendments how to improve it. Finally, based on this assessment, guidelines for a model of an intelligence system that can help to ensure the effectiveness of intelligence activities in the face of changing geopolitical situation and emerging threats to national security are outlined.

The Way Towards an Effective and Reliable Intelligence: Causes and Results of the Intelligence Reform in Lithuania The rise of new security issues over the past decades proves that the clear line between internal and external security is slowly disappearing. Due to the relevance of intelligence agencies protecting states from emerging new risks to their national security, all countries around the globe seek to have effective and reliable intelligence apparatus. However, in order to achieve that, countries are urged to adapt-reform the model of their intelligence system. The intelligence reform in Lithuania (2009-2012) can be regarded as a good example of national authorities' response to the set of structural and political problems that Lithuanian intelligence was experiencing. Therefore, the main goal of this Master thesis is to assess the impact of implemented legal and structural changes on the effectiveness of the Lithuanian intelligence system and offer guidelines for an effective and sustainable model of intelligence. In order to achieve this goal, the following hypothesis are formulated: the effectiveness of intelligence apparatus is determined by (H1) the legal normative regulation which clearly and unambiguously defines functions, competences and responsibilities of intelligence agents; effectiveness also depends on (H2) a clear and understandable democratic control and accountability mechanism; (H3) resources (both financial and human) that are allocated to intelligence activity and (H4) transparency (depoliticisation and growing trust) of the intelligence system. The research begins with a comprehensive literature review comprising other states' practices reforming their intelligence systems and emphasising the key reasons behind these reforms. Based on this analysis, the theoretical model is constructed which focuses on four main dimensions for effective intelligence apparatus: the clarity of intelligence activity, the firmness of accountability and control mechanisms, growing financial and human resources and transparency of the whole intelligence system. This becomes the basis for an empirical part of this research. First of all, the political situation in Lithuania from 1990 until 2009 is traced, which reveals the set of reasons, problems and circumstances that led to the launch of the Lithuanian intelligence reform. In the second part, the content of the Law of intelligence (2013) is analysed – in this way, the main elements of this reform are presented and explained, emphasising what problems each of this element was supposed to solve. After analysing Lithuanian intelligence path towards efficiency and reliability, the assessment is being made whether changes in normative legislation and structure of intelligence services contributed to the effectiveness of Lithuanian intelligence system. The findings suggest that Lithuania's intelligence reform indeed solved the main problems: the new version of the Law on Intelligence provided clarity by shifting Lithuanian intelligence services towards the classical intelligence cycle – this reduced the misunderstandings which had occurred in Lithuanian political life before the reform; accountability has also become more robust and rigorous; both financial and human intelligence resources have slightly increased and the transparency indicator has also progressed to a positive direction. Thus, it can be concluded that intelligence reform directed its intelligence apparatus on a quite successful way towards an effective and reliable intelligence system, however, the events from Lithuanian political life reveal gaps in the new Law of Intelligence and possible amendments how to improve it. Finally, based on this assessment, guidelines for a model of an intelligence system that can help to ensure the effectiveness of intelligence activities in the face of changing geopolitical situation and emerging threats to national security are outlined.

The Way Towards an Effective and Reliable Intelligence: Causes and Results of the Intelligence Reform in Lithuania The rise of new security issues over the past decades proves that the clear line between internal and external security is slowly disappearing. Due to the relevance of intelligence agencies protecting states from emerging new risks to their national security, all countries around the globe seek to have effective and reliable intelligence apparatus. However, in order to achieve that, countries are urged to adapt-reform the model of their intelligence system. The intelligence reform in Lithuania (2009-2012) can be regarded as a good example of national authorities' response to the set of structural and political problems that Lithuanian intelligence was experiencing. Therefore, the main goal of this Master thesis is to assess the impact of implemented legal and structural changes on the effectiveness of the Lithuanian intelligence system and offer guidelines for an effective and sustainable model of intelligence. In order to achieve this goal, the following hypothesis are formulated: the effectiveness of intelligence apparatus is determined by (H1) the legal normative regulation which clearly and unambiguously defines functions, competences and responsibilities of intelligence agents; effectiveness also depends on (H2) a clear and understandable democratic control and accountability mechanism; (H3) resources (both financial and human) that are allocated to intelligence activity and (H4) transparency (depoliticisation and growing trust) of the intelligence system. The research begins with a comprehensive literature review comprising other states' practices reforming their intelligence systems and emphasising the key reasons behind these reforms. Based on this analysis, the theoretical model is constructed which focuses on four main dimensions for effective intelligence apparatus: the clarity of intelligence activity, the firmness of accountability and control mechanisms, growing financial and human resources and transparency of the whole intelligence system. This becomes the basis for an empirical part of this research. First of all, the political situation in Lithuania from 1990 until 2009 is traced, which reveals the set of reasons, problems and circumstances that led to the launch of the Lithuanian intelligence reform. In the second part, the content of the Law of intelligence (2013) is analysed – in this way, the main elements of this reform are presented and explained, emphasising what problems each of this element was supposed to solve. After analysing Lithuanian intelligence path towards efficiency and reliability, the assessment is being made whether changes in normative legislation and structure of intelligence services contributed to the effectiveness of Lithuanian intelligence system. The findings suggest that Lithuania's intelligence reform indeed solved the main problems: the new version of the Law on Intelligence provided clarity by shifting Lithuanian intelligence services towards the classical intelligence cycle – this reduced the misunderstandings which had occurred in Lithuanian political life before the reform; accountability has also become more robust and rigorous; both financial and human intelligence resources have slightly increased and the transparency indicator has also progressed to a positive direction. Thus, it can be concluded that intelligence reform directed its intelligence apparatus on a quite successful way towards an effective and reliable intelligence system, however, the events from Lithuanian political life reveal gaps in the new Law of Intelligence and possible amendments how to improve it. Finally, based on this assessment, guidelines for a model of an intelligence system that can help to ensure the effectiveness of intelligence activities in the face of changing geopolitical situation and emerging threats to national security are outlined.

Pakistan and Afghanistan share border – Durand Line, it remains the most dangerous portion of both countries international borders. Kabul has never recognized the line as an international border, instead claiming that Pashtun territories in Pakistan that comprise the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and parts of North West Frontier Province along the border, were illegally separated from Afghanistan. The Afghan government insists Pakistan increase security and stop incursions by Taliban insurgents into country. As the tribal lands continue to serve as a training base for terrorists and the Taliban, deploying Pakistani troops into the region has harmed efforts to integrate the tribal areas into Pakistan. The wave of militant violence have increased on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border since 2001, when a US-led military coalition invaded Afghanistan and the Taliban regime collapsed. In the last several years, United States intelligence reports have repeatedly attributed the growing strength and resurgence of Taliban and al- Qaeda to safe havens in this border region. There is growing consensus in Washington and NATO headquarters that to win the war in Afghanistan, it had to address the chaos in Pakistan's tribal areas. Pakistan's civilian politicians are not strong enough to accept U.S. demands if it means contradicting the army's policies. Pakistan's premier intelligence service, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), has been accused of arming, training, and providing logistical support to militants in Kashmir and Afghanistan. Pakistan denies any ongoing collaboration between the ISI and militants, stressing a change of course after September 11, 2001.[.].

Pakistan and Afghanistan share border – Durand Line, it remains the most dangerous portion of both countries international borders. Kabul has never recognized the line as an international border, instead claiming that Pashtun territories in Pakistan that comprise the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and parts of North West Frontier Province along the border, were illegally separated from Afghanistan. The Afghan government insists Pakistan increase security and stop incursions by Taliban insurgents into country. As the tribal lands continue to serve as a training base for terrorists and the Taliban, deploying Pakistani troops into the region has harmed efforts to integrate the tribal areas into Pakistan. The wave of militant violence have increased on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border since 2001, when a US-led military coalition invaded Afghanistan and the Taliban regime collapsed. In the last several years, United States intelligence reports have repeatedly attributed the growing strength and resurgence of Taliban and al- Qaeda to safe havens in this border region. There is growing consensus in Washington and NATO headquarters that to win the war in Afghanistan, it had to address the chaos in Pakistan's tribal areas. Pakistan's civilian politicians are not strong enough to accept U.S. demands if it means contradicting the army's policies. Pakistan's premier intelligence service, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), has been accused of arming, training, and providing logistical support to militants in Kashmir and Afghanistan. Pakistan denies any ongoing collaboration between the ISI and militants, stressing a change of course after September 11, 2001.[.].

Pakistan and Afghanistan share border – Durand Line, it remains the most dangerous portion of both countries international borders. Kabul has never recognized the line as an international border, instead claiming that Pashtun territories in Pakistan that comprise the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and parts of North West Frontier Province along the border, were illegally separated from Afghanistan. The Afghan government insists Pakistan increase security and stop incursions by Taliban insurgents into country. As the tribal lands continue to serve as a training base for terrorists and the Taliban, deploying Pakistani troops into the region has harmed efforts to integrate the tribal areas into Pakistan. The wave of militant violence have increased on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border since 2001, when a US-led military coalition invaded Afghanistan and the Taliban regime collapsed. In the last several years, United States intelligence reports have repeatedly attributed the growing strength and resurgence of Taliban and al- Qaeda to safe havens in this border region. There is growing consensus in Washington and NATO headquarters that to win the war in Afghanistan, it had to address the chaos in Pakistan's tribal areas. Pakistan's civilian politicians are not strong enough to accept U.S. demands if it means contradicting the army's policies. Pakistan's premier intelligence service, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), has been accused of arming, training, and providing logistical support to militants in Kashmir and Afghanistan. Pakistan denies any ongoing collaboration between the ISI and militants, stressing a change of course after September 11, 2001.[.].

This paper analyses how events in 2014 Ukraine changed Lithuania's national defence policy. It defines factors such as Russia and NATO, that lead Lithuania to turn back on reinforcement of territorial defence and also has indicated how those changes modified international military commitments. Main question is: does Lithuania balance between international commitments and needs? Analysing few things: first, Russian foreign policy and threats that it creates; second, threat assessment reports by Lithuania's intelligence services; third, changes in Lithuania's military strategy; and finaly – NATO transformation, have shown that Lithuania did not turn away from international military commitment. Vice versa – Lithuania increased multilateral and bilateral cooperation. Support from allies is perceived as main security guarantee. But by changing national defence policy Lithuania has faced new threats that requires modern improvement. Lithuania does not balance between international commitments and territorial defence. Lithuania balances between threats by deciding how to prioritize them.

This paper analyses how events in 2014 Ukraine changed Lithuania's national defence policy. It defines factors such as Russia and NATO, that lead Lithuania to turn back on reinforcement of territorial defence and also has indicated how those changes modified international military commitments. Main question is: does Lithuania balance between international commitments and needs? Analysing few things: first, Russian foreign policy and threats that it creates; second, threat assessment reports by Lithuania's intelligence services; third, changes in Lithuania's military strategy; and finaly – NATO transformation, have shown that Lithuania did not turn away from international military commitment. Vice versa – Lithuania increased multilateral and bilateral cooperation. Support from allies is perceived as main security guarantee. But by changing national defence policy Lithuania has faced new threats that requires modern improvement. Lithuania does not balance between international commitments and territorial defence. Lithuania balances between threats by deciding how to prioritize them.

This paper analyses how events in 2014 Ukraine changed Lithuania's national defence policy. It defines factors such as Russia and NATO, that lead Lithuania to turn back on reinforcement of territorial defence and also has indicated how those changes modified international military commitments. Main question is: does Lithuania balance between international commitments and needs? Analysing few things: first, Russian foreign policy and threats that it creates; second, threat assessment reports by Lithuania's intelligence services; third, changes in Lithuania's military strategy; and finaly – NATO transformation, have shown that Lithuania did not turn away from international military commitment. Vice versa – Lithuania increased multilateral and bilateral cooperation. Support from allies is perceived as main security guarantee. But by changing national defence policy Lithuania has faced new threats that requires modern improvement. Lithuania does not balance between international commitments and territorial defence. Lithuania balances between threats by deciding how to prioritize them.

This paper analyses how events in 2014 Ukraine changed Lithuania's national defence policy. It defines factors such as Russia and NATO, that lead Lithuania to turn back on reinforcement of territorial defence and also has indicated how those changes modified international military commitments. Main question is: does Lithuania balance between international commitments and needs? Analysing few things: first, Russian foreign policy and threats that it creates; second, threat assessment reports by Lithuania's intelligence services; third, changes in Lithuania's military strategy; and finaly – NATO transformation, have shown that Lithuania did not turn away from international military commitment. Vice versa – Lithuania increased multilateral and bilateral cooperation. Support from allies is perceived as main security guarantee. But by changing national defence policy Lithuania has faced new threats that requires modern improvement. Lithuania does not balance between international commitments and territorial defence. Lithuania balances between threats by deciding how to prioritize them.

This paper deals with the decade of the 2000s in Japan's public diplomacy, and tries to distinguish the newest trends, related to the changes in the post-Cold War world system. The aspect chosen for this comparison is one that concentrates on the aims of public diplomacy. "Aims" in the framework of this paper are understood as the structural segment of the classical definition of public diplomacy, which raises the main question of why public diplomacy is conducted (i.e. what are the main factors in the international community inspiring it), thus giving the basis for its legitimation per se. Regarding this, the paper proposes three main statements that are directly related to the changing aims of Japan's post-Cold War diplomacy in respect of earlier periods. It states that the government's attention to public diplomacy has been increasing since the 2000s; Japan's diplomacy tends to direct its resources towards 'softer' methods (co-optation); 'Traditional' content is complemented (or replaced?) by the 'popular' in Japan's public diplomacy. These changes are closely related to important changes in the majority of the world's countries, in which public diplomacy has developed from a quasi-secret policy related to the intelligence service and information warfare, into fashionable and openly declared activities aimed at increasing a country's attractiveness. This is inspired by increasing international competition, the importance of soft power, and noopolitik, the changing target. [to full text]

This paper deals with the decade of the 2000s in Japan's public diplomacy, and tries to distinguish the newest trends, related to the changes in the post-Cold War world system. The aspect chosen for this comparison is one that concentrates on the aims of public diplomacy. "Aims" in the framework of this paper are understood as the structural segment of the classical definition of public diplomacy, which raises the main question of why public diplomacy is conducted (i.e. what are the main factors in the international community inspiring it), thus giving the basis for its legitimation per se. Regarding this, the paper proposes three main statements that are directly related to the changing aims of Japan's post-Cold War diplomacy in respect of earlier periods. It states that the government's attention to public diplomacy has been increasing since the 2000s; Japan's diplomacy tends to direct its resources towards 'softer' methods (co-optation); 'Traditional' content is complemented (or replaced?) by the 'popular' in Japan's public diplomacy. These changes are closely related to important changes in the majority of the world's countries, in which public diplomacy has developed from a quasi-secret policy related to the intelligence service and information warfare, into fashionable and openly declared activities aimed at increasing a country's attractiveness. This is inspired by increasing international competition, the importance of soft power, and noopolitik, the changing target. [to full text]

This paper deals with the decade of the 2000s in Japan's public diplomacy, and tries to distinguish the newest trends, related to the changes in the post-Cold War world system. The aspect chosen for this comparison is one that concentrates on the aims of public diplomacy. "Aims" in the framework of this paper are understood as the structural segment of the classical definition of public diplomacy, which raises the main question of why public diplomacy is conducted (i.e. what are the main factors in the international community inspiring it), thus giving the basis for its legitimation per se. Regarding this, the paper proposes three main statements that are directly related to the changing aims of Japan's post-Cold War diplomacy in respect of earlier periods. It states that the government's attention to public diplomacy has been increasing since the 2000s; Japan's diplomacy tends to direct its resources towards 'softer' methods (co-optation); 'Traditional' content is complemented (or replaced?) by the 'popular' in Japan's public diplomacy. These changes are closely related to important changes in the majority of the world's countries, in which public diplomacy has developed from a quasi-secret policy related to the intelligence service and information warfare, into fashionable and openly declared activities aimed at increasing a country's attractiveness. This is inspired by increasing international competition, the importance of soft power, and noopolitik, the changing target. [to full text]

The analysis of the origins of the Lithuanian SSR KGB activity and relations with political government helps to understand this institution and does not only bring better understanding of this structure but also contributes to the knowledge of the Soviet totalitarian regime and policy in Lithuania. It is also important to show that KGB was not a secret service of the type analogous to secret services in the West, which pursued intelligence and counter-intelligence functions. Functions of soviet secret service were different from others secret services and this was also determined by specific of soviet system and aims of communist party. The main aim of the dissertation to prove that the Lithuanian SSR KGB was an institution primarily engaged in ideological and political rather than solely repressive tasks. It is also analyses impact of communist ideology and communist party on the KGB activities, by displaying its relations with the Communist party, Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR, the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian SSR and the Soviet army which would lead to the conclusion on the influence of the Lithuanian SSR KGB to domestic political processes. The dissertation also attempts to enumerate and describe the fields of activity and methods of the Soviet security service that would reflect the ideological and political aspects of its activities. Dissertation is consisting of three parts. In a first part the main tendencies and changes in KGB activities after 1954 is reflected. In the second part political aspects of KGB activities are presented, that are revealed through analysis of relationship of KGB with Lithuanian communist party, Soviet Supreme, Ministry Council. In the third part is analysed how communist ideology, inner and international events influenced KGB activity and it's changes. Also society groups that were mostly persecuted by KGB are named and analysed reasons of such exceptions. KGB methods such as repressions, prophylaxis, discredit, propaganda, and disinformation were used against anti-Soviet resistance are presented and the role of KGB in ideological censorship and control is evaluated.