Suchergebnisse

Este trabajo se propone contribuir al debate sobre la adopción de la paridad política en América Latina a través del análisis de ciertos obstáculos y desafíos vinculados a la implementación de este principio. Los sistemas electorales tienden a optimizar o perjudicar el impacto de la paridad política. Al igual que con las cuotas, la magnitud del distrito y el tipo de lista son las dos variables de mayor incidencia que condicionan la eficacia de este mecanismo. Por otro lado, el escenario sociocultural también incide sobre los resultados de la implementación de la paridad. En sociedadespatriarcales –con altos indíces de violencia de género– la competencia electoral en términos de género suele estar acompañada por acoso y violencia política en razón de género, lo que constituye uno de los obstáculos más graves para la participación política de las mujeres. Este escenario es aún más complejo cuando se trata de sociedades atravesadas por la varible étnica, ya que se presenta el desafío de incluir a un grupo social doblemente discriminado y violentado. ; This study is a contribution to the debate about the adoption of gender parity policies in Latin America analyzing particular obstacles and challenges related to the implementation of this principle. Electoral systems tend to either optimize or reduce the impact of such gender parity measures. As well as with quotas, the size of the electoral district and the kind of electoral list system are the two variables that most influence the effective implementation of these measures. At the same time, the socio-cultural context also influences the process of implementation of gender parity measures. In patriarchal societies –with high levels of gender-based violence– electoral processes are often characterized by gender-based harassment and political violence, one of the greatest obstacles for increasing women's political participation. These situations are further complicated in societies which are also characterized by ethnic and cultural diversity, presenting the challenge of including women who are also discriminated against for their ethno-cultural identity. ; Este trabalho pretende contribuir ao debate sobre a adoção da paridade política na América Latina a través da análise de certos obstáculos e desafios vinculados à implementação deste princípio. Os sistemas eleitorais tendem a otimizar ou prejudicar o impacto da paridade política. Assim como as cotas, a magnitude do distrito e o tipo de lista são as duas variáveis de maior incidência que condicionam a eficácia deste mecanismo. Por outro lado, o cenário sociocultural também incide sobre os resultados da implementação da paridade. Nas sociedades patriarcais –com altos índices de violência de gênero– a competência eleitoral em termos de gênero parece estar acompanhada por assédio e violência política em razão de gênero, o que constitui um dos obstáculos mais graves para a participação política das mulheres. Este cenário é ainda mais complexo quando trata-se de sociedades atravessadas pela variável ética, já que se apresenta o desafio de incluir um grupo social duplamente discriminado e violentado.

Este trabajo se propone contribuir al debate sobre la adopción de la paridad política en América Latina a través del análisis de ciertos obstáculos y desafíos vinculados a la implementación de este principio. Los sistemas electorales tienden a optimizar o perjudicar el impacto de la paridad política. Al igual que con las cuotas, la magnitud del distrito y el tipo de lista son las dos variables de mayor incidencia que condicionan la eficacia de este mecanismo. Por otro lado, el escenario sociocultural también incide sobre los resultados de la implementación de la paridad. En sociedades patriarcales –con altos indíces de violencia de género– la competencia electoral en términos de género suele estar acompañada por acoso y violencia política en razón de género, lo que constituye uno de los obstáculos más graves para la participación política de las mujeres. Este escenario es aún más complejo cuando se trata de sociedades atravesadas por la varible étnica, ya que se presenta el desafío de incluir a un grupo social doblemente discriminado y violentado. ; This study is a contribution to the debate about the adoption of gender parity policies in Latin America analyzing particular obstacles and challenges related to the implementation of this principle. Electoral systems tend to either optimize or reduce the impact of such gender parity measures. As well as with quotas, the size of the electoral district and the kind of electoral list system are the two variables that most influence the effective implementation of these measures. At the same time, the socio-cultural context also influences the process of implementation of gender parity measures. In patriarchal societies –with high levels of gender-based violence– electoral processes are often characterized by gender-based harassment and political violence, one of the greatest obstacles for increasing women's political participation. These situations are further complicated in societies which are also characterized by ethnic and cultural diversity, presenting the challenge of including women who are also discriminated against for their ethno-cultural identity. ; Fil: Albaine, Laura. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina

As a master's and Ph.D. student at Anglia Ruskin University in 2011, I recall the central message in lectures given by my eventual Ph.D. supervisor Professor Guido Rings was that we cannot underestimate the enduring strength of the legacy of colonialism in Europe and its influence on shaping contemporary attitudes towards immigration. Indeed, as I was completing my studies, I became increasingly aware of the negative rhetoric towards migrants in politics and right-wing press. In an attempt to placate the far-right of his party and address a growing threat from the UK Independence Party (UKIP), a discourse of 'othernising' migrants on the basis of their supposed rejection of 'Britishness' from former UK Prime Minister David Cameron in particular caught my attention. The result of this was tightening of immigration regulations, which culminated of course in the now-infamous Brexit vote of 2016. Almost a decade after my graduation, Professor Rings is currently Vice Chair for the Research Executive Agency of the European Commission and continues to work at Anglia Ruskin University at the level of Ph.D. supervisor. He still publishes widely in the field of Migration Studies and his recent high-profile book The Other in Contemporary Migrant Cinema (Routledge, 2016) and editorships in the fields of culture and identity (iMex Interdisciplinario Mexico) argue for increased intercultural solidarity in Europe as well as a strengthening of supranational organizations like the EU and the UN to offset growing nationalism. I got in touch with Professor Rings to find out where he feels Europe stands today with regard to migration and get his comments on the continued rise of nationalism on the continent. ; As a master's and Ph.D. student at Anglia Ruskin University in 2011, I recall the central message in lectures given by my eventual Ph.D. supervisor Professor Guido Rings was that we cannot underestimate the enduring strength of the legacy of colonialism in Europe and its influence on shaping contemporary attitudes towards ...

Las prácticas interculturales suelen asociarse con acciones de interlocución entre grupos étnicamente diferenciados, principalmente cuando se trata de actividades en torno a la educación o a la investigación. Este traslape entre lo étnico y lo cultural ha propiciado una suerte de clausura del proyecto de la interculturalidad, al velar los discursos de otros grupos sociales subalternos, que encuentran el sustento de su (re)definición identitaria más allá del capital étnico. El estudio de los movimientos sociales contemporáneos facilita la visibilización de esos discursos y sus posibilidades de articulación con otras maneras subalternizadas de ver y resolver el mundo. La apertura del proyecto intercultural es urgente para la deconstrucción de los modelos hegemónicos coloniales en todo campo, desde lo económico hasta lo político, pasando necesariamente por lo epistémico. La contracultura, como respuesta a una imposición de valores y saberes, ofrece una posibilidad poco estudiada de resistencia y acción política desde las márgenes sociales. Por medio del acercamiento teórico a diferentes propuestas de estudio de los movimientos sociales y los productos de un seminario de investigación dictado en la Universidad del Rosario, con el artículo se pretende aportar algunas pistas sobre la posibilidad de articulación entre identidades diferenciadas y la apertura del proyecto intercultural consecuente. ; As práticas interculturais são habitualmente associadas a ações de interlocução entre grupos etnicamente diferenciados, principalmente quando se trata de atividades em torno à educação ou à pesquisa. Esta sobreposição entre o étnico e o cultural tem propiciado um tipo de clausura do projeto da interculturalidade, velando os discursos de outros grupos sociais subalternos, que encontram o sustento de sua (re)definição dentitária, além do capital étnico. O estudo criterioso dos movimentos sociais contemporâneos permite a visibilidade desses discursos e suas possibilidades de articulação com outras formas subalternizadas de ver e resolver o mundo. A apertura do projeto intercultural é urgente para a desconstrução dos modelos hegemônicos coloniais em todo âmbito, desde o econômico até o político, passando necessariamente pelo epistêmico. A contracultura, como resposta a uma imposição de valores e saberes, oferece uma possibilidade pouco estudada de resistência e ação política desde as margens sociais. Por meio da aproximação teórica a diferentes propostas de estudo dos movimentos sociais e os produtos de um seminário de pesquisa ditado na Universidade, o artigo pretende apenas aportar algumas pistas sobre a possibilidade de articulação entre identidades diferenciadas e a apertura do projeto intercultural como consequência do anterior. ; Intercultural practices are usually associated with actions for dialogue between different ethnic groups, especially when it comes to activities around education or research. This overlap between ethnicity and culture has led to a kind of closure of the political project of interculturalism, cover the speeches of other subaltern social group who encounter of the support of their (re) definition of identity beyond ethnicity redefinition. The judicious study of contemporary social movements allows for the visualization of those speeches and for the possibilities articulation with other competing ways of seeing and solving the world. The opening of an intercultural political project is urgent for the deconstruction of hegemonic models in every field, from the economic to the political, necessarily going through the epistemic. The counterculture as a response to the imposition of values and knowledge provides a possibility understudied of resistance and political action from the social margins. Through a theoretical approach to different relevant proposals of social movements and the results of a research seminar given at the Rosario University, the article seeks to provide some clues about the possibility of articulation between different identities and the opening of the intercultural project.

Las prácticas interculturales suelen asociarse con acciones de interlocución entre grupos étnicamente diferenciados, principalmente cuando se trata de actividades en torno a la educación o a la investigación. Este traslape entre lo étnico y lo cultural ha propiciado una suerte de clausura del proyecto de la interculturalidad, al velar los discursos de otros grupos sociales subalternos, que encuentran el sustento de su (re)definición identitaria más allá del capital étnico. El estudio de los movimientos sociales contemporáneos facilita la visibilización de esos discursos y sus posibilidades de articulación con otras maneras subalternizadas de ver y resolver el mundo. La apertura del proyecto intercultural es urgente para la deconstrucción de los modelos hegemónicos coloniales en todo campo, desde lo económico hasta lo político, pasando necesariamente por lo epistémico. La contracultura, como respuesta a una imposición de valores y saberes, ofrece una posibilidad poco estudiada de resistencia y acción política desde las márgenes sociales. Por medio del acercamiento teórico a diferentes propuestas de estudio de los movimientos sociales y los productos de un seminario de investigación dictado en la Universidad del Rosario, con el artículo se pretende aportar algunas pistas sobre la posibilidad de articulación entre identidades diferenciadas y la apertura del proyecto intercultural consecuente. ; Intercultural practices are usually associated with actions for dialogue between different ethnic groups, especially when it comes to activities around education or research. This overlap between ethnicity and culture has led to a kind of closure of the political project of interculturalism, cover the speeches of other subaltern social group who encounter of the support of their (re) definition of identity beyond ethnicity redefinition. The judicious study of contemporary social movements allows for the visualization of those speeches and for the possibilities articulation with other competing ways of seeing and solving the world. The opening of an intercultural political project is urgent for the deconstruction of hegemonic models in every field, from the economic to the political, necessarily going through the epistemic. The counterculture as a response to the imposition of values and knowledge provides a possibility understudied of resistance and political action from the social margins. Through a theoretical approach to different relevant proposals of social movements and the results of a research seminar given at the Rosario University, the article seeks to provide some clues about the possibility of articulation between different identities and the opening of the intercultural project. ; As práticas interculturais são habitualmente associadas a ações de interlocução entre grupos etnicamente diferenciados, principalmente quando se trata de atividades em torno à educação ou à pesquisa. Esta sobreposição entre o étnico e o cultural tem propiciado um tipo de clausura do projeto da interculturalidade, velando os discursos de outros grupos sociais subalternos, que encontram o sustento de sua (re)definição dentitária, além do capital étnico. O estudo criterioso dos movimentos sociais contemporâneos permite a visibilidade desses discursos e suas possibilidades de articulação com outras formas subalternizadas de ver e resolver o mundo. A apertura do projeto intercultural é urgente para a desconstrução dos modelos hegemônicos coloniais em todo âmbito, desde o econômico até o político, passando necessariamente pelo epistêmico. A contracultura, como resposta a uma imposição de valores e saberes, oferece uma possibilidade pouco estudada de resistência e ação política desde as margens sociais. Por meio da aproximação teórica a diferentes propostas de estudo dos movimentos sociais e os produtos de um seminário de pesquisa ditado na Universidade, o artigo pretende apenas aportar algumas pistas sobre a possibilidade de articulação entre identidades diferenciadas e a apertura do projeto intercultural como consequência do anterior.

AbstractInterculturalism in theatre, although much critiqued, is an inevitable category for understanding theatre practices and histories. Critical approaches have highlighted the complicity of "hegemonic" Euro-American-led theatre with imperialist structures. Newer critiques tend to focus on encounters in European languages in multicultural cities, and to posit multilateral non-Western collaborations as liberated from colonial power structures. This paper argues that it is necessary to fundamentally rethink interculturalism in theatre by taking seriously the long-standing major theatrical exchanges which do not reference, and are not principally influenced by, Western theatre's sphere. Considering a major example of Sino–Japanese collaboration from 1989,Ryū-Ō(Dragon King), we place it within the genealogy of the two countries' long-standing theatrical practices of interculturalism. Ryu-O, a kabuki-jingjucollaboration, shows that intra-Asian interculturalism has its own genealogy and is neither new nor beholden to Euro-American models, nor necessarily characterized by the idealism easily invested in overtly counter-hegemonic projects. By examining the show's production process, performance and reception, we re-evaluate how interculturalism in theatre is conceived, urging serious engagement with areas of practice historically grounded and fully independent of both "hegemonic" and "new" intercultural theatre tendencies.

This paper explores "reasonable accommodation blowback" in Canada and, in particular, the province of Quebec. As will be argued below, the "accommodation crisis" in Quebec resulted from two related developments: i) a misapplication of the term "reasonable accommodation" taken from disability law which has allowed it to be perceived as providing undeserved preferential treatment to minorities and; ii) the practice of interculturalism that then magnifies this perception of preferential treatment as obstructing the integration of minorities into the dominant French-language culture. In part, this explains why the accommodation crisis occurred in Quebec and has sparked a far more virulent blowback in that province than in the rest of Canada. This suggests that, while some might argue that interculturalism is "complimentary" to multiculturalism or "does not contradict the stated multicultural ideology", multiculturalism can also be in opposition to and even antagonistic to the goals of interculturalism.

Interculturalism is a way to deal with the cultural difference, which is a growing issue today and often manipulated in politics. In recent years, the populism (along with sovranism, nationalism, and authoritarism) has been the true enemy of the intercultural discourse, widening intolerance and racism in both social interactions, media communication, and urban contexts. The article aims at analyzing the fundamentals of Interculturalism and their apparent discrepancy with populism, providing reflexivity as a remedy to the current loss of sense of the intercultural discourse which sometimes became functional to the institutional racism. Firstly, the article recalls the basic values to understand the different nuances of interculturalism; secondly, it argues that leaving the "passion for interculturalism" up to the practicalities disempowers the intercultural discourse within the ambivalence of the field level. The authors argue about the need to focus also on the intermediate level in which embedding a rigorous discourse, inspired by the "reflexivity" critique. This is applied to the policy making in some crucial social and educational fields. The social planner is meant to use clear "middle ray concepts" and to distinguish the intercultural solutions from the populistic ones, on the basis of 4 antinomies: simplicity vs. complexity; rapidity vs. duration; conflict vs. conciliation; self-centered self vs. decentered self.

UID/SOC/04647/2013 544410-TEMPUS-1-2013-1-IT-TEMPUS-JPHES ; Within the sociopolitical and educational project of interculturalism, important policy changes have been observed mainly in the last two decades, turning interculturalism into a current topic on policy making decisions and on social, educational and cultural programs and actions. Portugal is internationally recognized for its migrant integration policies and promotion of interculturalism. In this paper we propose to frame Portugal in the Portuguese-speaking and Southern European migratory systems, helping to understand migrant integration issues in the country. Then we reflect about intercultural resources at the policy level, summarizing the national policy for integration, programs and structures developed by the High Commission for Migration, and the situation in the Portuguese education system. Another level of resources is drawn from intercultural projects, from local political actors to civil society organizations. These resources are framed in current debates about intercultural challenges and resources in Portugal. ; publishersversion ; published

The paper analyses the phenomena of multiculturalism and interculturalism as social movements, as ubiquitous values, and significant and relatively progressive practices of contemporary society, and especially as an integral part of the curricula and outcomes of education policy. Multiculturalism is most often defined as a political ideology, or as a social practice that insists on the fact that every society is composed of diverse cultural groups, which is why it is necessary for all of them to have an equal position in society. However, multiculturalism is not only a given state of cultural pluralism, but it also implies an active action in the direction of (multi)cultural integration and peaceful cultural coexistence. As such, above all, multiculturalism advocates respect for cultural differences between individuals and groups, while accepting all differences in sociopolitical practice. In that sense, the social context for the emergence and development of multiculturalism, i.e., its socio-historical genesis and key characteristics have been analysed and presented in the paper. On the other hand, interculturalism implies a useful social exchange between different cultures, and the paper emphasised the importance of a particular "reverse" from multiculturalism towards interculturalism, which is a much more fruitful approach related to the cultural diversity of society and the accompanying curricula and educational policies. In other words, while multiculturalism has postulated respect for cultural pluralism, interculturalism rests on mutual social cohesion between different cultures (Cantle, 2012). In this sense, multiculturalism is only the first step towards true interculturalism. For the purposes of this paper, interculturalism is also a much more useful concept, since it implies intercultural dialogue as well as active (intercultural) learning. A concept of intercultural learning, as a significant and courageous educational practice that relies on the stated values of multiculturalism and interculturalism in a given society has been presented and critically analysed. Intercultural learning in education, as well as the lived experience, is conceptualised as an important and relatively transformative process that can lead to changes in behaviour, but also change the ways in which the stakeholders observe, interpret, and understand the world around them. As a result, educational policies shift their tendencies and goals towards creation of multicultural and intercultural curriculum. However, although such ideas are attractive and occupy the attention of all those involved in education, there is still no clear definition of what an intercultural curriculum is. In that sense, the concept of multicultural and intercultural education depends to a large extent on the teaching content, models, strategies, as well as the design of the intercultural curriculum (Hrvatić, 2011), which is aimed at cultural integration, implementation in educational practice and intercultural community.

The present article tackles the topic of the status of young people in the multicultural environment. The status of the young people from the indigenous minority determined by them is compared with the evaluation of the minority status by the young people from the majority living in the same environment. This topic is considered relevant for the quality of "intercultural milieu" and the identity of the society living in the particular environment. The objective of the article is to show the changes of the minority status by comparing the opinions in that matter recorded in the years before joining the EU and those expressed in 2010. We consider consequences of the changes in "intercultural approaches" in the particular environment within the integration processes in the EU. The way of presenting the topic is based on the theory of "groups of mutual reference". The results of the study presented in the article refer to the dimensions of valued resources and opportunities, and in particular opinions of young people considering their availability for the minority, which illustrates the position of group members and their status and prestige. Further, there is a comparison of opinions of young people from minority and majority groups concerning access to resources and opportunities for the indigenous minority group. This shows positioning of the minority, and at the same time establishes the position of majority in the particular environment. The opinions comprise a lot of information about relationships and ways of communication in the society, that is "interculturalism": "«Status» is a relative position of an individual and thus it depends on the fact who the others are" (Sowa, 1962, p. 59).

Europe is a multi-ethnic society experiencing a rise of anti-immigration, racist, xenophobic discourses, and right-wing political rhetoric and movements proposing legislation to further solidify structural inequality and institutionalized systems of oppression that fuel educational inequities. Social Justice Education in European Multi-ethnic Schools brings together researchers in the fields of sociology and education to examine debates in multicultural education. Drawing on critical theory, the book takes an in-depth look at how these challenges are being addressed (or not addressed) in educational contexts and in the proposed framework of intercultural education adopted as a conceptual and educational framework by the European Union over the last two decades. The book begins with an analysis of the sociological models and theories of migration and their connection to multiculturalism and interculturalism. It engages in the current debate between multiculturalism and interculturalism, bringing to light the "political rhetoric" that fueled narratives about the "failures" of multiculturalism, which ushered in the intercultural framework. It puts forth a critical analysis of interculturalism, linking it to neoliberalism, and policies of civic integration and the concept of govermentality. Advocating for a transformative framework informed in social justice education that aims to promote more equity in schools, it critically analyzes and discusses intercultural education, the pedagogical extension of interculturalism, as per the European documents highlighting its goals, pedagogies, tensions, and challenges. Social Justice Education in European Multi-ethnic Schools will be of great interest to academics, researchers, and scholars in the fields of intercultural, multicultural, and transformative education.

In this second decade of the twenty-first century, interculturalism is emerging as a new policy paradigm to deal with diversity dynamics. It is basically viewed as a set of policies sharing one basic idea: that the interaction among people from different backgrounds matters. Its concerns are to intervene politically and to propose a way to manage the dynamics of diversity, based on exchange and interpersonal relations. I propose exploring a foundational internal debate, based on the premise there are at least three different, but complementary, normative strands: contractual, cohesion and constructivist strands. My ultimate purpose is to defend a comprehensive view, grounded on the argument that no one can have the sole authority to define intercultural policy, since the three strands can be applied at different moments, according to different purposes. The challenge is for policy managers to be able to achieve a balance between the three policy drivers. ; This article is a dissemination of Diversidad project, funded by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness [Ref.: CSO2011-28885].

In 2008, Gerard Bouchard and Charles Taylor released an important report as Co-Chairs of the Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences. The Commission was set up by the Quebec government in response to public discontent concerning «reasonable accommodation» of religious and cultural practices. In the report, four delicate issues, among others, are examined: cultural integration, collective identity, church-state relations and the most appropriate procedures for handling cultural and religious harmonization requests. Altogether, the Co-Chairs' positions propound a normative conception of sociocultural integration in a pluralist society. This conception, that may be called «interculturalism», is conceived by the commissioners as an alternative to «multiculturalism». The text examines whether interculturalism, as conceived in the report, is anything but a version of multiculturalism. The contention is that it is a rose by any other name.