Suchergebnisse

On 24 September 2014, the Security Council adopted under ChapterVII of the UN Charter, Resolution S / RES / 2178 (2014) which requiresMember States to adopt appropriate measures to contrast the foreignfighters. On 24 November 2014, the France adopted a new anti‐terrorismlaw whose project was already under discussion since the summer. Inimplementation of Resolution 2178, some European States have introducedmeasures providing for the withdrawal of residence permits andtravel documents, until the revocation of citizenship. In particular weshould mention, as well as France, the cases of Belgium, United Kingdom,the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark and Italy.The article aims to investigate the new French anti‐terrorism legislationand the consequences of the déchéance de nationalité as a tool availableto the French State for the purpose of safeguarding their internal security.

Questo saggio evidenzia le contraddizioni emergenti in fase di applicazione delle norme del «Codice Frontiere Schengen» che, in caso di «minaccia grave per l'ordine pubblico o la sicurezza interna» nello spazio europeo senza frontiere, consentono il ripristino generalizzato dei controlli in fase di attraversamento dei confini interni. In assenza di una politica europea comune in materia di condizioni sostanziali di ingresso e soggiorno dello straniero extra-comunitario, tali norme, concepite come deroghe eccezionali alla libertà di circolazione, sono infatti "piegate" da alcuni Stati all'assolvimento di compiti "ordinari" di contenimento della pressione migratoria. L'impiego di misure restrittive della libertà di circolazione a fini di governo dei flussi migratori mette così a rischio la tenuta dei principi costitutivi dello Spazio europeo di libertà, sicurezza e giustizia ed evidenzia l'irrinunciabilità di una disciplina comune della condizione dello straniero extra-comunitario quale corollario della libertà di circolazione dei cittadini europei. ; This article focuses on the inconsistencies arising from the implementation of the revised rules of the "Schengen Borders Code" providing for the reinstatement of internal border controls in case of serious threat to public order or internal security of a Member State. These rules were originally conceived as an exception to freedom of movement for individuals and goods in the EU area. Nevertheless, due to the absence of a common European policy regarding non-EU nationals, they are currently used by some Member States as if they were "ordinary" rules aimed at contrasting migration processes. Restrictions on freedom of movement aiming at restraining migratory flows threaten the strength of the constitutional principles of the Schengen Area. Moreover, they reveal the necessity to agree upon common rules and regulations on the condition of non-EU nationals, which are fundamental to the freedom of movement of EU citizens.

Ekonomski interesi treh ključnih velikih sil, Združenih držav Amerike, Rusije in Kitajske, ki se uveljavljajo oziroma uresničujejo skozi njihove konkretne politike in dejanja, imajo pomemben, če že ne velik vpliv na varnost in politične razmere drugih držav. Ker so ekonomski interesi ključni za katerokoli državo, so medsebojna dinamika, prepletanje in vplivanje teh interesov izrednega pomena za razumevanje trenutnih razmer v mednarodnih odnosih. Analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, predvsem pa poglobljeni intervjuji s strokovnjaki nakazujejo, da se politične in varnostne posledice ekonomskih interesov velikih sil največkrat manifestirajo na regionalni ravni. Izjema pri tem so ZDA, ki za doseganje svojih ekonomskih interesov politično in varnostno spreminjajo razmere na globalni ravni. Pri tem so najbolj osredotočene na širitev neoliberalnih ekonomskih praks in zagotovitev energetske varnosti, ki velikokrat poteka s pomočjo znatne uporabe vojaške moči. Rusija, po drugi strani, je trenutno še osredotočena na svojo vlogo energetskega velikana, pri čimer najbolj konkretno vpliva na države iz bližnje soseščine, tudi preko političnih pritiskov in industrijskih sabotaž. Analiza trendov sicer kaže, da bo cilj ekonomske diverzifikacije postajal še pomembnejši v prihodnosti. V osnovi ta zaključek pomeni, da bo Rusija skušala zmanjšati svojo odvisnost od izvoza energentov in na tak način zagotoviti večjo ekonomsko, kot tudi politično in varnostno stabilnost države. Ključna karakteristika ekonomske politike Kitajske je usmeritev v zagotavljanje energetskih virov za rastoče gospodarstvo. V ta namen se poslužuje multisektorske politike, ki je najbolj jasno vidna v Afriki. Ta poseben, quid pro quo pristop se kaže v velikih infrastrukturnih investicijah na strani Kitajske, v zameno za zagotovitve izvoza energentov iz določenih afriških držav. Analiza vse treh držav jasno kaže, da ekonomski interesi vidno vplivajo na odnose med državami v mednarodni skupnosti in usodno določajo dinamiko in ravnovesje sil. ; Economic interests of great powers, specifically United States of America, Russia and China, and the process of attaining these interests through the set of concrete policies and actions has considerable, if not predominantly important effects on political and security situation of other countries. Since economic interests are of pivotal importance for any state, the recognition and understanding of intertwined dynamics and cross-section of these interests is essential for establishing an accurate perception of the current situation in contemporary international relations. Analysis of primary and secondary resources, and especially the in- depth interviews with experts revealed that the majority of political and security implications of the process of attaining economic interests have been manifesting on the regional level. An exception to this rule is the United States, which is affecting political and security characteristics around the globe. In doing so, it is mostly concentrated on continuous expansion of neoliberalism, as well as ensuring energy security, often through utilization of military power. Meanwhile, Russia is currently still focused on its role as an energy giant, and has the ability to strongly influence the countries in its near vicinity through considerate political pressures and industrial sabotage. Many trends within the country and its internal policies seem to suggest that this is likely to change in the near future, and the goal of economic diverzification will become even more important. Essentially, this means that Russia will attempt to reduce its dependence on energy exports, and thus ensure far greater economic, but also political and security stability of the country. Finally, we analyzed China. The key characteristic of its economic policy is focus on ensuring energy resources for its growing economy. In order to succeed, China has been utilizing a multisectoral approach, most clearly visible in Africa. These quid pro quo deals were realized through large infrastrucral investment on the Chinese side, and accompanying insurance of energy exports on the side of the African countries. The analysis of all three states draws the conclusion that economic interests are thus visibly affecting the nature of the intra- state relationships in the international community, and faithfully account for the ultimate dynamics and balance of world powers.

Gli ultimi anni hanno visto importanti cambiamenti positivi nella cooperazione interstatale in Asia centrale. Crescenti minacce come il terrorismo internazionale, l'estremismo religioso e politico, il traffico di droga, ecc, causati dagli interessi geopolitici e geo-economici delle potenze mondiali, hanno contribuito alla formazione di una politica estera più coordinata e coerente degli Stati della regione. Questo processo si manifesta nella partecipazione attiva dell'istituzionalizzazione della Shanghai Organizzazione del Commonwealth (SOC), Conferenza sulle misure di costruzione d'interazione e fiducia in Asia (CICA) e Organizzazione del Trattato di Sicurezza Collettiva (CSTO). Problemi moderni di sicurezza in Asia centrale dovrebbero essere risolti in dei nuovi modi, non convenzionali. Le nuove minacce alla sicurezza richiedono modi non standard per risolvere il problema. Considerate le differenze fondamentali dell'Unione europea e degli Stati dell'Asia centrale nei valori e dal punto di vista in materia di sicurezza. I paesi dell'Asia centrale non sono pronti per l'integrazione politica. Nonostante questo, nell'Asia centrale sono state adottate misure per contrastare le minacce non convenzionali. L'esperienza europea di unire gli sforzi della regione per garantire la sicurezza interna, può essere utilizzata dai paesi dell'Asia centrale, soprattutto, in primo luogo sulla formazione del quadro istituzionale e giuridico per la cooperazione operativa delle forze dell'ordine per le seguenti aree: • prevenzione del traffico di droga attraverso gli Stati dell'Asia centrale; • lotta contro nuove forme di terrorismo ed estremismo; • limitare la dimensione della migrazione clandestina; • migliorare la protezione giuridica dei cittadini. Fino a poco tempo fa, questi temi hanno ricevuto poca attenzione, sia nella teoria sia nella pratica, poiché i problemi di sicurezza della società erano principalmente ridotti per evitare il pericolo di guerra. ; Recent years have seen major positive changes in interstate cooperation in Central Asia. Growing threats such as international terrorism, religious extremism and political, drug trafficking, etc., caused by geopolitical and geo-economic interests of the world powers, have contributed to the formation of a more coordinated and coherent foreign policy of states in the region. This process is manifested in the active participation of the institutionalization of the Shanghai Organization of the Commonwealth (SOC), Conference on measures of interaction and confidence building in Asia (CICA) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Modern problems of security in Central Asia should be solved in new ways, unconventional. The new security threats require non-standard ways to solve the problem. Given the fundamental differences of the European Union and Central Asian states in the values and in terms of safety. The Central Asian countries are not ready for integration policy. Despite this, in Central Asia have been taken to counter unconventional threats. The European experience to join efforts in the region to ensure internal security, can be used by Central Asian countries, especially in the first place on the formation of the institutional and legal framework for operational cooperation of law enforcement for the following areas: • prevention of drug trafficking through Central Asian states; • fight against new forms of terrorism and extremism; • limit the scale of illegal migration; • improve the legal protection of citizens. Until recently, these issues have received little attention, both in theory and in practice, since the security problems of the company were mainly reduced to avoid the danger of war.

Ciampi, president of Italy, expresses trust in the European Convention & praises the courageous & realistic work done so far to face pressing European issues & political needs. Shortly following the Maastricht Treaty, which in 1992 established EU citizenship & the European Monetary Union (EMU), it was clear that the traditional conception of state needed to change. Ciampi is confident that such change has happened & it has contributed to the overall shaping of the ideal of European power. The new relations & dynamics between European governments & communities constitute a relevant reference point for future expectations, especially when facing common issues such as internal & external security. M. Williamson

"The Protection of the European Strategic Sectors". The kind of protection that is at the heart of this doctoral thesis is the defence of the strategic companies established in the European Union (EU) from takeovers by foreign investors, that is to say investors from countries which are not part of the European Economic Area. This work aims, on the one hand, at outlining the main features of a screening mechanism of foreign investments at the EU level and, on the other, at identifying the proper legal basis in the EU Treaties for its establishment. Chapter 1 contains a non-exhaustive list of the European strategic sectors which consist in all the economic sectors in which the EU or its Member States have adopted rules to limit foreign investors' right to acquire participations in strategic companies for reasons of public security. Indeed, the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) used the expression "strategic sectors" in relation to undertakings whose activities are deeply linked to the protection of public security. The EU notion of public security contains both internal and external security, but also the production of goods and the supply of services which are essential for the very existence of a country. Chapter 2 provides a comparative study of the present situation of strategic enterprises' protection in three EU Member States (Germany, Italy and France). It shows that a fragmented landscape of foreign investment control rules adopted by national authorities represents both a constraint to an efficient internal market of capital movements, and a limit to an effective protection of the European strategic sectors. By contrast, an EU foreign investment control mechanism could lead to a less fragmented system of strategic companies' protection, which would be able to encourage foreign investments. At the same time, a single EU body of foreign investment control should be more efficient in order to protect EU public security. Moreover, unlike Member States measures such as "golden shares", this mechanism could enjoy a greater degree of compatibility with the fundamental freedoms of the Treaties. In effect, the CJEU recognises a "presumption of conformity" with the freedoms of movement to the EU secondary legislation which pursues objectives of general interest like the protection of public security. Chapter 3 analyses the most significant experience of foreign investment control at the global level, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, in order to understand if it could be a suitable model for the establishment of a similar body in the EU, the Committee on Foreign Investment in the EU (CFIEU). Once outlined the key aspects of the CFIEU, chapter 3 focuses on the search of the most proper legal basis in the EU Treaties for its establishment. The study tries to demonstrate that Article 207(2) TFEU on unilateral measures of Common Commercial Policy (CCP) could be the right legal basis for the creation of the CFIEU. Indeed, after the Lisbon Treaty, the CCP has become an exclusive competence of the EU which also encompasses the admission and the treatment of foreign direct investments. In conclusion, chapter 3 tries to figure out the implications of the establishment of the CFIEU both on Member States competences (especially their exclusive competence on national security by virtue of Article 4 TEU), and on the international obligations undertaken by the EU towards third countries, with particular reference to the World Trade Organisation rules and international investment law.