Suchergebnisse

The administrative policy of the management of the Ministry of Internal Affairs towards local government in the years 1918–1939 was implemented on the basis of two concepts. The first was in force in the years 1918–1926, focusing on combating direct threats to security and internal order in the state. It had an impact on the performance of the ministry's tasks in the so-called strictly administrative departments, which also included matters of local government. The second, in force in the years 1926–1939, focused on the so-called "general political" issues, i.e. general assessment of the political impact on the state of individual segments of the country's social and political life (political parties, social organisations, national minorities, etc.) and the influence on that life by the administration of internal affairs in the direction desired by the ruling camp. In detail, the administrative policy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs towards municipal unions should be analysed in the following time periods: 1918–1926, 1926–1930, 1930–1935, 1935–1939.

The European Union's internal energy market is founded on a mix of measures employed at various levels of competence, and aimed to safeguard the EU's key objectives, such as energy security, energy efficiency, and environmental protection. It is generally recognised that institutional features of the internal market provide the EU with considerable capacity to externalise its regulatory measures at different levels of governance. This article assesses the validity of this proposition in the case of EU energy regulation. Analysing instances of the external effects of EU energy law and policy in two dimensions – global and regional – it is shown that even without a consolidated EU internal and external approach, there are considerable effects – both positive and negative from the perspective of EU energy interests – in each of the instances observed. Confirming the contemporary literature on the EU external governance in a wider context, a conclusion is drawn that the internal checks and divisions present the greatest impediment for the more efficient externalisation of EU energy regulation.

Local orders in an age of international disorder -- Public goods and public bads : governance and local order -- Second wind : Taliban coercion and governance in Afghanistan -- The Islamic State and the problem of governance -- A long war : competing to govern Colombia's local orders -- Men with guns : criminal governance in Latin America -- Local orders reconsidered

The first part of this article outlines two complementary approaches to enhancing administrative justice. Internal mechanisms, which can be put into place by government departments and public bodies themselves, are contrasted with external mechanisms, which result in the imposition on government departments and public bodies of principles enunciated by courts, tribunals, and ombudsmen. Lawyers are all too familiar with the external approach but tend to be much less familiar with the internal approach. The article seeks to redress this imbalance. It emphasizes the importance of the internal approach, not as an alternative but, rather, as a complement to the external approach and develops a framework for analyzing administrative justice in terms of "trade‐offs" between different normative models of administrative decision‐making. The second part of the article demonstrates how this approach to the study of administrative justice has informed research on the impact of computerization on social security in the United Kingdom; on decision making in the Scottish prison system; on the assessment of special educational needs in England and Scotland; and on the computerization of social security in thirteen countries. The article concludes by attempting to show that this approach to the study of administrative justice satisfies all the defining characteristics of the socio‐legal paradigm.

This book analyses how and to what extent ex-communist states have adjusted their defence strategies since joining the EU and NATO, and how differences and similarities between their strategies can be explained. Between 1999 and 2013, four phases of enlargement took place when the European Union (EU) and NATO allowed 11 new former communist states to enter both organisations. These states share some common attributes and experiences related to strategic culture and common experiences during the Cold War era that can potentially explain similarities in behaviour and preferences among them. However, the strategic adjustments among these states are far from uniform. In an effort to explain these differences, the book introduces three intervening variables: (1) differences in relative power and position in the international system, (2) national geographical characteristics; and (3) historical experiences related to formative periods of state-building processes as well as wars and armed conflicts. Empirically, the book strives to present and analyse the defence strategies of each of the new allies by conducting a structured focused comparison of official strategic documents from the twenty-first century for each of the 11 cases. Theoretically and methodologically, it introduces an analytical framework enabling us to explain both similarities and differences in the formulation of the strategies of the 11 states, and to shed light on their external and internal efforts to promote their strategic interest by operationalising the dependent variable - defence strategy. The analytical framework combines elements of structural realism with classical realism, and constructivist research on unit-level characteristics related to relative power and perceptions of strategic exposure. This book will be of much interest to students of strategic studies, European Union policy, NATO and International Relations in general.

Will the twentieth century be that of wars for fresh water? Growing scarcity & climate change make for an explosive mixture whose destabilizing effects are starting to make themselves felt in many different regions. Some analysts refuse to accept the idea of wars for water, maintaining that such conflicts are impossible; others judge them to be inevitable. In reality, if wars between states over water alone are less than probable, many internal tensions glow under society's ashes.

Reviews numerous changes, developments, and highlights in Latin American internal politics, society, and economy within a perspective of overall improvement and stability in the region as well as increasingly promising relations with Russia. The questions of political stability, national and regional security, economic growth, United States relations with the region, Cuba's changing status, the future relationship with the European Union, and developing connections with Russia are assessed in detail. Concludes that the future of Russian-Latin American relations is bright given that previous barriers to cooperation including geographical distance, short-sighted Russian foreign policy, and Cold War ideology have become of little consequence.

British post-war security policy and use of military power is not subjugated by the structures of or interaction in the international system. Rather, British use of military power is strongly influenced by a territorially sovereign identity and an institutional balance between Crown and Parliament. British national identity originate in the historical struggle to maintain cohesion and political stability in Britain. From the Glories Revolution to the Second World War territorial sovereignty and institutional independence have defined Britain as an international actor and framed its security policy. Consequently, the territorially sovereign identity and institutional balance between Crown and Parliament continuously influence British security policy. The post-war use of British military power from the Suez Crisis in 1956 to the European Security and Defence Policy, thus, primarily recovers an internal institutional balance. An institutional balance that also played an underlying role in the British withdrawal from the European Union.

The Lisbon Treaty and Its Implications for French‑German Cooperation in EU's Common Security and Defence PolicyFaced with internal and external pressures the EU's security and defence policy has become one of the most dynamic fields of European integration. This paper describes declared ambition of Franco‑Germancooperation to strengthening the EU in European security and defence. In light of a more demanding security environment Berlin and Paris have awakened the so‑called "Sleeping Beauty of the Lisbon Treaty", The Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), introduced by the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. They managed to find a compromise and to turn PESCO into a process as much as to create a new framework to deepen defence cooperation amongst EU Member States. The conclusions argue that the relaunch of the Franco‑German motor is key to European defence.

Posits that the human rights abuses that occurred during the de facto military regime of Raoul Cedras would have constituted a valid reason for military intervention in Haiti under Article 42 of the UN Charter. Examined is the role of the UN Security Council after the end of the Cold War & discussed are ways the Security Council has expanded the meaning of "a threat to international peace & security." Also covered is how the concept of sovereignty is changing; nations are more willing to become involved in the internal affairs of other states due to large flows of refugees & the media's ability to bring the world closer together. Finally, limits to the power of the Security Council are examined, & whether humanitarian intervention in Haiti would have been legal under the UN charter is analyzed. 35 References. Adapted from the source document.

In the face of increasing domestic and transnational terrorism (involving more than one country, cross-boarder), questions arise about which type of terrorism - internal or external - becomes greater threat to security? How do terrorists adapt to internal (defensive) security measures and external (offensive) means used by states in the war on terror? How does the transformation of terrorism into a motivational dimension, and therefore the values and principles used by terrorists as a justification for the use of violence, especially the departure from secular political ideologies to religious justification, affect the evolution of terrorism as a threat to individuals and their groups? Who or what is the target of attacks by modern terrorist groups? The purpose of this article is to answer the above questions based on the extensive literature and data on terrorism from two databases, The International Terrorism: Attributes of Terrorist Events (ITERATE), and Global Terrorism Database (GTD). Theoretical considerations will be based on the model of the economic rationality of terrorist activity presented by William M. Landes in 1978.