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By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. .

The author analyzes the causes of the break-up of Yugoslavia & shows that the main cause was the expansion of the Greater-Serbia idea, but was also contributed to by a number of internal problems & changes in the international scene. After the break-up of Yugoslavia, a number of processes are still active & generating conflict: the goal of Serbian expansionists to create a Greater Serbia; the lack of a solution to the Bosnian conflict; the Albanian desire for an independent Kosovo state; Muslim aims of autonomy in Sandjak; a growing sovereignty movement in Montenegro; & continuing Serbian pressure on Macedonia. The author concludes that decisive international intervention is necessary to prevent deepened conflict & its spread to neighboring countries. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

Shaping national interests is of strategic & political significance for a state. In this process, economic, ideological, military, cultural, & other variable & invariable factors are intertwined. Their realization brings states into contact with other states. When one or several interests of one state run counter to the interests & objectives of another state, conflicts arise. This makes the protection of interests vital. States organize the protection of interests by means of a system of national security. National interests are values & objectives directed toward the development of a national community, while national security is an activity organized for their protection. A rational & realistic definition of national interests & the mechanisms of their protection are important elements of the stability of states & the international community. Adapted from the source document.

Switzerland's major contribution to the shaping of neutrality as an institution of international law lies in its centuries-old practice & its international recognition. However, Swiss neutrality still conforms to the classical military/political conflict, since in the past, it proved to be a successful security/political instrument in the protection of independence & territorial integrity. In the contemporary international/global constellation, there is almost no room for a neutral stance due to the global interdependence within the international community & the collective security, on the one hand, & the new threats & dangers lacking a classical military dimension, on the other. All this is conducive to the solidarity & cooperation whose purpose is protection, which requires international security/political efforts in securing peace. The Swiss government is of the opinion that participation in a collective security system such as the UN does not run counter to its permanent neutrality, since the UN Charter forbids war & does not recognize it as a means of the international regulation of conflicts. Also, the UN Charter does not oblige member countries to participate in any coercive military measure. Finally, by the admittance of the permanently neutral Austria into the UN, the practice has proved that neutrality & the collective security are compatible. On several occasions, the Swiss have raised the issue of UN membership; in the 1986 referendum, the Swiss citizens voted against this proposal, while on 3 Mar 2000, they voted in favor of it; the only other country besides Switzerland not in the UN is the Vatican. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Recent historical developments in the relationship between Croats & Serbs are discussed, referring to an article by V. Vujacic (Theory & Society, No. 6, 1996). The idea of an Illyrian & later a Yugoslav commonwealth of all South Slavs, originating in Croatia in the 19th century, had its legitimating psychological foundation in a "illusion of centrality," developed at the time by a part of the Croatian political & intellectual elite, a view of the preeminent position of Croatia & the Croats among all the Slav ethnic groups in the region &, therefore, of a natural central role of Croatia in the future commonwealth. In a similar way, the armed struggle of the Serbs for independence from the Ottoman empire in the 19th century & for the expansion of the Serbian State in the 19th & 20th century has generated a Serbian belief in the dominant role of Serbia & the Serbs in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, & Slovenes established in 1918, later Kingdom of Yugoslavia. These incompatible illusions are believed to be the roots of a number of political positions & decisions taken by both Croats & Serbs in the 20th century. The views of Max Weber on nationality & nationalism are discussed in relation to the problem of cooperation & conflict between Croats & Serbs in the 20th century. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

Thucydides is considered to be the founder of political realism. Even in those times he determined the basic premises of realism - security and survival. He made an impact on subsequent development of realism embodied in the works of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Morgenthau, Car, Niebuhr, Aaron, Waltz etc. They will call the system of international relations as anarchical one since there is no supreme arbitrator which will force states to adequate behaviour. His views of realism were given in the volume 'The Peloponnesian War' where he had determined the anarchy of the relationships among states. Such system did not rely on justice and morale, but force and power were the predominant facts. He also introduces the category of just wars by claiming that Sparta led a just war against the increased power of Athens, and observed morale principles. Nevertheless, Thucydides faces contradictory, since Sparta itself as the largest land force of that time had to use force in order to beat Athens. He went ahead since he considered force and power as a necessary condition to achieve other objectives, which was later on adopted by Raymond Aaron. Following the example of the war between Athens and Sparta, he successfully analysed bipolar system of balance of power in which the conflict between the leading members of the two opposite blocks was possible in the end, while beforehand there should have been conflicts among weaker members of both blocks. Thucydides explained the manifestation of force and power using example of the Melian dialogue between the envoys of Athens and Melos. It was about the pure politics of force of Athens regardless of the fact that Melos had its independence.

A rebuttal to V. Vujacic's theses on the Balkan conflict presented in the contribution "Povijesno naslijed, nacionalisticka mobilizacija i politicke posljedice u Rusiji i Srbiji" (Historical Legacy, Nationalistic Mobilization and the Political Consequences in Russia and Serbia) The following arguments are made counter to Vujacic's theses: (1) There never was, & there is not now, any democratic opposition in Serbia; the opposition against Milosevic had nothing to do with democracy & everything to do with the disappointment that followed from the Serbian leader's failure to deliver on his promise of Greater Serbia. (2) To call the Balkan conflict a civil war is a euphemism attempting to blame equally every nation involved, while taking the responsibility for the conflict from militant Serbian politicians embarking on a bloody crusade for Greater Serbia. (3) The Croat army did not destroy Mostar but defended the town from Serbian invasion. (4) It is not true that the Serbian minority was & is persecuted in Croatia. (5) It is a complete rewriting of history postulating that Croatian nationalistic mobilization was equally responsible for the Balkan war as Serbian nationalistic mobilization. (6) It is a complete fallacy to argue that Serbian nationalism did not evolve from itself but was only a reaction to the mistreatment of Serbs by peripheral ethnic minorities during the Yugoslavia state. Z. Dubiel

EU's agrarian policy has always been -- & remains -- a complex issue of the Union's overall economic policy. Although agrarian policy was at first central for the Union & served as a cohesive & integrating factor, in time it became a bone of contention, a source of conflicts & feuding within the EU. Solving the problem of agrarian policy on the eve of the third millennium is one of the EU's priorities. The problems of agricultural subsidies in the EU, its Eastern expansion, & the demands of the WTO are far from being easy tasks. Besides, agrarian policy is not solely an economic matter, but also a social (particularly rural), ecological, cultural, & political problem. The problem of agriculture has always been considered a political problem & resolved as such. 1 Table, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

This research deals with the stages of development of the political order of Florence, focusing on the changes of the republican order. Starting from Machiavelli's Florentine Histories, which set forth a criticism of the first period of republican government until the establishment of the Medici seigniory, the author also analyses the other two stages of republican government in Florence. He thus puts together a periodization of three republican models of Florence during the Renaissance, which he refers to as the First, Second & Third Republics. The period of the First Republic stretches from 1250 to 1434, until the establishment of the first Medici seigniory. The period of the Second Republic, which lasted from 1498 to 1512, is assessed here as the period of a mature republic, which also witnessed a clear-cut defining of the theory of civil republicanism, primarily through the works of Machiavelli & Guicciardini. The Second Republic ended with the Medici restauration, when the republican government was once again suspended, & the republican institutions were abolished, although the state formally retained the designation of republic. After the fall of Rome in 1527, the Medici rule in Florence also collapsed, & the period of the Third Republic began; it lasted from 1527 to 1530. This short stretch of time saw a radicalization of the Florentine republicanism, but the social antagonism within the city-state was also radicalized. For this reason, the Third Republic did not manage to withstand the internal tensions & conflicts, & thus to face a deteriorated international state of affairs. The republican government collapsed again & made way for the second Medici restauration. The author describes & analyses in the text the republican institutions & their metamorphoses from the First Republic to the Third Republic, as well as the attempts to stabilize the republican government & realize Machiavelli's theory of the mixed form of government. The Florentine political order is therefore outlined as a development from communal democracy to civil republicanism with strong democratic elements, which, as a result of historical circumstances, was superseded by oligarchic forms of government. Adapted from the source document.

This article investigates which one of two competing theories -- balance of power theory or power preponderance theory -- better explains war in the territory of former Yugoslavia. The main finding is that military preponderance in favor of Serbia fostered aggression of this state on Slovenia, Croatia, & Bosnia & Herzegovina. Furthermore, relative balance of power, which was established in 1995, was the main reason for the termination of hostilities & for the Dayton peace agreement. Consequently, this article concludes that case study of the war in the territory of former Yugoslavia is an additional argument in favor of classical balance of power theory & that power preponderance theory can neither explain the outbreak nor the ending of this war. This article also challenges previous interpretations of war in the former Yugoslavia, which claimed that this war was a civil war based on ethnic hatred. In contrast, this article argues that conflict on the territory of former Yugoslavia was primarily an interstate war based on rational calculations of the main actors. 50 References. Adapted from the source document.