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In the article the authors analyze the change of French principles of participation in international conflicts after the new edition of White Book in 2013. Each White Book presents the aims and perspectives of the French defense policy development. The first one was published in 1972 during the Cold War and the next one in 1994 after the collapse of the Soviet Union when the major role in conflicts resolution was taken by UNO. The 21st century brings new challenges and threats as well as new methods of conflicts resolution taking into account their new nature and development. In the article we analyze new principles of conflicts resolution elaborated by Francois Holland, the book was published in 2013. The core principles of the previous Book (elaborated by N. Sarkozy) included the activation of the French role on the world arena and reduction of the military forces. But now taking into account that the majority of crises are international and involve different parties and countries, France focuses on collaboration with the other countries especially with the members of NATO. As an example the authors investigate policy of the French government in the operations in Mali and Libya where France plays the leading role. Both conflicts are not resolved and are going to become permanent. So, as it takes more forces and expenses, the French government tries to bring in more countries-allies to settle the issue.

Раздел "Международные отношения" - рубрика "Зарубежный опыт" ; В статье на примере предметного поля современных политических конфликтов («холодной войны» СССР и США, конфликтов в Югославии, Афганистане и Ираке) сделана попытка продемонстрировать, что структурно-функциональный анализ при адекватной адаптации позволяет проводить сравнительное изучение сложных международных ситуаций. В сочетании с другими методами структурно-функциональный анализ позволяет фиксировать кризисную ситуацию в конфликте и квантифицировать позиции участников современных международных отношений в рамках проблемных моделей. = The article analyzes the field of modern political conflicts (the «cold war» between the USSR and the USA, conflicts in Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Iraq) to demonstrate that structural functional analysis, if properly adapted, may allow effective comparative study of complex international situations. Complemented by other methods the structural and functional analysis permits to identify the critical situation in the conflict and to quantify the positions of the actors of modern international relations within the framework of problem models.

Since 1990s, the number of states conflicts decreased and they started saying that the classical wars disappeared but at the same time, the number of internal conflicts increased dramatically. The end of colonial regime in Africa didn't bring peace to the region - the new wave of internal conflicts and civil wars overwhelmed the region. In the given article the authors analyze political and complicated socio-economic situation in the Tropical Africa, describe the conflicts in this zone, their typology, results and factors. The authors attempt to analyze internal and external causes of conflicts in the studied region, taking into account all elements of each conflict and their interdependence. The subject of the article is the conflict as the social element presenting the important part of international reality. It is noted that the crisis in the region influences every part of economic, social, and political spheres, so the solution is not possible without structural changes. In this connection, conflicts are the logical results of regional crisis as well as uncertain activity of international society. This situation provokes the large wave of migrants from the region and inside it. The countries the Tropical Africa can't guarantee any suitable level of life for the citizens, and the situation can't be resolved without active role of international community.

The relationship between economic development, energy consumption and the environmental issues is complex. However, energy law is based on reciprocal benefits for governments while environmental law is based on common interests and erga omnes. Studies have shown that despite the implementation of several energy and environmental conventions at international levels, the situation of global environmental conditions is critical. Different concepts and conflicting interests between the energy supply system and environmental protection have led to poor implementation of some conventions. The present study examined some existing rules and regulations on energy and the environment and identified the strengths and weaknesses of the descriptive-analytic method. The purpose of investigating these conventions is to decrease the weaknesses and increase the strengths. The strengths can then be used for environmental concerns and international obligations of states under the rules of erga omnes to protect the environment and sovereignty of states for jurisdictional and energy management within national boundaries. The investigations revealed the characteristics of an international convention to decrease conflicts of interest between the energy supply system and environmental protection. In addition, two facilitator mechanisms are proposed for effective implementation of the international convention on energy and the environment.

The role of war in the evolution of human society, the change of its scale. It is shown that the decline in morals and the growth of cynicism in international political relations in comparison with the past, led to non-compliance with the rules of warfare developed by the international community. The dependence of small States on the military confrontation of the key players in international politics, which turned the world into a single geostrategic space, is substantiated. ; Рассмотрена роль войны в эволюции человеческого общества, изменение ее масштабов. Показано, что падение нравов и рост цинизма в международных политических отношениях в сравнении с прошлым привело к несоблюдению выработанных международным сообществом правил ведения войн. Обоснована зависимость малых государств от военной конфронтации ключевых игроков международной политики, превративших мир в единое геостратегическое пространство.

The article is devoted to the changing role of culture in international relations, which is analysed through the concept of "soft power". The investigated transformations of the concept of culture were examined on the basis of an analysis of documents and activities of the European Union. The main priorities of the EU in the development of international cultural relations are highlighted. Further, proceeding from world political trends and the general geopolitical situation, the author analyzes the relatively new structural elements of the concept of culture, namely: cultural security, cultural conflict, cultural war. It is concluded that culture becomes a hybrid construct; and "soft power" becomes not only an instrument of external influence and "advancement" of the state in the international arena, but also acquires "defensive" functions.Key words: cultural security, cultural conflict, "soft power", public diplomacy, EU. ; Статья посвящена рассмотрению изменения роли культуры на современном этапе развития международных отношений сквозь призму понятия «мягкая сила». Исследуемые трансформации концепта культуры были рассмотрены на основе анализа документов и деятельности Европейского союза. Выделяются основные приоритеты ЕС в развитии международных культурных отношений. Далее, исходя из мировых политических тенденций и общей геополитической ситуации, автор анализирует относительно новые структурные элементы концепта культуры, а именно: культурная безопасность, культурный конфликт, культурная война. Делается вывод о том, что культура становится гибридным конструктом, а «мягкая сила» становится не только инструментом внешнего воздействия и «продвижения» государства на международной арене, но и приобретает «оборонительные» функции.Ключевые слова: культурная безопасность, культурный конфликт, «мягкая сила», публичная дипломатия, ЕС.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.

The article investigates the formal models as a method of analysis in international studies. The importance of this type of models in writing articles for world leading high-ranking journals from Scopus list is shown. The author reveals the main challenges of interdisciplinary synthesis related to the construction of formal models. The problem of identifying the actors of international relations is revealed, including the assessment of actor's involvement in a concrete international conflict (or process) in the context of the concepts of defensive and offensive realism, as well as of real and of latent (potential) power. The decrease in the influence of the state as the primary actor in international relations, and the increase of influence of new types of actors are shown, including international terrorist networks (led by IS), political parties, media and NGOs in the context of post-modernism, global business structures. At the national level, the main actors are illustrated both by the example of countries with a developed civil society and a market economy, and by that of the traditional non-Western society. The question of levels of analysis in international relations, as well as agent-structure problem are illustrated by concrete cases from modern international relations. The author describes a model of "nested" politics. The main types of models used in international studies (game theoretic, econometric, network analysis, simulation) are indicated as well as their shortcomings. Two kinds of simulation models - system dynamics and agent-based modeling are described. It is noted that the agent-based modeling is carried out mainly in the framework of the constructivist paradigm of international relations theory.