Multicultural Odysseys: Navigating the New International Politics of Diversity
In: Politicka misao, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 249-251
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In: Politicka misao, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 249-251
Hans J. Morgenthau, utemeljitelj realističke teorije međunarodne politike četrdesetih godina 20. stoljeća, donedavno se smatrao pozitivističkim teoretičarom "tvrde" politike moći u međunarodnoj politici. No sve veći akademski interes za njegovo djelo posljednjih godina pokazao je kako je riječ o kompleksnom misliocu koji je ponajprije teoretičar politike. U ovome rada autor prikazuje Morgenthauovu političku teoriju i njezine temeljne pojmove u trima razdobljima njihova razvoja: do Drugoga svjetskog rata, od kraja rata do šezdesetih godina i poslije šezdesetih. Posebno se osvrćući na glavne studije iz svakoga od tih razdoblja, autor nastoji dokazati da je svrha Morgenthauove teorije međunarodne politike bio pokušaj da se politika i političko konstituiraju kao odgovor na duboku društvenu i političku krizu modernog Zapada. Njegova realistička teorija međunarodne politike nije samo akademski pothvat nego i svojevrstan politički projekt. ; Hans J. Morgenthau, who founded realist theory of international politics in the 1940s, has until recently been considered a positivist theorist of crude power politics in international relations. However, in recent years, with rising academic interest for his works, Morgenthau has been seen as a complex thinker and primarily a political theorist. This article aims to show Morgenthau's political theory and its fundamental concepts that run through the three periods of his writing: up to the Second World War, during the post-war period, and in the 1960s. With a special overview of the pivotal studies from each of the above periods, this article will show that the purpose of Morgenthau's theory of international politics is an attempt at constructing politics and the political as an answer to the deep social and political crisis of the modern West. His realist theory of international politics is not just an academic endeavor but also a political project of sorts.
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Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 228-231
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 129-133
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 169-172
Autorica istražuje mogućnost da se pesimizam etablira kao relevantan pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa u objašnjavanju kako prošlih, tako i budućih događaja u međunarodnoj politici. U radu se koristi metateorijska interpretativna metoda kako bi se iznijele neke od temeljnih niti vodilja misli pesimizma, pri čemu je fokus samo na klasičnom realizmu unutar realističke teorije, budući da su njezine postavke ujedno i temeljna izvorišta pesimizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se temeljne odrednice i biti realizma i pesimizma, drugi dio se fokusira na intelektualnu pozadinu pesimistične misli u radovima Schopenhauera, Nietzschea i Freuda, a posljednji dio iznosi kritiku optimizma i temeljne opreke u poimanju koncepta vremena između pesimizma i optimizma, kao i implikacije koje pesimizam ima za međunarodne odnose. Pesimizam kao pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa ima filozofsku snagu i jaku teorijsku pozadinu te može imati svoje mjesto unutar realističke teorije međunarodnih odnosa. ; The author evaluates the possibility of the concept of pessimism establishing itself as a relevant factor within the theory of realism in international relations, that is, for explaining past and future events in international politics. The approach applies the meta theoric interpretative method in order to expose some of the tenets of the leading pessimistic theories where the focus is on classical realism within the realistic theory, since its origins are also the fundamental origins of pessimism. The first part exposes the fundamental postulates and essence of realism and pessimism, while the second part focuses on the intellectual background of the pessimism thought found in the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Freud. The last part expose a criticism of optimism as well as the fundamental contradictions in understanding the concept of time between pessimism and optimism, as well as the implications of pessimism on international relations. Pessimism, as a part of the theory of realism in international ...
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In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 4, S. 146-162
The author gives a critical review of the perception of comparative politics in the programs of the Faculty of Political Science. The perception is based on the assumption that comparative politics is a subdiscipline of international politics. Contrary to this, the author claims that (1) comparative politics is not a subdiscipline of international politics but a separate discipline of political science in its own right that has gained academic legitimacy together with political theory & international & national politics; (2) both international & national politics can be the subject of comparative research; & (3) the methodology of research, not the subject matter, is essential for the definition of comparative politics. These premises are drawn from an outline of the theoretical & methodological evolution of this discipline & the account of its current state. The author uses these to highlight the academic & organizational problems of comparative politics in Croatia. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 124-148
Comparative politics is a political science discipline that has in its evolution continuously reflected developments in the field of international politics. The author outlines the genesis of this discipline, which boomed in the 1950s within the framework of American politology & then goes on to give an account of the evolution of the fundamental research principles, the expansion of the subject matter, & the importance of the key concepts that delineate this academic discipline (political power, political system, political regime). The author analyzes the role of comparative politics in the context of other disciplines of political sciences as well as its applicative potentials. Through an analysis of the history of this discipline he points to the connection between the shift of interest in & focus on practical politics & the thematically specialized subdisciplines within comparative politological research. In conclusion, the author points out the importance & value of this discipline for Croatia (as a country in the process of democratic transition) with regard to comparative analyses of the experiences of developed democracies & countries in transition. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politička misao, Band 53, Heft 3, S. 7-25
World Affairs Online
In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 103-123
As the newly established nation-state of Slovenia continues to develop concepts, policies, & institutions to provide for its national security, it does so as a young country in a new Europe & must consider not only its own experiences, principles, & international politics, but also the dynamic environment of the multifaceted proposals & efforts at European integration. These are the basic considerations for understanding the process whereby Slovenia is forming a new national security network, both internally & on the international level, & also for following Slovenia's endeavors to participate in European integration & join NATO & the European Union. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodni problemi: Meždunarodnye problemy, Band 57, Heft 4, S. 505-528
ISSN: 0025-8555
The author describes the contemporary situation in the theory & practice of international politics in the field of nuclear weapons. The first part of the paper deals with past results in the process of proliferation & the process of reduction of nuclear weapons, as well as the contemporary nuclear policies of great powers. The second part presents different theoretical approaches to the problem of nuclear weapons -- realism, liberalism & the so called critical or alternative approaches. The author expects that the process of nuclear proliferation will be continued -- it will be gradual, controlled & directed by great powers & the USA, in particular. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 50, Heft 1, S. 15-37
International Relations as a discipline have gone through the process of thorough transformation in the last several years. There are a growing number of IR scholars who argue that the logic of mainstream thinking about the nature of international politics needs to be changed. Some paradigmatic debates within the IR are now challenged. This "new thinking" is not so much new as increasingly attractive and based on contemporary development in international relations. Its main starting point is in arguing for a theoretical synthesis of several streams of IR theory, including also middle-range theories and analytic eclecticism. Also, more theorists than ever before argue for "de-colonisation" of the field of IR studies, or for "post-Western IR theory". They are increasingly interested in little known traditions of IR thinking that were developed outside the US. The main objective of this new orientation is to assess whether in these non-Western approaches there are also those who can help the IR as discipline to recover its strength and relevance. This article analyses these new trends in IR theories. Adapted from the source document.
Tema ovog diplomskog rada je razmotriti određene političke aspekte Međunarodne nogometne federacije (FIFA-e) kroz okvire institucija, njihovog međuodnosa, probleme klijentelizma i korupcije te način na koji obliku FIFA-u. Također se nastoje ispitati korijeni samog nastanka FIFA-e te razvijanja organizacije koja u sve učestalijim slučajevima izlazi izvan okvira udruge kako je službeno definirana te kroz takvo djelovanje postaje organizacijom koja igra ozbiljnu ulogu na sceni međunarodnih odnosa. FIFA kao organizacija je globalni akter te putem utjecajnih kanala oblikuje politike oko nas. Tome za zahvaliti je činjenica što je nogomet ima toliko visoku razinu popularnosti u svijetu da ga se ne može smatrati samo igrom, već katalizatorom politike. Zbog intenzivnog razvoja u relativno kratkom roku, FIFA nije razvijala svoju unutarpolitički sustav te zbog toga došla do zida zbog kojeg uništava samu sebe iskorištavanjem loše definiranih međuinstitucijskih odnosa. Ona ima različite učinke kako na nogomet, tako i na društvo što često dovodi do nesrazmjera i izrazito polariziranoj slici FIFA-e u javnosti. U ovom radu možemo razaznati zašto je FIFA toliko jedinstven pojam kada govorimo o politici i međunarodnim odnosima, s obzirom na to da je njezina moć koju legitimno posjeduje izuzetno diskutabilan pojam. Kroz definiciju političkih aspekata FIFA-e, nastojim istražiti izlazi li FIFA iz okvira udruge civilnog društva, ponajviše zbog sve učestalijih slučajeva korupcije, klijentelizma, ali i pojave organiziranog kriminala. ; The topic of this thesis is to consider certain political aspects of the International Football Federation (FIFA) through the framework of institutions, their interrelationships, problems of clientelism and corruption, and the way in which they shape FIFA. This thesis tries also to examine the roots of the very origin of FIFA and the development of an organization that in more and more cases goes outside the framework of an association as FIFA is officially defined. Through such activities, FIFA becomes ...
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Gdje su izvori i koji su razlozi procesa povijesnog revizionizma koji se od devedesetih sve jače i češće pojavljuje u raznim europskih zemljama i koje bi mogle biti njegove posljedice na odnose između zemalja članica Europske unije? Kako spriječiti sukob oko interpretacije povijesti koji utječe na samu srž pojma europske konfederacije? Članak pokušava dati odgovor na ta pitanja polazeći od analize razloga krize antifašizma, kao i drugih političkih i kulturnih faktora koji su ukorijenjeni u događajima iz devedesetih te s kraja Hladnog rata i rušenja komunističkih režima u srednjoj i istočnoj Europi. Konkretno istraživanje odnosi se na slučaj Italije, gdje se "bitka sjećanja" i revizionizma vodi oko tzv. fojbi, istarskih kraških jama u kojima je stradalo nekoliko stotina Talijana za vrijeme ustanka u jesen 1943. godine. Tijekom zadnjih dvadeset godina taj povijesni događaj, o kojem skoro nitko ništa nije znao i koji je imao marginalnu ulogu u širem kontekstu talijanskog sudjelovanja u Drugom svjetskom ratu, postao je povijesni mit sa svojim službenim "danom sjećanja", uzdignutim na razinu Dana sjećanja na Holokaust. Budući da je 2007. godine upravo oko sjećanja na fojbe došlo do diplomatskog sukoba između predsjednikâ Italije i Hrvatske, Giorgia Napolitana i Stjepana Mesića, sukoba koji je kasnije riješen potpisivanjem sporazuma o povijesnom pomirenju između Italije, Hrvatske i Slovenije u Trstu 2010. godine, fojbe su predstavljale izvrstan primjer analize "rata" na području interpretacije povijesti koji se nedavno pojavio u više krajeva Europe i koji ugrožava međunarodne odnose, ali i stanja unutar pojedinih država. ; Where are the sources and what are the reasons for the process of historical revisionism that emerged in many European countries in the beginning of the nineties? Is it possible to avoid conflicts around different interpretations of history that affect the core of the concept of European integration? The article is focused on the crisis of antifascist interpretation of the past in Italy, which is rooted in the events of the nineties. In particular, two events and processes have shaken the dominant discourses: the end of the Cold war and the collapse of communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. The focus of the research is on the Italian case, where the war of memories mainly revolved around the so-called foibe, the Istrian carsic caves in which hundreds of Italians perished in the Autumn of 1943. In the span of twenty years a historic event that only a few knew about and which played a marginal role in the bigger picture of the Italian engagement in WWII has been transformed into a historic myth with its official "Remembrance day" and put at the same level of importance as the memory of the Shoah. The new official politics of remembering the victims of the foibe has triggered a diplomatic crisis between Italy and Croatia, which has later been solved with the signing of a memorandum on historic reconciliation in Trieste in 2010 (jointly with Slovenia). The foibe case is here placed into a wider context of revisionism in interpretation of history of the Second World War and of immediate post-War events, which is currently happening in many parts of Europe – not only former Eastern Europe – and which may complicate bilateral relations between various countries, but also wider international relations.
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