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The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.

The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.

All the sciences and even philosophical, ethic thinking and also practice are grounded by so called "line - thinking", which is efective in only limited sphere and time as synergetic paradigmus born in the 20 century. Unfortunately propositions under "line thinking" influence gave miserable results as much in politics as in government. The article shortly deals with some paradoxical synergetic confirmities (regularities) and the first observed results and chances of their using in the prevention of crimes, goverment in connection with the problem of theory and practice. It is suggested to change "strategic planing" conception into "strategic thinking" concept which joins theory and practice most effectively. In conclusion, connect of theory and practice are visible in teleonomy of emergetic evolution of social processes which are expressed namely by "strategic thinking" as intentionality obeyed to the same synergetic laws.

All the sciences and even philosophical, ethic thinking and also practice are grounded by so called "line - thinking", which is efective in only limited sphere and time as synergetic paradigmus born in the 20 century. Unfortunately propositions under "line thinking" influence gave miserable results as much in politics as in government. The article shortly deals with some paradoxical synergetic confirmities (regularities) and the first observed results and chances of their using in the prevention of crimes, goverment in connection with the problem of theory and practice. It is suggested to change "strategic planing" conception into "strategic thinking" concept which joins theory and practice most effectively. In conclusion, connect of theory and practice are visible in teleonomy of emergetic evolution of social processes which are expressed namely by "strategic thinking" as intentionality obeyed to the same synergetic laws.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

This article analyses – both in theory and in practice – the role of soft power in terms of traditional power-maximizing foreign policy of states. The keynote of this analysis is that the soft power theory established by J. S. Nye bears an impact on the traditional notion of international power structure as described by the neorealist school of international relations theory, though this impact is yet to be conceptualised. The empirical evidence of this is nearly 20 years of the U.S. hegemony after the Cold War, strongly based on American soft power, which serves as a suitable subject-matter for a case study. The article provides an overview of American public diplomacy and some practical recommendations on how to improve it. In the future the importance of soft power is expected to increase as a result of the worldwide Information Revolution of the 21st century and public diplomacy, being the key instrument in soft power politics, will have to adjust to this new context of international politics.

This article analyses – both in theory and in practice – the role of soft power in terms of traditional power-maximizing foreign policy of states. The keynote of this analysis is that the soft power theory established by J. S. Nye bears an impact on the traditional notion of international power structure as described by the neorealist school of international relations theory, though this impact is yet to be conceptualised. The empirical evidence of this is nearly 20 years of the U.S. hegemony after the Cold War, strongly based on American soft power, which serves as a suitable subject-matter for a case study. The article provides an overview of American public diplomacy and some practical recommendations on how to improve it. In the future the importance of soft power is expected to increase as a result of the worldwide Information Revolution of the 21st century and public diplomacy, being the key instrument in soft power politics, will have to adjust to this new context of international politics.

This article analyses – both in theory and in practice – the role of soft power in terms of traditional power-maximizing foreign policy of states. The keynote of this analysis is that the soft power theory established by J. S. Nye bears an impact on the traditional notion of international power structure as described by the neorealist school of international relations theory, though this impact is yet to be conceptualised. The empirical evidence of this is nearly 20 years of the U.S. hegemony after the Cold War, strongly based on American soft power, which serves as a suitable subject-matter for a case study. The article provides an overview of American public diplomacy and some practical recommendations on how to improve it. In the future the importance of soft power is expected to increase as a result of the worldwide Information Revolution of the 21st century and public diplomacy, being the key instrument in soft power politics, will have to adjust to this new context of international politics.

Umbrasaitė R. Taiwan Question in the U.S.-China Relations/ International Politics and Economics Master's Thesis. Supervisor: Doc. Dr. Egidijus Motieka. – Vilnius: Faculty of Politics and Management, Institute of Political Science, Mykolas Romeris University, 2015. – 70 p. Master's thesis aims at analyzing the impact that Taiwan question has in the U.S.-China relations. Chapter 1 provides an analysis of the main international relations theories that define relations between countries, as international organization influence on the relations between the countries analyzed in this thesis is insignificant. Furthermore, chapter 1 also includes geopolitical approach in order to fully disclose the U.S. strategy in Asia. Chapter 2 reveals the main problematic areas of the U.S.-China relations. Chapter 3 provides an analysis of China-Taiwan and the U.S.-Taiwan relations. Afterwards, the most important factors affecting the U.S.-China relations are distinguished. In Chapter 4, possible future scenarios of the U.S.-China-Taiwan relations are constructed.

Umbrasaitė R. Taiwan Question in the U.S.-China Relations/ International Politics and Economics Master's Thesis. Supervisor: Doc. Dr. Egidijus Motieka. – Vilnius: Faculty of Politics and Management, Institute of Political Science, Mykolas Romeris University, 2015. – 70 p. Master's thesis aims at analyzing the impact that Taiwan question has in the U.S.-China relations. Chapter 1 provides an analysis of the main international relations theories that define relations between countries, as international organization influence on the relations between the countries analyzed in this thesis is insignificant. Furthermore, chapter 1 also includes geopolitical approach in order to fully disclose the U.S. strategy in Asia. Chapter 2 reveals the main problematic areas of the U.S.-China relations. Chapter 3 provides an analysis of China-Taiwan and the U.S.-Taiwan relations. Afterwards, the most important factors affecting the U.S.-China relations are distinguished. In Chapter 4, possible future scenarios of the U.S.-China-Taiwan relations are constructed.

In recent years, interest in no financial performance measures has grown, as evidenced by the large number of literature investigating balanced scorecard, value based management, total quality. The increased attention to no financial measurement reflects increased requirement of information for managing and decision making processes because of strong competition, constantly changing environment of organization. Those processes are based on organizations' relations with an environment. The dimensions that lead to the deeper analysis of relations between performance measurement system and environment of organization are very important for today organizations. According to this aspect, it could be stated that performance measurement system (PMS) which covers financial and no financial measurement and fits with environment of organization should be critical for today's organizations and need deeper and continue researches. [.]

In recent years, interest in no financial performance measures has grown, as evidenced by the large number of literature investigating balanced scorecard, value based management, total quality. The increased attention to no financial measurement reflects increased requirement of information for managing and decision making processes because of strong competition, constantly changing environment of organization. Those processes are based on organizations' relations with an environment. The dimensions that lead to the deeper analysis of relations between performance measurement system and environment of organization are very important for today organizations. According to this aspect, it could be stated that performance measurement system (PMS) which covers financial and no financial measurement and fits with environment of organization should be critical for today's organizations and need deeper and continue researches. [.]