In this article I provide an appraisal of the neo-Gramscian approach to the study of international relations by focusing on three of its major exponents: Robert Cox, Stephen Gill and Adam Morton. I argue that neo-Gramscians have yet to adequately address some important challenges and criticisms of their method around its overly "top-down" mode of analysis, its neglect of forms of resistance and its excessively global and cosmopolitan account of neoliberal hegemony and especially resistance. I maintain that a return to the letter of Gramsci's writings on hegemony and its national-popular and democratic character would not only allow neo-Gramscians to address more effectively these weaknesses, but also strengthen their approach and align it more effectively with trends in contemporary politics.Keywords: Gramsci; International Relations; Hegemony; National-Popular.
The Gramscian thinking has been increasingly used in the fields of Political Science and International Relations, however, prioritizing its concept of hegemony. In this article, it is proposed both, a more accurate elucidation and a possible transposition of the concept of the historical bloc to the international scenario, having as the main question the following study inquiry: can we transpose the concept of the historical bloc developed by Gramsci for International Relations of the 21st century, taking into account its transnational nature? Methodologically, a deductive, qualitative approach is used, with a literature review based on data collection from secondary sources. It is understood that the notion of the historical bloc coined by Gramsci, followed by the assumptions of critical theorists, helps us to understand the difficulties of the current international relations. The versatility of this concept allows us to endorse a macro view of the many facets of International Relations, whether they are linked to the political, economic, social, and even ideological spheres. Gramsci; Transnational Historical Bloc; International Relations; Hegemony; Critical Theory.
Oggetto della ricerca è lo studio del National Institute of Design (NID), progettato da Gautam Sarabhai e sua sorella Gira, ad Ahmedabad, assunta a paradigma del nuovo corso della politica che il Primo Ministro Nehru espresse nei primi decenni del governo postcoloniale. Obiettivo della tesi è di analizzare il fenomeno che unisce modernità e tradizione in architettura. La modernità indiana, infatti, nacque e si sviluppò con i caratteri di un Giano bifronte: da un lato, la politica del Primo Ministro Nehru favorì lo sviluppo dell'industria e della scienza; dall'altro, la visione di Gandhi mirava alla riscoperta del locale, delle tradizioni e dell'artigianato. Questi orientamenti influenzarono l'architettura postcoloniale. Negli anni '50 e '60 Ahmedabad divenne la culla dell'architettura moderna indiana. Kanvinde, i Sarabhai, Correa, Doshi, Raje trovarono qui le condizioni per costruire la propria identità come progettisti e come intellettuali. I motori che resero possibile questo fermento furono principalmente due: una committenza di imprenditori illuminati, desiderosi di modernizzare la città; la presenza ad Ahmedabad, a partire dal 1951, dei maestri dell'architettura moderna, tra cui i più noti furono Le Corbusier e Kahn, invitati da quella stessa committenza, per la quale realizzarono edifici di notevole rilevanza. Ad Ahmedabad si confrontarono con forza entrambe le visioni dell'India moderna. Lo sforzo maggiore degli architetti indiani si espresse nel tentativo di conciliare i due aspetti, quelli che derivavano dalle influenze internazionali e quelli che provenivano dallo spirito della tradizione. Il progetto del NID è uno dei migliori esempi di questo esercizio di sintesi. Esso recupera nella composizione spaziale la lezione di Wright, Le Corbusier, Kahn, Eames ibridandola con elementi della tradizione indiana. Nell'uso sapiente della struttura modulare e a padiglione, della griglia ordinatrice a base quadrata, dell'integrazione costante fra spazi aperti, natura e architettura affiorano nell'edificio del NID echi di una cultura millenaria. ; The subject of this research is the National Institute of Design (NID) designed by Gautam and his sister Gira Sarabhai in Ahmedabad. My aim is to analyze the phenomenon that blends modernity and tradition in architecture as an expression of the new politics that the Prime Minister Nehru advocated in his leadership after Independence. Indian modernity emerged as a double faced Janus: on the one hand the Prime Minister Nehru promoted a widespread modernization fostering industrial, scientific and technological development; on the other hand Gandhi's ideas aimed to rediscover the local, ancient tradition, crafts and rural life. These orientations shaped postcolonial architecture. The focus is on Ahmedabad, the city which was greatest architectural upheaval, where young Indian architects (Kanvinde, Sarabhai, Correa, Doshi, Raje, Kapadia) could confront themselves with Western modern masters - among them Le Corbusier and Kahn - searching for their own architectural identity. The engines of such great upheaval were two: enlighten clients eager to transform the society and modernize their city; the presence of modern masters, who came to Ahmedabad from 1951, invited from the same customers to design buildings for the city. A new direction for Indian architecture was evident right in Ahmedabad. A city where both the visions for a modern India strongly tackled. The biggest effort of Indian architects was the attempt to reconcile these two aspects, the ones which came from international influences and the ones which arose from the spirit of tradition. NID is one of the best example of this search for a synthesis: it shows Wright, Le Corbusier, Eames, Kahn's legacy but also echoes from Indian architecture such as the pavilion structure, the square grid, open spaces and a perfect merge between nature and architecture.
This volume contains the results of some studies presented by Egyptian and Italian scholars at the International Conference "Peacebuilding between East and West XI-XVI c.", organized in Cairo on, October 27, 2016 by the Egyptian Unity of research, as part of the academic activities of the Bilateral Project "History of Peace-building: peaceful relations between East and West (11th - 15th century)" carried out jointly by the Institute of the Mediterranean EuropeHistory of the CNR (Italy), and the University of Damanhour. The project is totally funded by the Academy of Scientific Research and Technology (ASRT)(1) of the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Italian National Research Council (CNR)(2).The purpose of the Bilateral Project - and even of the aforementioned International Conference- is to carry out research in order to examine through the study of different types of documentary and narrative sources; the nature, quantity and quality of peaceful relations between Christians and Muslims in a geographical area extending from the Iberian Peninsula to the Levantin a chronological interval between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries. Needless to say that since it is an Italian-Egyptian project, the researchers will devote particular attention in their studies to the relations between these two geographical areas.In this book, we can find the first contributions of some scholars of the two Research Units on the important theme of the complex relationships between the Christian world and the Islamic one, which characterized almost all the Middle Ages and much of the Modern Age in the area gravitating around the Mediterranean Sea.The researchers' aim is to focus their studies on episodes, geographical areas, persons and moments which represent incidents and cases of peaceful coexistence and connection, with fruitful exchanges of various kinds of knowledge, even in a general context characterized by military, religious and ideological-cultural conflict. ; Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Academy of Scientific Research & Technology ; editors in chief Prof. Ali Ahmed El-Sayed, Dr. Luciano Gallinari, Dr. Abdallah Abdel-Ati Al-Naggar ; Beiträge teilweise italienisch, teilweise arabisch in arabischer Schrift
Dal XII al XIII secolo nel Sud della Francia le città si diedero un'organizzazione comunale quasi del tutto autonoma ed espressero magistrature urbane in buona misura comparabili con quelle che nate in Italia alla fine dell'XI secolo. Contemporaneamente gli elementi economicamente più attivi delle loro società cittadine (diverse ma al medesimo tempo simile a quelle dell'Italia centro settentrionale), allacciarono legami stretti e frequenti con i mercanti e gli uomini d'affari della penisola. Fu attraverso le relazioni commerciali che si determinò nel Midi lo sviluppo di determinati organismi istituzionali e si ebbe la diffusione di modelli culturali e giuridici di provenienza italiana? Si possono valutare i modi e i tempi di questa influenza? In quale misura il Sud sviluppò e cambiò le esperienze politiche mutuate dall'esterno? Questo testo, lungi dal rispondere a queste domande assai complesse, vorrebbe cercare di definire i limiti della nostra conoscenza attuale sul tema in questione e presentare le prospettive degli studi, seguendo la traccia di lavori antichi e recenti.
The growing importance of the external action of the European Union, also determined by the constant expansion of the Union's competences in this area, has led to a considerable downsizing of the international relations life of the Member States. In many areas of international law, the Union has gradually replaced its own states in managing relations with third countries. [.] The choice of the subject dealt with in this work arises therefore from two considerations, one of method, the other of merit. The first coincides with the warned need to attempt a reconstruction of the forms of interaction between Union law and international agreements of the member states according to a single scheme, which takes into due consideration the pertinent rules of international law. [.] As for the considerations of merit, it is now more evident than in the past that the increase in the competences attributed to the European Union, both internal and external, increasingly raises crucial profiles of coordination between Union activities and international obligations of Member States. The forms of interaction between the two sources are the most varied and pose application problems of significant complexity.
Also in the last year the signs of decomposition of the political, economic and institutional world conceived at the end of the Second World War and definitively freed from the end of the cold war have multiplied. Meanwhile, the advent of Donald Trump as president of the United States has introduced an unprecedented tension between the US and the international order they themselves produced. More generally, the growth of China and the renewed assertiveness of Russia seem to herald a new phase of the reflux of Western impact on the rest of the world. Above all, a variegated dispute over legitimacy has affected the liberal orientation of the post-bipolar order, with ever more profound consequences for the holding of the multilateral fabric of international coexistence, international organizations and even the institutional set-up of individual states. The ISPI 2019 Report questions this upheaval, both in the political and economic dimensions. The first part of the volume is dedicated to the global context and its repercussions on Europe, while the second is addressed as usual to Italian foreign policy.
Under the pressure of the more aggressive rhetoric of the new US administration, 2017 has uncovered the ever-increasing weight that the traditional dynamics between the great powers is regaining even in the international context of the 21st century. Contrary to the most optimistic forecasts and rhetoric of the first cold post-war period, the "big game" has regained the center of the stage, driven in part by the growth and renewed assertiveness of potential global competitors of the United States such as Russia and China, in it starts from the continuing crisis of the multilateral fabric of international coexistence and, in part even greater, from the decomposition of the regional system into increasingly autonomous arenas, within which the weight of the respective great local powers also grows. The ISPI 2018 Report questions this change, only partly offset by the good news that, over the last year, came from the international economy. The first part of the volume is dedicated to the global context, the second asks what place Europe can occupy in a "world of adults", while the third addresses as usual to Italian foreign policy.
L'articolo mira a esaminare, ed elaborare, i diversi livelli di contenuto presenti nel saggio del 1949 di Claude Lévi-Strauss "Guerre et commerce chez les Indiens de l'Amérique du Sud", tradotto in italiano per la Rivista. Più specificamente, del saggio lévi-straussiano si indagano: la dimensione estetico-letteraria, che testimonia di un tratto peculiare della sensibilità e dell'approccio intellettuale dell'Autore; il contenuto propriamente antropologico, ma il cui valore scientifico e gli esiti teorici non hanno lasciato indifferenti le altre scienze umane e sociali; e, infine, le implicazioni filosofiche - giuridiche e politiche - delle questioni ivi trattate.
The last twenty-five years of relations between Turkey and Israel are the most intense years of their diplomatic relations. From the 90s, when the two Countries had have good relations, to the deep crisis of 2010, the role of the two Countries in the region has radically changed for both the international context and the changes of governments in both Countries. This essay will take into account both the crucial historical moments of relations between the two Countries and the elements of theory of international relations that have fostered these steps and changes. Finally, there will be a brief comments about the latest upheavals (especially in Turkey but also in United States) and about prospects that could entail in relations with Israel. The energy issue is purposely neglected to focus on the political-economic one.
The last twenty-five years of relations between Turkey and Israel are the most intense years of their diplomatic relations. From the 90s, when the two Countries had have good relations, to the deep crisis of 2010, the role of the two Countries in the region has radically changed for both the international context and the changes of governments in both Countries. This essay will take into account both the crucial historical moments of relations between the two Countries and the elements of theory of international relations that have fostered these steps and changes. Finally, there will be a brief comments about the latest upheavals (especially in Turkey but also in United States) and about prospects that could entail in relations with Israel. The energy issue is purposely neglected to focus on the political-economic one.
My PhD dissertation focuses on the relations between Italy and Great Britain in the Sixties, regarding the first enlargement of the European Community. In order to clarify how these relations have evolved, the research drew on a variety of archival sources, both British and Italian, such as documents held at the National Archives in London, at the "Archivio Centrale di Stato", the "Archivio Storico del Senato" and the "Archivio Storico Diplomatico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale" in Rome. My work tries to clarify how the initial lack of interest shown by Her Majesty's Government towards the Italians and their «uncalled, unhelpful and generally tiresome» determination to participate in international affairs (National Archives, Foreign Office 371/145029, British Embassy, Rome, 21 July 1959) gradually abated, up to bring the United Kingdom and Italy to sign a Declaration on Europe in April 1969. Combining British, Italian, European and international history, the thesis sheds new light on some significant moments of the Anglo-Italian relations, for instance, in March 1958, when the Italian Minister of Foreign Trade, Guido Carli, suggested a Plan to overcome the French opposition to the British proposal to create a Free Trade Area among the members of the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC). The research analyses also the idea of an Anglo-Italian Axis suggested by the Italian Minister of the Budget, Ugo La Malfa in December 1962- idea reiterated both in 1965 and in 1968- with the aim to stand against the opposition of General de Gaulle to the British request of joining the European Communities. Finally, the dissertation reserves a proper space to the commitment of Pietro Nenni and Altiero Spinelli in involving the British Government in the project a European political Community
The contribution takes stock of the intense legislative activity occurred in the last year in Russia. This has taken place against the background of a "frozen" political regime which is deeply concerned about the activity of "non-systemic" opposition and "foreign agents", and increasingly aggressive in international relations. ; The contribution takes stock of the intense legislative activity occurred in the last year in Russia. This has taken place against the background of a "frozen" political regime which is deeply concerned about the activity of "non-systemic" opposition and "foreign agents", and increasingly aggressive in international relations.
After having outlined the peculiarities of Vatican City State's nature, this paper examines the development of its financial law, starting with the Monetary Convention with European Union. The Holy See from 2009 makes a serious effort to adjust its law to the current needs of an increasingly globalised market. This results in a profound change in the Vatican international relations, which were previously mainly addressing Italy, in order to satisfy the territorial and material needs of a small State. Today Vatican City State has agreed to be subject to periodic controls on its financial system by international bodies. It has developed a system of international relations and it integrates into the global financial market transparency system.
For decades International Relations have seen an uninterrupted increase in the weight of aid policies in defining the number and quality of bilateral and multilateral relations between sovereign States, increasingly replacing the traditional instruments of war and trade. Although aid is an ever-increasing component of States' foreign policies and conditions not only their reciprocal relations but the entire International System, it is struggling to establish itself as an object of historical and political study in its own right. The conceptual definition of aid, which has remained rather vague, charged with a prescriptive and a-political moralising scope, has suffered.The article is dedicated to a (re)-operationalization of the concept of State Aid in the international dimension so as to make it a useful practical tool for historical- political research on the subject. This leads to the definition of a new concept of International Aid Public Policy (IAPP), which goes beyond the traditional concept of Foreign Policy to support a History of International Relations and Institutions that includes the analysis of aid policies between sovereign states, both outgoing (if donors) and incoming (if recipients). ; Da decenni le Relazioni Internazionali vedono un aumento ininterrotto del peso delle politiche di aiuto nel definire numero e qualità delle relazioni bilaterali e multilaterali tra Stati sovrani, sostituendosi sempre più spesso ai tradizionali strumenti della guerra e del commercio. Per quanto gli aiuti siano una componente sempre maggiore delle politiche estere degli Stati e condizionino non solo le loro reciproche relazioni ma l'intero Sistema Internazionale, essi faticano ad affermarsi come oggetto di studio storico politico a se stante. A farne le spese è stata la definizione concettuale dell'aiuto, rimasta piuttosto vaga, carica di una portata moralizzatrice prescrittiva e a-politica. L'articolo si dedica ad una (ri)-operazionalizzazione del concetto di Aiuto di Stato nella dimensione internazionale in modo ...
