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This article deals with the issues of regulation of property relations of spouses in private international law. The article deals with the conflict issues of marriage, as well as the contractual regime of a property of spouses. The article reveals the content of the Minsk and Chisinau conventions on property relations between spouses. In particular, the conventions say that the property relations between spouses are determined by the legislation of the Contracting Party in whose territory they live together. If the husband lives in one Contracting State and the wife in the other and both have the same nationality, the law of the country of which they are nationals governs their property relations. Attention is paid to bilateral agreements on legal assistance to States in the field of property relations between spouses. For example, such an agreement exists between Russia and Estonia, and it helps to resolve various property issues between spouses. The domestic legislation of different States regulates the issue of determining the regime of matrimonial property in different ways. For example, in the States of the Anglo-Saxon legal system and in most Muslim countries there is only a regime of separate property. On the contrary, in the States of the Romano-German legal system, preference is given to the regime of the common property of spouses, and it is possible to establish a different regime of property relations by agreement of the spouses. According to this principle, and developing family law in Russia.

This article is devoted to a problem of modeling of the language content of training of foreign students in Russian. Language knowledge in the form of the micromodule of the content of training in Russian as foreign represents knowledge of material units of language (its form, semantics, rules of the use and connection of these units in statements). Speech activity is impossible without abilities of operating by language knowledge which are an approximate basis of skills and abilities. One of problems of modeling of the language content of training consists in reducing structural variety of the learned language to limited number of structural and semantic units - models on the basis of which speech actions and use with which are based will approach foreign pupils to creation of statements, and through them - to language acquisition of professional communication. Modeling of the language contents allows to reduce objects of assimilation, that is the main units of the organization of a training material to foreseeable number. ; Данная статья посвящена проблеме моделирования языкового содержания обучения иностранных студентов русскому языку. Языковые знания в форме микромодуля содержания обучения русскому языку как иностранному представляют собой знание материальных единиц языка (его формы, семантики, правил употребления и соединения этих единиц в высказываниях). Речевая деятельность невозможна без умений оперирования языковыми знаниями, которые являются ориентировочной основой навыков и умений. Одна из задач моделирования языкового содержания обучения заключается в том, чтобы свести структурное многообразие изучаемого языка к ограниченному числу структурно-смысловых единиц - моделей, на основе которых строятся речевые действия и пользование которыми приблизит иностранных учащихся к построению высказываний, а через них - к овладению языком профессионального общения. Моделирование языкового содержания позволяет свести к обозримому числу объекты усвоения, то есть основные единицы организации учебного материала.

The article deals with formation and development of regional subsystem of internationalrelations in North America in the nineteenth century. In the nineteenthcentury North American subsystem of international relations passed through threestages, those of formation (1800—1823), consolidation (1823—1867), and stabledevelopment (1867—1904). The critical periods in the evolution of internationalrelations in North America were the years between 1815 and 1823 when a newindependent actor appeared and system interaction between the powers presentin the region came to life, and the years between 1845 and 1867 when regionalhierarchy was finalized with the United States as a leading regional power ; Рассматривается становление и развитие региональной подсистемы международных отношений в Северной Америке в XIX в. В изучаемое столетие североамериканская подсистема международных отношений прошла три периода, которые отражают ее формирование (1800—1823), консолидацию (1823—1867) и стабильное развитие (1867—1904). Особую значимость в развитии международных отношений в Северной Америке сыграли два хронологических отрезка: 1815—1823 — время появления нового независи-мого актора и выстраивания системного взаимодействия между игроками врегионе; 1845—1867 — завершение формирования региональной междуна-родной иерархии, на вершине которой оказались США.

The article presents a brief overview of India-U.S. relations during the period of Narendra Modi's government and Barack Obama's administration. The author analyzes the dynamics of cooperation development after the victory of Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2014 Parliamentary elections in India and studies the key directions of bilateral agenda. The current condition of India-U.S. strategic dialogue and the influence of human rights issues on the countries' cooperation are characterized.

Since 2014 the states' cooperation has been growing rapidly. The bilateral investment, trade and economic interdependence have significantly increased. Some experts and mass media note that Barack Obama and Narendra Modi are having friendly relations. From a different angle, a number of agreements between countries still remain unaccomplished. For instance, the U.S. support for India's permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, its accession to APEC and the implementation of nuclear deal have yet to be turned into achievement.

Together with strengthening the bilateral strategic dialogue, the U.S. has intensified the criticism of India's human rights record. The main part of it includes the cases of religious intolerance, which are observed in the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom reports and the remarks given by U.S. lawmakers and official representatives, including the Ambassador to India. Washington's careful attention to the human rights issues and religious violence in particular is one of the major irritants in the U.S.-India relations.

The engagement of Indian Americans in the local U.S. politics and their lobbying efforts in the context of U.S.-India relations are revealed. The author outlines the near-terms perspectives of bilateral cooperation.

In the article, the authors review the main directions of cooperation between Ukraine and the Republic of Poland, highlighting the issues and prospects for further development of bilateral relations of these countries in the future. The reasons of exacerb ; У статті авторами розглянуто основні напрями співпраці України та Республіки Польща, висвітлені проблемні моменти та перспективи подальшого розвитку двосторонніх відносин цих держав у майбутньому. Чітко окреслено причини загострення міжнародних відносин д ; У статті авторами розглянуто основні напрями співпраці України та Республіки Польща, висвітлені проблемні моменти та перспективи подальшого розвитку двосторонніх відносин цих держав у майбутньому. Чітко окреслено причини загострення міжнародних відносин д

Рассматриваются наиболее важные и интересные результаты научного опыта, накопленного за 20 лет деятельности одного из известных экспертно-аналитических центров — Алтайской школы политических исследований (АШПИ). На основании аналитического обзора статей отечественных и зарубежных авторов школы исследованы два наиболее значимых направления: первое связано с формами международного взаимодействия (международные конфликты, трансграничное сотрудничество и т.д.), второе — с ролью идентичностей и имиджей в международных отношениях (европейская идентичность, образы стран, продвижение международного имиджа и т.д.). Большое внимание уделено изучению исторических сюжетов указанных направлений. Аналитический обзор позволил представить масштабы, системность и разноплановость проведенных исследований. Обобщается также практический опыт научно-организационной деятельности по созданию сетевого сообщества исследователей-международников, которое удавалось развивать благодаря активному использованию интернет-технологий, позволяющих виртуально преодолевать те расстояния, которые отделяют Барнаул от ведущих научных центров. В статье дается обзор наиболее интересных публикаций в серийном издании «Дневник АШПИ». DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)4-30 ; This article discusses the most important and interesting results of scientific experience gained during 20 years of activity of one of the famous expert-analytical centers — "Altai School of Political Studies". On the basis of analytical review of the articles of domestic and foreign authors of the School, investigation was made of 2 most important areas: the first is related to forms of international cooperation (international conf lict, cross-border cooperation etc.), the second refers to the role of identities and images in international relations (European identity, images of countries, promotion of international image etc.). Much attention is paid to the study of the historical subjects in these areas. Analytical review allowed us to imagine the magnitude, consistency and heterogeneity of the studies. Generalization is given to practical experience of scientific and organizational activities to create a network community of researchers in international affairs which could be developed due to the active use of the Internet- technologies that allow virtual overcoming of the distances that separate Barnaul from the leading scientific centers. The article provides an overview of the most interesting publications in the serial publication of the "Diary of ASPS". DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)4-30

The article investigates the formal models as a method of analysis in international studies. The importance of this type of models in writing articles for world leading high-ranking journals from Scopus list is shown. The author reveals the main challenges of interdisciplinary synthesis related to the construction of formal models. The problem of identifying the actors of international relations is revealed, including the assessment of actor's involvement in a concrete international conflict (or process) in the context of the concepts of defensive and offensive realism, as well as of real and of latent (potential) power. The decrease in the influence of the state as the primary actor in international relations, and the increase of influence of new types of actors are shown, including international terrorist networks (led by IS), political parties, media and NGOs in the context of post-modernism, global business structures. At the national level, the main actors are illustrated both by the example of countries with a developed civil society and a market economy, and by that of the traditional non-Western society. The question of levels of analysis in international relations, as well as agent-structure problem are illustrated by concrete cases from modern international relations. The author describes a model of "nested" politics. The main types of models used in international studies (game theoretic, econometric, network analysis, simulation) are indicated as well as their shortcomings. Two kinds of simulation models - system dynamics and agent-based modeling are described. It is noted that the agent-based modeling is carried out mainly in the framework of the constructivist paradigm of international relations theory.

The article gives an analytical overview of the main approaches and points of view expressed in the reports sent to the Internet conference of the Altai School of Political Studies "The Country's Image as a Factor of 'Soft Power' in International Relations" (01.03 — 30.06.2017). Characteristic is given to the degree of study and relevance of the topic; the focus is made on the most interesting conclusions found in the reports for each of the three sections: 1) The Country's Image and "Soft Power": Theoretical and Methodological Discussions and Experience in the Application of Concepts; 2) The Image of the Country as a Factor of "Soft Power" in the History of International Relations; 3) The International Image of the Country and the Policy of "Soft Power" in the Modern World. In general, the paper considers 29 reports from authors from 9 cities of Russia (Barnaul, Yekaterinburg, Kirov, Moscow, Novosibirsk, Omsk, St. Petersburg, Tomsk, Chita) and 4 foreign countries (Armenia, China, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan). The report presents different approaches, considers various subjects of history and modernity. As a result, there happened a substantive discussion which enriched the study of the problem of the correlation between the country's international image and "soft power" in history and modernity.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)5-32 ; Дается аналитический обзор основных подходов и точек зрения, высказанных в докладах, присланных на интернет-конференцию Алтайской школы политических исследований «Имидж страны как фактор "мягкой силы" в международных отношениях» (1 марта — 30 июня 2017 г.). Характеризуются степень изученности и актуальность темы, выделяются наиболее интересные выводы, встречающиеся в докладах по каждой из трех секций: 1) Имидж страны и «мягкая сила»: теоретико-методологические дискуссии и опыт применения понятий; 2) Имидж страны как фактор «мягкой силы» в истории международных отношений; 3) Международный имидж страны и политика «мягкой силы» в современном мире. В целом в статье отмечены 29 докладов от авторов из девяти городов России (Барнаула, Екатеринбурга, Кирова, Москвы, Новосибирска, Омска, Санкт-Петербурга, Томска, Читы) и четырех зарубежных стран (Армении, Казахстана, Китая и Таджикистана). В докладах представлены разные подходы, рассмотрены различные сюжеты истории и современности. В итоге получилась содержательная дискуссия, которая обогатила изучение актуальной проблемы соотношения международного имиджа страны и «мягкой силы» в истории и современности.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)5-32

The article is devoted to the study of the Iran-Azerbaijan relations during the first year of Muhammad Khatami's presidency. The main task of the research is to follow the evolution of Iran-Azerbaijan relations during that period, to describe the most important events of these relations and to find an answer to the question why such a successful beginning of the period led Iran and Azerbaijan to the verge of a diplomatic catastrophe. The coming of the liberal president Khatami to power in Iran created an opportunity to overcome mutual mistrust in the Iran-Azerbaijan relations and to direct them into a constructive course. The fact that in 1997-1998 Iran and Azerbaijan foreign policy agendas partly coincided also contributed to this concept. The first serious attempts to stabilize the Iran-Azerbaijan relations were made during the eighth OIC summit in Tehran, when Iran initiated passing of several documents, condemning the actions of Armenia in the Karabakh conflict. However, this proved insufficient to stabilize the relationship. Soon, because of problems in ethnic and energy spheres the Iran-Azerbaijan relations began rapidly to deteriorate. The priority given to relations with the United States by Azerbaijan served as an additional source of irritation for Iran. That eventually became the main reason for Iran to change its position on the international legal status of the Caspian Sea that created the basis for Iranian claims to Azerbaijan oilfields. In three years dramatic events of the first year of Khatami presidency led Iran and Azerbaijan to a military conflict in the Caspian Sea when Iranian warships drove away Azerbaijan research vessels from a contract zone Araz-Alov-Sharg.

В статье рассматривается концепт доверие в историко-философском контексте. Раскрываются факторы, под влиянием которых происходило становление доверия в международных отношениях Украины и Республики Беларусь: амбивалентность общественного сознания украинцев, историческое разделение Украины на регионы, с разными религиозными и политическими предпочтениями, ментальность народов, общность исторической судьбы, близость славянских языков и общих культурных начал. Автором проанализированы концептуальные подходы к формированию и реализации доверия как на официальном уровне, так и на уровне «people-to-people». ; The concept of trust in international relations is discussed from a historical and a philosophical perspective, followed by a discussion of the factors impacting the establishment of trust in the relations between Ukraine and the Republic of Belarus. These include the ambivalence of the public consciousness of Ukrainians, the historical division of Ukraine into regions, with different religious and political preferences, the mentality of the peoples, common historical destiny, the proximity of Slavic languages and a common cultural foundation. Conceptual approaches are discussed to the formation and maintenance of trust at the official level and «people-to-people» level.

At the turn of the century, the rogue state concept has become an integral part of the theory of international relations. However, even contemporary approaches lack the appropriate academic tools to reach a comprehensive understanding of the international community's role in determining the normative frameworks of the proper behavior of the states as the main actors of international system, leaving the relations between global community and the rogues almost an uncharted territory on the international stage. The article considers the category of rogue states as "excluded" members of the international community through the sociological lens of "stigma" (E. Goffman) and "labelling theory" (H. Becker and E. Lemert). Engaging an empirical case of Iraqi foreign policy during and after the Gulf War 1991, the author demonstrates two thresholds of the labelling state as the rogue: public initiation of the offender and self-fulfilling prophecy. It is possible to define some specific features of the outsider's behavior on the international stage: the high level of cooperation among the representatives of the same category, "unsustainable bravado" as the set of fluid and inconsistent actions of the rogue state in foreign policy, finally, the tendency toward obtaining the "secondary gains". Contrariwise, global community tends to pay greater attention to rogue states and exercise some discrimination practices on the ground of their outcast position in the world normative structure with the category of "wise" actors, for example China, being an exception from the common mainstream and maintaining close cooperation ties with rogues.

The article analyzes Russian-Central Asian relations with a focus on their economic component. The uniqueness of the ongoing (since 2003) study, which is the basis for the article, lies in an attempt to systematically evaluate the key elements of interaction between Russia and the countries of Central Asia in the areas of politics, security, the economy (including in the energy sector), as well as in the social sphere. Through the prism of this, the most important factors and stages of economic relations in the period 1991–2018 are indicated, trade and other statistics are provided. The article concludes that in recent years, economic relations between Russia and Central Asian countries are characterized by certain positive dynamics.

The author studies the influence of the "Shia factor" on the relations between Iran and the Gulf Arab countries. In most countries of the Persian Gulf, there are Shia communities that constitute a significant part of the population. After the Islamic revolution of 1979 relations between Iran and most Arab countries have become particularly tense. In the 1980s, the Gulf monarchies also became wary of exporting the Islamic revolution in their countries. This was due to the fact that, being inspired by the success of the co-religionists in Iran, the Arab Shiites became more involved in politics. It should be noted that the way the Arab Gulf countries treat the Shiites in the region is influenced by the fact that Iran and the Arab Gulf countries compete for political and economic predominance in the region. Often the Shia Muslims are discriminated by the authorities of the Arab countries, and are regarded as the so-called "fifth column" of Iran. In the author's opinion, the policy of oppression of the Shia Muslims in the Persian Gulf monarchies not only worsens the political situation in these countries, but also complicates relations with neighboring Iran. This policy is not constructive. Moreover, the mythical "Iranian threat" does not go to any comparison with the threat posed by the Islamic State. According to the author, although after the execution of the Shia cleric Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr in Saudi Arabia at the beginning of 2016 Iran's relations with Arab countries became even more strained, the further escalation of the conflict is not in the interests of Iran. Especially now, at the initial stage of removing sanctions against Iran's nuclear program, the military operations against the Shiites in the Arab countries may slow down the process. As for Saudi Arabia, in the event of the outbreak of hostilities Riyadh may seriously damage relations with the United States. This is because Washington sees no benefits in involving Saudi Arabia, its biggest ally in the region, into another armed conflict in the region.

The article is devoted to issues of Uzbek-Afghan relations. It is noted that the high dynamics of Uzbek-Afghan relations is the result of a new foreign policy strategy of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Based on the analysis of the dynamics of development of bilateral relations, the author identifies concrete changes and successes in these relations. As a result, the author notes Uzbekistan will continue its efforts to promote the peaceful development of Afghanistan, which serves as a guarantee of security and prosperity of the entire Central Asian region.