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The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China's stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project "Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation" supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

ABSTRAK Pertubuhan Buruh Antarabangsa dalam 'Report of the Committee on the Employment Relationship' menyatakan bahawa hubungan pekerjaan pada masa kini semakin kompleks dan tiada satu definisi yang boleh diterima untuk mendefinisikan hubungan pekerjaan. Pelbagai ujian dan kriteria diwujudkan pada peringkat kebangsaan untuk mentakrifikan hubungan pekerjaan. Malah, asas hubungan pekerjaan sebagai bidang kajian dikatakan adalah untuk meneliti sifat hubungan yang wujud antara majikan dan pekerja. Sehubungan itu, kajian ini mencadangkan bahawa sifat hubungan pekerjaan di sektor informal boleh difahami dengan mengambil kira dua dimensi: Pertama, sejauh mana majikan bergantung kepada pekerja masing-masing dan sebaliknya. Kedua, sejauh mana pekerja mempunyai keupayaan secara individu atau secara kolektif untuk mencabar kuasa majikan. Berdasarkan dua demensi ini, empat sifat dikenal pasti untuk melihat sifat hubungan pekerjaan di sektor informal iaitu 'fraternalism', 'paternalism', 'benevolent autocracy', dan 'passive acquiescence'. Kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, iaitu temu bual separa berstruktur bersama lapan orang responden di Lawas, Sarawak. Hasil kajian mendapati bahawa sifat hubungan pekerjaan dalam sektor informal adalah bersifat 'benevolent autocracy'. Hal ini demikian kerana majikan kurang bergantung kepada pekerja mereka dan menyebabkan keupayaan pekerja agak terhad untuk mencabar kuasa majikan. Ia adalah keadaan yang paling biasa di sebuah firma kecil, iaitu pengurus atau pemilik kurang bergantung kepada pekerja dan dapat mempengaruhi mereka dari kedudukan kuasa sebagai majikan. Hasil penemuan kajian ini turut menjelaskan bahawa konsep hubungan pekerjaan itu tidak hanya semata-mata ditandai dengan hubungan undang-undang seperti yang dinyatakan dalam kajian lepas, tetapi hubungan pekerjaan itu juga meliputi sejauh mana majikan dan pekerja saling bergantung antara satu sama lain dan mewujudkan hubungan pekerjaan.
ABSTRACT International Labour Organization in the 'Report of the Committee on the Employment Relationship' states that current employment relationships are increasingly complex and there is no acceptable definition to define 'employment relationships.' Various tests and criteria were established at the national level to define employment relationships. Literature review states that the basis of employment relationships as a field of study is to investigate the nature of the relationship between the employer and the employee. This study suggests that the nature of employment relationships in the informal sector can be understood using two related dimensions: First, the extent to which the employer is dependent on the employees, and vice versa; and second, the extent to which the employees have the capacity individually or collectively, to challenge the power of their employer. Based on these two dimensions, four distinct categories that reveal the nature of employment relationships in the informal sector are identified. They are 'fraternalism,' 'paternalism,' 'benevolent autocracy' and 'passive acquiescence.' The study is conducted using the qualitative approach through in-depth interviews with eight respondents in Lawas, Sarawak. The findings show that the nature of the employment relationships in the informal sector is 'benevolent autocracy' as the employer is not overly dependent on their employees, therefore the employee has a limited capacity to challenge the employer's power. This is most common in small firms where the manager or owner is not overly dependent on the employees and is able to influence the employees from a position of power. The characteristic of the informal sector like family members and unregistered that causes lack of protection to workers is the main reason for creating employment relations in the informal sector. The findings of this study also describe that the concept of employment relationships are not merely bound by legalities as stated in previous studies, but that employment relationships cover the dependencies between the employer and the employee.

Resumo:As adaptações normativas dos países á Convenção Internacional sobre os direitos da criança (1990) foram suscitando debates, controvérsias e ensaios entre os atores sociais, políticos e judiciários sob como tornar consistentes as mudanças propostas. Este artigo tem o objetivo de contribuir a expor as racionalidades, tensões e disputas entre os atores do campo da criança e do adolescente sob as medidas excepcionais estabelecidas pela lei de proteção integral a criança e ao adolescente no Estado de Santa Fe, Argentina (No 12927/09) Tais medidas têm revertidos nos procedimentos no qual se decreta a perda o suspensão do poder familiar. No caso da pesquisa e no analise dos depoimentos coletados, o estudo reconstrói os argumentos que guiaram o tema tanto no grupo de pais adotantes como no Foro de Infâncias Rosário nos primeiros anos do Sistema de Proteção de Direitos no Estado. Assim, o cuidado torna se hoje uma categoria privilegiada a fim de objetivar os diferentes argumentos sobre as responsabilidades sociais e da família em relação à minoria de idade nos processo administrativos e judiciários. O estudo nota seu ponto de condensação na transformação normativa do ano 2011.Palavras-chave: Infância; Políticas; Proteção; Direitos; Cuidado***Resumen:Las adecuaciones normativas de los países a la Convención Internacional sobre los Derechos del Niño (1989) fueron suscitando interrogantes, controversias y ensayos entre los actores sociales, políticos y judiciales sobre cómo tornar consistentes las transformaciones propuestas. El artículo tiene como objeto exponer las racionalidades, tensiones y disputas entre los actores del campo de la infancia sobre las medidas excepcionales establecidas por la ley de protección de derechos de niñas, niños y adolescentes en la provincia de Santa Fe, Argentina (N°12.927/09). Dichas medidas consisten en el proceso burocrático a través del cual un infante es separado de su grupo familiar. En este caso, a través del análisis de entrevistas, el trabajo reconstruye los argumentos esgrimidos sobre el tema entre el Grupo de padres adoptivos y en espera y el Foro de Infancias Rosario en los primeros años de la conformación del Sistema de Protección de Derechos en la provincia. Así, el cuidado hoy se torna una categoría privilegiada para objetivar diferentes argumentos sobre las responsabilidades sociales y familiares en relación a la minoría de edad en los procesos administrativos y judiciales. El proceso estudiado muestra su punto de condensación en la modificación normativa a fines del año 2011.Palabras clave: Infancia; Políticas; Protección; Derechos; Cuidado***Summary:Regulatory adjustments countries to the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) were raising questions, controversies and trials between social, political and judicial actors on how to render consistent the transformations proposed. The article aims to explain the rationales, tensions and disputes between actors in the field of childhood on exceptional measures established by the law on protection of rights of children and adolescents in the province of Santa Fe, Argentina (No. 12,927 / 09). These measures consist of the bureaucratic process through which an infant is separated from his family. In this case, through the analysis of interviews, work reconstructs the arguments on the subject between the Group of adoptive parents and waiting, and the Forum childhoods Rosario in the early years of the establishment of the System for Protection of Rights in province. Thus, care today becomes a privileged category to objectify different arguments about the social and family responsibilities in relation to the minority in administrative and judicial proceedings. The process studied shows its dew point in the legislative amendment at the end of 2011.Key words: Childhood; Politics; Rights; Protection; Care

Con base en la revisión de algunos estudios recientes que se han llevado a cabo en diversas comunidades rurales de las nuevas regiones migratorias, en este artículo se revisan, de manera crítica, dos interpretaciones de los estudios sobre la familia rural: la economía campesina como unidad de producción-consumo y el ciclo de desarrollo de la unidad doméstica. En las condiciones actuales la migración, interna e internacional, desempeña un papel decisivo en las comunidades rurales. Muchos estudios han constatado la voluntad de las mujeres de salir de los grupos domésticos y sumarse a los flujos migratorios por motivos particulares, por situaciones y demandas específicas de ellas; su salida ha contribuido al resquebrajamiento de los sistemas tradicionales de organización y reproducción de la familia campesina.Las feministas, y más tarde los estudios con la perspectiva de género, criticaron la visión de que las familias rurales constituían unidades de producción-consumo donde las decisiones correspondían a un modelo de estrategias familiares de sobrevivencia y reproducción (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007; Wolf, 1990). Ese modelo privilegiaba la homogeneidad, la colectividad, la solidaridad y el consenso, es decir, suponía que en los hogares no había conflictos ni tensiones a la hora de tomar decisiones que a todos comprometían (Ariza, 2007). La familia era una "unidad económica moral" que se sustentaba en los principios de "reciprocidad, consenso y altruismo" (Grasmuck y Pessar, 1991).Los estudios desde el enfoque de género señalaron que en las familias había relaciones de poder basadas en una distribución jerárquica y desigual de los derechos, recursos y autoridad que afectaban especialmente a las mujeres (Ariza, 2007; González Montes, 2002; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007; Wolf, 1990). Las críticas alcanzaron a los estudios migratorios: la migración no era un fenómeno exclusivamente de los hombres, las migrantes no eran apéndices de la migración masculina y sus desplazamientos podían tener motivaciones particulares (Ariza, 2007; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007). AbstractBased on a review of recent studies conducted in various rural communities in the new migration regions, this article critically reviews two interpretations of rural family studies: the peasant economy as a production-consumption unit and the household development cycle. In the current conditions, internal and international migration play a key role in rural communities. Many studies have shown the willingness of women to leave home and join migratory flows for personal reasons, or due to specific situations and demands. Their departure has contributed to the breakdown of the traditional systems of organization and reproduction of the peasant family.Feminists, and subsequently studies with a gender perspective, criticized the view that rural families were production-consumption units where decisions corresponded to a model of family strategies for survival and reproduction (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007; Wolf , 1990). That model favored homogeneity, collectivity, solidarity and consensus, in other words, it assumed that households had no conflicts or tensions when it came to making decisions that involved everyone (Ariza, 2007). The family was a "moral economic unit" based on theprinciples of "reciprocity, consensus and altruism" (Grasmuck and Pessar, 1991).Studies from a gender perspective pointed out that there were power relations infamilies based on a hierarchical, unequal distribution of rights, resources and authority that particularly affected women (Ariza, 2007; González Montes, 2002; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007; Wolf, 1990). This criticism reached migration studies: migration was not an exclusively male phenomenon; women migrants were not appendages of male migration and their displacement could be based on personal motivation (Ariza, 2007; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007).

The processes of transformation resulting from the pressure to adapt to the level of western and international markets has led to the loss of traditional economic bases and jobs in eastern German big cities, especially in the secondary sector. A process linked with this is the fact that trade and industrial fallows have come into being. What was first of all characteristic for the formation of the service society was the development outwards to suburbanisation and the fact that the city has lost its function. At the present, the development inwards, meaning opening up possibilities through renewing and refunctionalising areas, is becoming more and more important in the framework of sustained urban development. The mixed areas that are in the area of the city centre and that are developed in the architectural style of the period of promoterism are under special pressure to either undergo change or be crowded out. Because of the attractive historical buildings and the favourable location in relation to the city centre, they are especially affected by processes of gentrification and assume the functions of areas for service organisations to expand from the city centre. We would like to take the example of a mixed area in the City of Leipzig to investigate in greater detail the process of deterioration of traditional structures, their persistence as well as introducing new economic, social and cultural functions. This area bordering immediately on the eastern side of the city centre bears the designation of the Graphic District because it was once concentrated in one space and the fact that the paper, publishing and printing trade dominated here. In the first portion, we will present a historical and geographic analysis of the development of the utility structure in various important time periods. Based upon this, we will take stock of the present mixed structures in the second portion and make an analysis of the location with the aid of utilisation mapping and a standardised oral survey of entrepreneurs. The freedom of movement to be found in the Graphic District, the larger industrial fallows as well as residential and commercial buildings from the period of promoterism that still exist there from the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century offer sufficient space for the development of an expanding service sector in the city with its office space needs. It is already one of the main locations of Leipzig's large office complexes that have come about partially as a result of new buildings being built and partially as a result of reconstructing historical buildings. Residential buildings are also being built to a great extent and flats renovated at a high standard in the city centre. Since the Graphic District was not especially promoted either as a select commercial area or as a "model area" of the city, it has primarily been groups of private economic protagonists who have had an essential influence upon its development. We can also observe a varying process of occupying office space over a staggered period of time, whereby the amount of empty space is somewhat high. Furthermore, enterpriseorientated service suppliers utilise the benefits of this location, the fact that it is favourable to traffic and the historical or newly formed image of the district. In conclusion, we will make a critical evaluation of the Graphic District location from our studies as an office and business site for individual sectors from the point of view of the group of protagonists from commercial, trade and service suppliers and view for the future development.

Book reviewed in this article:A CONTEMPORARY CRITIQUE OF HISTORICAL MATERIALISM: VOLUME TWO, THE NATION‐STATE AND VIOLENCE, By Anthony Giddens.ARGUING FOR SOCIALISM: THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS. By Andrew Levine.WOMEN OF THE MEDIEVAL WORLD. Edited by J. Kirschner and S.F. Wemple.ENTERPRISE AND HISTORY: ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF CHARLES WILSON. Edited by D.C. Coleman and Peter Mathias.THE CRISIS OF PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY. By Carl Schmitt.HISTORY FROM BELOW: STUDIES IN POPULAR PROTEST AND POPULAR IDEOLOGY IN HONOUR OF GEORGE RUDÉ. Edited by Frederick Krantz.READING ALTHUSSER, AN ESSAY ON STRUCTURAL MARXISM. By Steven B. Smith.POLITICAL THINKERS. Edited by David Muschamp.MODELS IN POLITICAL ECONOMY. By Michael Barratt Brown.SURVEYS OF AUSTRALIAN POLITICAL SCIENCE. Edited by Don Aitkin.POLITICAL THEORIES OF MODERN GOVERNMENT: ITS ROLE AND REFORM. By Peter Self.RETHINKING MODERN POLITICAL THEORY. By John Dunn.IMPERIALISM AND AFTER: CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES. Ed. by W.J. Mommsen and J. Osterhammel.LECTURES ON THE PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL OBLIGATION AND OTHER WRITINGS. By T.H. Green.MEN AND WOMEN OF PORT PHILLIP. By Martin Sullivan.COMMUNITY OF FATE: MEMOIRS OF GERMAN JEWS IN MELBOURNE. Edited by John Foster.THE GERMAN CONNECTION: SESQUICENTENARY ESSAYS ON GERMAN‐VICTORIAN CROSSCURRENTS 1835–1985. Edited by Leslie Bodi and Stephen Jeffries.DAISY BATES: THE NATIVE TRIBES OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA. Edited by Isobel White.PADRE. AUSTRALIAN CHAPLAINS IN GALLIPOLI AND FRANCE. By Michael McKernan.THIS IS WHAT HAPPENED: HISTORICAL NARRATIVES BY ABORIGINES. Edited by Luise Hercus and Peter Sutton.RECOVERY: THE POLITICS OF ABORIGINAL REFORM. By Charles Rowley.NO CONCEIVABLE INJURY: THE STORY OF BRITAIN AND AUSTRALIA'S ATOMIC COVERUP. By Robert Milliken.CURTINS COWBOYS: AUSTRALIA'S SECRET BUSH COMMANDOS. By Richard and Helen Walker.HATE ON TRIAL: THE MEDIA AND PUBLIC OPINION IN CANADA. By Gabriel Weimann and Conrad Winn.BLOCKING THE SPREAD OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS: AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVES.ANATOMY OF A WAR: VIETNAM, THE UNITED STATES, AND THE MODERN HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE. By Gabriel Kolko.IDEAL AND REALITY: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CHANGE IN MODERN CHINA 1860–1949. Edited by David Pong and Edmund S.K. Fung.MODERN CHINA, A HISTORY. By Edwin E. Moise.EAGLE AGAINST THE SUN: THE AMERICAN WAR WITH JAPAN. By Ronald H. Spector.THE VATICAN, THE BISHOPS AND IRISH POLITICS 1919–1939. By Dermot KeoghA HISTORY OF EUROPE 1648–1948: THE ARRIVAL, THE RISE, THE FALL. By Paul Dukes.THE TOTEM AND THE TRICOLOUR: A SHORT HISTORY OF NEW CALEDONIA SINCE 1774. By Martyn Lyons.FRANCOPHONIE: ORGANISATION, CO‐ORDINATION, EVALUATION. By William W. Bostock.SOWJETISCHE MILITÄRHILFEPOLITIK GEGENÜBER ENTWICKLUNGSLÄNDERN. By Joachim Krause.DER OSTBLOCK: ENTSTEHUNG, ENTWICKLUNG UND STRUKTUR, 1939–80. By Jens Hacker.SOCIALISM IN HISTORY — POLITICAL ESSAYS OF HENRY PACHTER. Edited and introduced by Stephen Eric Bronner.STORMTROOPERS — A SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND IDEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS, 1929–35. By Conan Fischer.TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC. By Raymond Bentley.DIE GESCHICHTE DER WLASSOW‐ARMEE. By Joachim Hoffman.THE GERMAN STUDENT CORPS IN THE THIRD REICH. By R.G.S. Weber.A SOCIALIST ANATOMY OF BRITAIN. Edited by David Coates, Gordon Johnston and Ray Bush.PATRONAGE AND POLITICS IN SCOTLAND, 1707–1832. By Ronald M. Sunter.THE FAMILY IN ANCIENT ROME: NEW PERSPECTIVES. Edited by Beryl Rawson.THE THATCHER GOVERNMENT. By Peter Riddell.TRADE UNIONS AND POLITICS. By Ken Coates and Tony Topham.MASTERLESS MEN. THE VAGRANCY PROBLEM IN ENGLAND 1560–1640. By A.L. Beier.HISTORY AND HERITAGE. THE SOCIAL ORIGINS OF THE BRITISH INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS SYSTEM. By Alan Fox.THE GREAT ARCH: ENGLISH STATE FORMATION AS CULTURAL REVOLUTION. By Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer.THE AMATEUR AND THE PROFESSIONAL: ANTIQUARIANS, HISTORIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGISTS IN VICTORIAN ENGLAND, 1838–1886. By Phillipa Levine.WRITING MARXIST HISTORY: BRITISH SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND CULTURE SINCE 1700. By R.S. NealeENCYCLOPEDIA OF THE UNITED NATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS. By Edmund Jan Osmanczyk.

Book reviewed in this article:1975 CRISIS — An Historical Review. By H.O. Browning.THE AUSTRALIAN ECONOMY: A VIEW FROM THE NORTH. Edited by Richard Caves and Lawrence Krause.AUSTRALIAN DEMOCRACY IN THEORY AND PRACTICE. By Graham MaddoxREVOLUTIONARIES AND REFORMISTS: Communism and the Australian Labor Movement 1920–1955. By Robin GollanASCENT TO POWER: WRAN AND THE MEDIA. By Brian Dale.A FEDERAL LEGISLATURE: The Australian Commonwealth Parliament 1901–1980. By Joan Rydon.WHO OWNS THE PAST? PAPERS FROM THE ANNUAL SYMPOSIUM OF THE AUSTRALIAN ACADEMY OF THE HUMANITIES. Edited by Isabel McBryde.DIVORCE IN 19TH CENTURY NEW SOUTH WALES. By Hilary Golder.ESSAYS ON VICTORIAN POLITICS. Edited by P.R. Hay, J. Halligan, J. Warhurst and B. Costar.PROGRAM FOR CHANGE. Edited by Marian Sawyer.TO LIVE IN PEACE: AUSTRALIA'S DEFENCE POLICY. By Michael O'Connor. CarltonTHE JEWS IN VICTORIA, 1835–1985. By Hilary L. Rubinstein. Appendix by W.D. Rubinstein.RUPERT MURDOCH. A PAPER PRINCE. By George Munster.DANIEL MANNIX. THE QUALITY OF LEADERSHIP. By B.A. Santamaria.WHY CHINA? RECOLLECTIONS OF CHINA 1923–1950. By C.P. Fitzgerald.TRADE UNIONS IN CHINA 1949 TO THE PRESENT. The Organisation and Leadership of the All‐China Federation of Trade Unions. By Lee Lai To.JAPAN TODAY. By Roger Buckley.SUPER POWERS IN COLLISION. THE NEW COLD WAR OF THE 1980s. By Noam Chomsky, Jonathan Steele and John Gittings.NUCLEAR WINTER. By Owen GreeneALL THINGS TO ALL MEN: The False Promise of the Modern American Presidency. By Godfrey Hodgson.THE CANADIAN HOUSE OF COMMONS: ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF NORMAN WARD. Edited by John C. Courtney.TOWARDS AN ALTERNATIVE FOR CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN. By George Irvin and Xabier Gorostiaga.MONKS, HERMITS AND THE ASCETIC TRADITION. Ed. by W.V. Sheils.THE BARBARIAN WEST 400–1000. By J.M. Wallace‐Hadrill.POWERS AND LIBERTIES: The Causes and Consequences of the Rise of the West. By John A. Hall.A FINANCIAL HISTORY OF WESTERN EUROPE. By Charles P. Kindleberger.EAST‐CENTRAL EUROPE IN TRANSITION: From the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Century. Ed. by A. Maczak, H. Samsonowicz, and P. Burke.THE SCAREMONGERS. The Advocacy of War and Rearmament 1896–1914. By A.J.A. Morris.THE DECISION TO DISARM GERMANY: BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS POSTWAR GERMAN DISARMAMENT, 1914–1919. By Lorna S. Jaffe.HISTORY AND HERITAGE: The Social Origins of the British Industrial Relations System. By Alan Fox.FACTION AND PARLIAMENT. Essays on Early Stuart History. Edited by Kevin Sharpe.POLITICS AND IDEOLOGY IN ENGLAND 1603–1640. By J.P. Sommerville.THE ECONOMY AND THE 1984 BUDGET. Edited by Michael Keen.FROM MUNICH TO THE LIBERATION, 1938–1944. By Jean‐Pierre Azema.THE NAZI DICTATORSHIP: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES OF INTERPRETATION. By Ian Kershaw.ÖSTERREICH‐LAND DER BEGRENZTEN UNMÖGLICHKEITEN. (Austria‐the Land of Limited Impossibilities). By Karl Pisa.ZION BEFORE ZIONISM, 1838–1880. By Arnold Blumberg.COUNTER—INSURGENCY IN RHODESIA. By J.K. Cilliers.DARWINISM AND DIVINITY: Essays on Evolution and Religious Belief. Edited by John Durant.SEX, IDEOLOGY AND RELIGION: THE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN THE BIBLE. By Kevin Harris.THE POLITICS OF ECONOMIC POLICYMAKING. By Wyn Grant and Shiv Nath.THE ECONOMICS OF THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. Edited by Joel Mokyr.THE PHOSPHATEERS: A History of the British Phosphate Commissioners and the Christmas Island Phosphate Commission. By Maslyn Williams and Barrie Macdonald.THE FOODMAKERS. By Sarah Sargent.BEYOND DEPENDENCE. By Kosmas Tsokhas.PAYING AND CHOOSING: The Intelligent Person's Guide to the Mixed Economy. By Leo Pliatzky.MARX'S LOST AESTHETIC. Karl Marx and the visual arts. By Margaret A. Rose.THE RISE AND DECLINE OF WESTERN LIBERALISM. By Anthony Arblaster.LIBERALISM AND ITS CRITICS. Edited by Michael J. Sandel.BURKE'S REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE. By F.P. Lock.THE DIVIDING DISCIPLINE: HEGEMONY AND DIVERSITY IN INTERNATIONAL THEORY. By K.J. Holsti.THE STATE. By Anthony de Jasay.A COMMON SENSE GUIDE TO WORLD PEACE. By Benjamin B. Ferencz.

Books Reviewed in this Article: THE ADMINISTRATION OF HEALTH AND WELFARE SERVICES by B. Scammels, Manchester University Press, 1971, 124 pp., £1.80. VARIATIONS IN SERVICES FOR THE AGED by Bleddyn P. Davies, Andrew J. Barton, Ian S. McMillan and Valerie Williamson. Occasional Papers in Social Administration, Bell, 1971, 164 pp. (including diagrams), £1.70. HELPING THE AGED by E. Matilda Goldberg, Allen & Unwin, 1971, 216 pp. £3.25 cloth, £1.50 paper. SURVIVAL OF THE UN FITTEST by Bernard Isaacs, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972, 170 pp., £2.50. THE PROCESS OF BECOMING ILL by David Robinson, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, 131 pp., £2.10 THE BRITISH OMBUDSMAN by Frank Stacey, Oxford University Press, 1971, viii + 349 pp., £4.00. STYLE IN ADMINISTRATION: READINGS IN BRITISH PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION edited by R. A. Chapman and A. Dunsire, Allen & Unwin for Royal Institute of Public Administration, 1971, 496 pp., £4.95 hardback, £2.95 paper. LOCAL GOVERNMENT by R. J. Buxton, Penguin, Law and Society Series, 1970, 287 pp., 18s. NEW REVENUES FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT by A. H. Marshall, Fabian Research Series, No. 295, 1971, 27 pp., 25p. ITALY CHOOSES EUROPE by F. Roy Willis, Oxford University Press, New York, £3.90 hardback, £1.40 paper. NTRODUCING SOCIOLOGY by Peter Worsley and others, Penguin Education, 970, 416 pp., 75p. MODERN SOCIOLOGY: INTRODUCTOR Y READINGS edited by Peter Worsley and others, Penguin Education, 1970, 511 pp., 75p. SOCIOLOGY: SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CHANGE by Bernard S. Phillips, Collier‐Macmillan Ltd., 1969, xvi + 432 pp., £2.25. THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY edited by Michael Anderson, Penguin Education, 1971, 352 pp., 50p. PEASANTS AND PEASANT SOCIETIES edited by Teodor Shainin, Penguin Education, 1971, 448 pp., 50p. FUNCTIONALISM, EXCHANGE AND THEORETICAL STRATEGY by M. J. Mulkay, Routledge and Kegan Paul, International Library of Sociology and Social Reconstruction, 1971, ix + 260 pp., £2.70. SOCIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF CRIME AND DELINQUENCY by Michael Phillipson, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, 184 pp., £1.60. THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF MODERN BIOLOGY edited by Watson Fuller, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, £1.00. TECHNOLOGY TODA Y edited by Edward de Bono, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, 144 pp., £1.75. THE EVANGELISTIC BUREAUCRAT by John Gower Davies, Tavistock Publications, 1972, 239 pp., £3.00. DICTIONAR Y OF SOCIAL SERVICES: POLICY AND PRACTICE by Joan Clegg, Bedford Square Press, 1972, 126 pp., 90p. EXPLORATION INTO CHILD CARE by Peter Boss, Routledge and Kegan Paul, Library of Social Policy and Administration, 1971, viii + 116 pp., $1.50. A PLACE LIKE HOME: A PIONEER HOSTEL FOR BOYS by W. David Wills, Allen & Unwin, 1970, 136 pp., £1.75. YOUNG PEOPLE AND LEISURE by John Leigh, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, £2.50. HOUSING: THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ELEMENTS by Wallace F. Smith, University of California Press, Berkeley & Los Angeles, 1970, xiv + 511 pp. AN EQUAL CHANCE by D. Birley and A. Dufton, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971. 211 pp., £2.50 THE WORKER AND THE LAW 2nd ed., by K. W. Wedderburn, Penguin, 1971, 587 pp., paper, 75p. FAMILY LAW by Margaret Puxton, Penguin, 1971, 60p. CRIMES, COURTS AND FIGURES—AN INTRODUCTION TO CRIMINAL STATISTICS by Nigel Walker, Penguin Education (Law and Society), 1971, 160 pp., 60p. MANAGEMENT AND UNIONS—THE THEORY AND REFORM OF INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS by Allan Flanders, Faber and Faber, 1970, 317 pp., £3.50. MEASURE FOR MEASURE—REFORMING THE TRADE UNIONS by Stephen Fay, Chatto & Windus, Charles Knight, 1970, vii + 131 pp., £1.25 hardback, 50p paper. WORKERS' PARTICIPATION IN MANAGEMENT—EXPECTATIONS AND EXPERIENCE by J. Y. Tabb & A. Goldfarb, Pergamon, 1970, xv + 302 pp. THE EMPLOYMENT OF YOUNG WORKERS by Nancy B. Keene, Batsford, Modern Management Series, 1969. COMMUNICATION IN AN EXPANDING ORGANISATION by Eric Moonman, Tavistock Publications, 1970, vii + 182 pp., £1.80.

SummarySeen as a whole, the failure to solve the world's food problem has also to be considered as a realtive failure of rural sociology. The inherited emphasis on micro‐sociological analysis within an accepted social order has led to research mainly concerned with adjustment problems and petty change. But a successful contribution by rural sociology to solve development problems has been hampered by other factors also.To attack real‐life problems, all relevant factors related to the problem at hand and their inter‐relatedness have to be considered. This is not possible within the borderlines of one of the existing disciplines (be it economics, sociology, anthropology, natural sciences, etc.).It seems, that the behavioural sciences can serve the function of really integrating the relevant disciplines (instead of only adding them).To bring about and direct change one needs to know the practical problems arising in practical development efforts. Research then has to be close enough to these development activities to ask the really relevant questions. The concepts, therefore, have to be action‐oriented and the research activities should be directed ‐ more than it is the case so far ‐ to provide for problem‐solving proposals.Only relatively few sociologists and rural sociologists are working in planning and action agencies. It seems that sociologists most often feel at home at the universities, not trying to bring scientific knowledge into use in development activities. On the other hand, it is obvious that the conditions for work in the existing institutions are often not favourable for sociologists (political pressure to show quick results, etc.). The present state of knowledge in relation to development is still inadequate; what is known is poorly disseminated to practitioners of development; administrators and development agents are often unwilling or unable to change their own established attitudes and the existing working procedures.If the points stated are really crucial, and rural sociologists become aware of them, it can be hoped and expected that the discipline has the capacity to bring important contributions to intentional efforts at development to solve the main pressing problems.ZusammenfassungAufgrund der Entwicklung dieser noch jungen Disziplin hat sie sich vorwiegend mit mikro‐soziologischen Studien innerhalb von Gesellschaftssystemen befaßt, die als solche unbefragt akzeptiert wurden. Die Forschung konzentrierte sich infolgedessen fast aus‐schließlich auf Anpassungsprobleme und peripheren Wandel. Da‐neben haben aber andere Faktoren einen fruchtbaren Beitrag der Ländiichen Soziologie zur Lösung von Entwicklungsproblemen verhindert:Zur Lösung realer Problemsituationen müssen alle für das jeweilige Problem relevanten Faktoren und die Beziehungen dieser Faktoren untereinander berücksichtigt werden. Das ist nicht möglich innerhalb der historisch bedingten Grenzen einer Disziplin (sei es Volkswirt‐schaftswissenschaft, Betriebswirtschaft, Soziologie, Anthropologic oder eine der naturwissenschaftlichen Disziplinen). Einen fruchtbaren Ansatz zu der notwendigen Integration (nicht einfacher Addition) der relevanten Disziplinen scheinen die Verhaltenswissenschaften zu bieten.Um Wandel hervorzubringen und ihm Richtung zu geben muß man die Probleme kennen, die sich bei praktischen Entwicklungs‐bemühungen stellen. Forschung muß daher diesen Entwicklungs‐bemühungen nahe genug sein, um die tatsächlich relevanten Fragen stellen zu können. Entsprechend müssen auch die Forschungskonzepte aktions‐orientiert sein, und die Forschungsbemühungen müssen ‐ mehr als das bisher der Fall ist ‐ darauf gerichtet sein, Problem‐losungsvorschläge zu entwickeln.In den zahlreichen nationalen und internationalen Planungs‐ und Entwicklungsinstitutionen sind unverhältnismäßig wenig Soziologen und Ländliche Soziologen tätig. Augenscheinlich fühlen sich Soziologen eher an den Universitäten zu Hause und versuchen kaum, wissenschaftliche Kenntnisse in Entwicklungsbemuhüngen zur An‐wendung zu bringen. Andererseits ist es unverkennbar, daß die Arbeitsbedingungen in den existenten Institutionen für verantwort‐liche Soziologen oft recht ungünstig sind (politischer Druck, rasch sichtbare Ergebnisse vorzuweisen etc.).Gegenwärtig ist unser Wissen hinsichtlich gezielter Entwicklung noch recht unvollkommen. Der begrenzte Bestand relativ gesicherter Einsichten wird den Praktikern in Entwicklungsaufgaben nur sehr ungenügend verfügbar gemacht. Die Zuständigen in den Planungs‐, Verwaltungs‐ und Entwicklungsinstitutionen sind häufig unfähig oder unwillig ihre eigenen etablierten Haltungen und die bestehenden Verfahrensweisen zu ändern.Wenn die vorgenannten Faktoren wirklich die wesentlichen sind hinsichtlich eines positiven Beitrages der Ländiichen Soziologie, und die Angehörigen dieser Disziplin die Bedeutung dieser Faktoren wahrnehmen, dann steht zu hofTen, daß die Ländliche Soziologie in der Lage sein wird, relevante Beiträge für gezielte Entwicklungs‐bemühungen zu liefern und die drängendsten Probleme zu bewältigen.

The problem of Church-State relations—if under Church is understood the Church universal in its Catholic form—may be answered without too much difficulty on a high abstract level. But on the contingent level of concrete historical development the problem becomes not only highly involved, but almost inexhaustible. For every growth in the Church's doctrine, (for example, the decrees of the Vatican Council and every deeper-going change in the other partner's constitutional forms or in its philosophical and ethical justification or a change in its aims to greater comprehensive competencies) poses a new problem. No wonder, therefore, that in our era of restlessness, of dynamic social changes, of conflicting ideologies fighting for the baffled minds of the masses, of wavering traditions decomposed by the acid of nihilist skepticism, the Church-State problem arises in a new intensity and urgency. The external signs are there for everyone to see: the fury of a Hitler against the "Black International," the violent persecution of the Church in die satellite countries of the Russian orbit, and the complete subjugation of the Orthodox Church not to a "Christian" Czar but to die confessedly adieistic Politburo. In minor degree the problem is also bothering the people of the United States. A secularist outlook, indeed, may slur over the reality and intensity of the true problem. For the secularized outlook die Church in her essence—and even more so the churches and the sects—is not different in genere from odier numerous private organizations for die furtherance of more or less rational aims and longings in a constitutionally pluralist society. The secularist will, therefore, recognize only one pragmatic rule: tolerance unless the public order and the competency of the police power is directly concerned. Public order includes all too often for the secularist his reform ideas and his social ideals based on a relativist pragmatism in ethics and thus makes him highly sensitive to die criticism by a Church which bases ethics on revelation and on competencies which die secularist can only consider as unfounded and arrogant. Only if the Church remains in the private sphere of private individuals and stays in this "free" sphere where the secularist will tolerate any mass-idiosyncracies, only dius will he condescendingly tolerate the Church. His attitude may be explained to a degree by the fact of an exceedingly strong religious individualism and a subjective and emotional spiritualism, inimical to form and tradition (indigenous to this country and resulting in the easy dissolution of doctrinal unity into a multiplicity of sects). This spiritualist "formlessness" of religion, here, makes the emphasis on organically grown and established forms and on the objective institutions of religious life, so characteristic of the Catholic Church, a somewhat strange and suspicious thing. Yet there is no avoiding the nature and self-understanding of the Church, if the problem of Church and State should be approached. Otherwise the term "Church" would stand only for utterly private opinions by very private individuals in that sphere of irrational feeling and unscientific imagination which for the secularist agnostic is religion. And it is clear that upon such suppositions it would follow that the political authority has exclusive and plenary competency to judge about the compatibility of such a religion with the policy and the public order of the state. The consequence of such thinking is the abolition of the Church-State problem by the complete elimination of the Church.