Suchergebnisse

Czech Republic started deploying its soldiers abroad shortly after the fall of communism. However, there are still questions which need to be answered: What were the main motives for sending out these operations? Did they change in time? How strong is the political consensus in this matter? These questions are answered by conducting a content analysis of political debates in the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament from 1999 to 2009. Based on theoretically founded analytical categories, the article conducts a quantitative survey of the discourse, which is then interpreted in relation to key variables (eg., the positions of supporters & opponents of the missions, types of operations). The resulting findings reveal the motives which helped legitimize the decisions on deployments during the period under review & demonstrate the tensions which threaten to undermine the existing political consensus. Adapted from the source document.

This paper has two objectives. Firstly, I would like to introduce the conceptual framework for foreign policy analysis: the so-called role theory. In order for us to explain & understand the foreign policies of nation-states, the role theory focuses on the reasoning of national political elites, their understanding of the international system & the perceived role of their own states within this larger system. I will introduce the concepts of the role theory, its epistemological underpinning & the most important analytical applications of it. Secondly, I intend to make a contribution to the discussions about the application of social constructivism (as an IR theory) to foreign policy analysis. Thanks to its metatheoretical assumptions & conceptual outfit, the role theory is an appropriate candidate for bridging the gap between constructivist IR theory & FPA. Adapted from the source document.

The article is an analysis of the metaphor of Munich Agreement in the Czech political & media discourses concerning three foreign policy issues from the last three years: the discord about the diplomatic recognition of Kosovo by the Czech Republic, the discussion of the conflict between Russia & Georgia & the issue of the US radar base in the Czech Republic. The text does not aspire to judge which usage of the analogy with Munich is correct. Instead, it works with it as a specific frame which is intended to mobilize a presupposed national "us" for a specific political agenda. The goal is to depoliticize the political discord -- to solve it by referring to a morally strong precedent & subordinate it to this precedent. Munich is used in this way by the followers of very different political camps. Using the analogy of Munich has two main modalities -- the interventionist modality (it is necessary to intervene against a dictator, not to appease him) & the sovereignist modality (it is necessary to defend the sovereignty of the state against an intervention or against aggressive demands of minorities). The former is more in accord with the use of the Munich analogy by Western politicians, while the latter corresponds more with the Czech context center. Adapted from the source document.

What shapes a European Union member state's preferences & why do some states seem much more enthusiastic about further integration in some policy areas than others? This paper examines the factors which shape the preferences of three of the 2004 entrants: Slovakia, Slovenia & the Czech Republic. Based on a detailed study of government & party documents complemented by a series of 40 semi-structured interviews, I argue that whilst there is merit in many of the explanations used to explain national preference formation in the longer-established member states, the key to preference formation lies in vulnerabilities & perceived weakness. Adapted from the source document.

The beginnings of the scientific study of international relations in Croatia precede its inauguration & international recognition as an independent state in the early 1990s. Already in the former state of Yugoslavia, there were pioneer attempts in Zagreb at serious research into the complex science of international relations. In 1962, the Faculty of Political Science was founded; one of the subjects was international relations. At the end of the 1970s, & at the same faculty, a postgraduate study program of international relations was launched. Zagreb, due to the quality & quantity of its experts & their dedicated pedagogical work, the publication of their works, & their contacts with their colleagues abroad, had the central role in the development of a modern science of international relations, not only in the former state but in the wider region of Southeastern Europe. The declaration of the independent Republic of Croatia, & geopolitical & geo-economic changes in the international environment, pose new challenges, obstacles, opportunities as well as objective needs for a new approach & the development of the study of international relations, the accompanying institutions & the publication of relevant literature. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.